NEWS OF THE WEEK.

' THE Reform Bill has passed the Committee ! This great event took place formally on Wednesday, when the last clause—a money one—for the payment of the barristers who are to decide in case of disputes in the registry, was reported ; but really on Tuesday, when the last clause of the Bill proper was agreed to, amidst shootings such as had not been heard in the House since the 1st of March. On the same evening, Mr. SIBTHORP, in a parody on the words attributed to Mr. PITT, uttered a lamentation which would have melted the heart of stone. But Reformers have no hearts at all, and Mr. SIBTHORP'S jeremiad was received not with tears of sympathy, but with roars of laughter. Oh the wickedness of these latter times, whp even the piety of the mem- ber for sober Lincoln is treated with such profane ridicule! A bold attempt was made on Monday to procure the issuing of a writ for Liverpool. It was defeated by 76 to 35. Mr. BENETT afterwards obtained leave to introduce a bill to prevent bribery and corruption in that borough, on the understanding that it should not be proceeded in until all the Reform Bills were out of the Lower House.

It has been announced by Lord ALTHORP, that in case the Eng- lish Bill should be finally disposed of in the Commons next week (of which there are hopes), the second reading of the Scotch Bill will take place on Monday sennight. On Monday, a long and dreary debate, not enlivened with even a glimmering of amusement or instruction, took place in the House of Lords, on the sorrows of that much-abused yonng gen- tleman the King of Portugal. Lord ABERDEEN was almost as pathetic on the capture of MIGUEL'S rotten ships by the French, as Mr. SIBTHORP on the destruction of the rotten boroughs by the .Ministry. The only novelty elicited in the course of the dis- .cussion, was a judgment of the Duke of WELLINGTON touching the morality of the French demand. The Duke stated, that if it had followed the English application in the same quarter, it might have been defended; but having preceded the English demand, it was wholly indefensible. The old proverb says, two blacks will not make a white; but, according to his Grace's maxim, it would appear that what two cannot do, one can. On Tuesday, the Quarantine-fees were discussed in the Com- mons. There seemed to be but one opinion of their impropriety: the only question was, should they be abolished now, or on the 1st january next. The latter was carried, by 64 to 20. Mr. Hum, on the same evening, brought forward his motion for an address to the Throne to release the Crown debtors on the _occasion of the Coronation ; and another motion for a grant of 24,000f. to release small debtors. Both of these were negatived. Mr. HUNT made a heavy complaint, on the authority of a person named JEFFREY, who has been talking almost Without interrup- tion on the subject for the last half-a-dozen years, against the ma- terials used in constructing London Bridge, and of the subsidence of the piers on the Surrey side. The allegations have been de- nied, and Mr. HUNT has repeated them ; those who are willing to accept iteration of assertion for proof, will, of course, believe the honourable member for Preston. It is his favourite figure. , Lord SUFFIELD repelled, on Tuesday, the charge that, in op- posing skittles, the aristocracy are influenced by any improper feeling towards the poor. They cannot, he says, put down the gambling of the rich, but that is no reason why they should not put down the gambling of the poor. The House of,Lords, in a WR word, are not omnipotent—they cannot root out t - IM lees; but they are willing to do .the next best thing-4 .. 'cheer- fully assist in rooting out the vices of their neighbours. Lord TENTERDEN has an excellent reason against the new beer-houses, .---the licensed victuallers have all written characters, the beer sellers have none. The inference in regard to gin-shops and beer- shops is irresistible..'

The case of the -Poles was again introduced to Parliament os Wednesday, by Colonel EVANS, on the presenting of a petition in behalf of the gallant sufferers. Sir FRANCIS BURDETT made a powerful appeal in their favour. Mr. HUME, on the same evening, made a strenuous stand in behalf of Cape wine ; the duties ^t which, greatly to his discomfort, are about to be raised from 26.. 5d. to 28. 9d., with a prospect of another rise of 3d. more in January 1833. Last night, the Bankrupts Court Bill was postponed, to allow time for the more ample discussion of the Game Laws Amend- ment Bill, in which the Peers take rather more interest.

The merits of the Kildare Street School Society were discussed in the Commons. Mr. SIBTHORP made a heavy complaint against the Times, whose editor he threatens to have at the bar of the House next week. Mr. BARING WALL complained of the fewness of the Coronation-medals distributed ; and Mr. HUME of the con- finement to which the ladies and himself had been subjected in the Abbey after the ceremony was over. Mr. HUME spoke with much good-humour of his confinement: we suppose the character of his fellow prisoners must have rendered it not unendurable—it was, at any rate, better than a Committee on "the Bill." Mr. SIBTHORP continues as indefatigable as ever ; having got rid of the Bill, he has obtained a Committee to inquire into the dangers of Steam-boats. Rotten boroughs and rotten ships —reckless Ministers and drunken pilots —Old Sarum and the Rothsay Castle—stewing down stairs, and steaming up stairs- " Blest Member, who can every hour employ

In something new to plan or to enjoy 1"

1. THE REFORM BILL. Previous to the Committee on Mon; day, Lord ALTHORP adverted to the necessity of the House going into Committee for the purpose of considering the resolution for paying the barristers, as it was a money clause. On the question being put for the Speaker to leave the chair, Mr. BARING WALL rose to ask Ministers respecting a circular signed by Mr. Under-Secretary Phillips, which he read. It was dated 24th August, and addressed to the Churchwardens and Overseers of Guildford, requesting them to give Messrs. Dawson, Drinkwater, and Sandars, information respecting the boundaries of the borough. Mr. Wall read another circular from Messrs. Dawson, Drinkwater, and Sandars, issued at Guildford, and dated August 26th, calling for the production of the parish rate-books. Mr. Wall commented on the dates of these documents, and the date of the debate appointing the Commissioners: he thought that it was treating the House very cavalierly, to set Commissioners to work before it was ascertained whether their appointment would be sanctioned. It was an act of assumption on the part of Ministers, to anticipate the judgment of the House on an appoint- ment of so much importance. Lord ALTHORP said, the circular of Mr. Phillips contained no orders which the Secretary of State had not a right to issue at any time. He had stated, when the clause was in Committee, that the in- quiries had already commenced. He thought the more informa- tion the Commissioners collected before commencing their formal labours, the more likely were they to come to a speedy conclusion. Sir CHARLES WETHERELL considered the act of Ministers so enormous, that he would make it the subject of a special motion, of which he then gave notice for Wednesday.

Mr. HUME observed— That such a question as that which the honourable and gallant member - for Weymouth had submitted to his noble friend, should have been gravely submitted to him, did not at all strike him with wonder; it was only part of the game which honourable gentlemen had been long p ay- ing, with a view of stopping the progress of the Reform Bill. He was surprised—no, he was not surprised—when he heard gentlemen, who had long taunted Ministers with not making sufficient inquiries, now taunt- ing them with having made too many inquiries. To blow hot and cold in this manner, was so common a practice with the Anti-Reformers, that no Reformer could be surprised at it. He urged Government to proceed in collecting-, without delay, all the information which they could for the Commissioners. Mr. WALL hoped the country would be aware that these Com- missioners had no authority to demand information. Sir E. SIMDEN said, the only question was, did the Commis- sioners travel in a public capacity? Mr. WARBURTON observed, that they had the authority of the Home Department ; they did not require any other. Mr. H. HUGHES thought Mr. Wall had merely found what the House of Lords called "a mare's nest." Mr. CROKER said he was not conversant in slang, and therefore did not know what "a mare's nest" meant. He asked why Guild- ford was placed in Schedule B, on information which Ministers now acknowledged to be defective ? Mr. Hum, asked if the person named Tallents, in the liitof Commissioners, was the agent of the Duke of Newcastle of that name ? Lord ALTHORP said he was. His Lordship added, that the pro-

gess of the Pill in gmmittee had been so slow, that Goyent-

ment thought it most expedient to collect all the preliminary in- formation they could at as early a period as possible. The House then went into Committee ; and the money clause was considered in the form of a resolution. After some conversa- tion on the mode of raising the sum necessary,—which Mr. HUMS thought might very properly be in the shape of a voter's-tax of a shilling or half-a-crown,—the House resumed, and the resolution was ordered to be reported on. Wednesday. The House then went into Committee on the Bill ; and clauses 33d, 34th, and 35th, were agreed to. To clause 36th, on the suggestion of Mr. WILKES, was added a proviso by which lists of notices can be claimed by any voter on payment of a fee of one shilling. Clauses 37th, 38th, and 39th, were agreed to without remark.

On clause 40th, Colonel Woon alluded to the act 25 George III., which had been so inconvenient as to be repealed the follow- ing year. Lord ALTHORP observed, that by that act, voters were to re- gister their own names ; the act was repealed, not because it was inconvenient, but because it was found to be useless.

Clauses 40th, 41st, and 42nd, were then agreed to, after a con- versation in which Mr. Sergeant WILDE, the ATTORNEY-GENERAL, 'Sir E. SUGDEN, Sir C. WETHERELL, Mr. C. FERGUSSON, and Mr. 11iexes took part.

On clause 44th, a conversation took place. Mr. Hoirenswoarn thoueht two days too little for the period of polling. After a few words on the same side from Sir CHARLES 'WETHERELL and Mr. STRICKLAND, who particularly instanced -the case of the West Riding of Yorkshire, Lord ALTHORP said, in the West Riding there would be fifteen polling-places, and at each as many booths as the number of voters could possibly require. The polling would go On fifteen times quicker than at present ; and with the facilities afforded by the registry, there would be ample time to poll all the voters.

Mr. ROBINSON thought more time should be allowed for notice of the intention to poll, Mr. S1BTHORP, Mr. WILKES, Mr. HUNT, Mr. WRANGHAM, and Mr. K. DOUGLAS also thought the time too short. The clause was, however, agreed to without a division.

On the House going into Committee on Tuesday, Mr. WILKES withdrew his notice of motion for a clause to limit the duration of Parliaments to three years, as inappropriate in a bill for local re- form: he said he would, however, bring it forward next session. The 45th, 46th, 47th, and 48th clauses were agreed to, with some insignificant verbal amendments.

On clause 49th, Sir CHARLES WETHERELL objected, that it would be impossible to have polling-places for every six hundred voters, where the number of voters was very large. Mr. STANLEY instanced Worcester, where the plan had been already tried and had succeeded. Mr. R. GORDON proposed an amendment for declaring the no- mination of a member of Parliament in a church or chapel, or other place of public worship, illegal. It was added ; and with this, and a verbal amendment proposed by Lord ALTHORP, the 49th clause was passed.

Mr. HUGHES HUGHES proposed his amendment on clause 50th, for the erection of permanent polling-places. Lord ALTHORP thought it not unreasonable to impose the expense on candidates. The amendment was withdrawn, and the clause passed. Clauses 51st, 52nd, and 53rd, were then carried ; Lord JOHN RUSSELL having suggested to Lord G. SOMERSET, that his propo- sition for a new district of boroughs in Wales would be more pro- perly made at another stage. Clause 54th passed without remark. On the 55th, the ATTOR- NEY-GENERAL objected to the barrister being liable in a penalty, as he sat merely as judge, and might, if he gave corrupt judgment, be prosecuted under other statutes. Lord J. RUSSELL concurred with the Attorney-General. Lord ALTHORP suggested taking the clause as it stood, and if necessary amending it on bringing up the report.

Clauses 55th and 56th were then carried. Lord ALTHORP pro- posed to fill the blank in the 56th with 10/. Mr. HUNT said he would go the length of 251.; Mr. WILKES moved the insertion of 501.; which was finally agreed to. Clauses 58th and 59th werecarried in silence.

On the last clause, the 60th, being proposed, there was a loud and long cheer from the Ministerial side ; which was responded to from the Opposition side. To the latter demonstration, Lord ALTHORP rose and bowed, on which the cheering from the Ministerial side was renewed. On these last cheers, Mr. SIBTHORP rose, with violent agitation the Times reporter says— He could tell the Ministerial members that their labours were only commenced. (44 laugh.) He did not understand being treated with con- tempt. (Continued laughter.) He would tell those who laughed at him, either in the House or MIL of the House, that he wring support his opi- nions, and vindicate himself to the last hour he had to breathe. He re- gretted that,the Bill had passed so soon. (Bursts of laughter.) The Bill had passed too speedily. (Laughter.) if his opponents were tired, he ,:ive up. (Laughter.) He would never giVehi. (Latithrer.) yet ptit down in the HotiSe, and never Would be. (Twaup,h- 44': rieVer ont Of the House ; and he defied the he,- her opposite, who was laughing at him, to put him down. He defied the honourable member to do it. The honoini- id supported the Bill ConMentiouSlt, and 'why. did he not e (Colonel Sibtfioree- had opeosied the Bill tritie esinal ebbe e member thus invoked is not mentioned In the reports.] (Cries of " Question ! question !" from all tarts of the House.) He prayed to God that the Bill might not pass. (Cries of " Oh, oh 1" and" Question, question! ") If the Bill did pass, which he prayed to God might never be the case, all he had to say was, in the words of that great, that sublime statesman, now admired, and who, he fervently trusted, would have his memory for ever preserved in that House—" Oh, save my country, may God have mercy on it I May God protect it from revolutions; and may he r preserve in it all proper respect for the aristocracy—all proper respect fothe "— The bursts of laughter drowned the termination of this pious aspiration in bekalf of the rotten boroughs. When they subsided, Mr. Beaehse said he must take the liberty of reminding Mr. Sibthorp, that the question before the Committee was, that after the words " And be it enacted," there should be inserted, " that throughout this act," &c. The 60th clause was then carried. Two additional clauses were carried, providing for the printing of lists of voters, and for the appointing of polling-places for Basset- law, Shoreham, and Cricklade. • Lord ALTHORP said, there still remained one clause, that for paying the barrister, which could not be repotted until the next day.

He should therefore move that the Chairman do report progress, and ask leave to sit again to-morrow ; and he very sincerely trusted that it would be thelast time when he should be called upon to make any similar motion. (Much cheering.) The House went into Committee on Wednesday for the last 'times- for the purpose of considering the clause for remunerating barristers. Mr. CAMPBELL proposed, as an amendment, the substitution of five guineas for five pounds : pounds had been long unknown to Westminster Hall. (A laugh.) The amendment was :greed to, and the clause so amended passed. Lord G. SOMERSET offered his clause for constituting a new district of boroughs in Monmouth, consisting of Monmouth, Chepstow and Use. Lord JOHN Russeee;opposed the clause ; which Lord G. SOMERSET, in consequence, would not press. Mr. HUNT then offered his clause respecting the interference of Peers.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL opposed it, because of its monstrous in- justice. Mr. C. PELHAM said, if interference was clearly proved, the standing resolution of the House would sufficiently meet it. Sir EDWARD SUGDEN thought there was a general feeling of enmity against the House of Lords, which, though it sometimes. appeared as a resolution, sometimes as "Friendly Advice," was the same in all its phases.

The clause was not pressed. After a verbal amendment in the preamble, Lord JOHN RUSSELL moved that the report of the Bill, with amendments, be now brought up ; which was carried with very loud and nearly unani- mous cheering, there being few Opposition members present: The report was brought up accordingly, and ordered to be taken into consideration on Tuesday next.

In Committee, Mr. Summar. complained bitterly of the report of his speech of the previous night in the Times [that which we have given] : it was not true that his speech had been received with such indications of contempt as the report indicated. Mr. H. GURNEY complained of the domineering spirit of the press in modern times : the newspapers not only published the names of members that voted for or against any question, but also of those that were absent.

Mr. HUMS thought the proceedings of the House, bad as they were, would have been much worse had it not been for the press.

2. PORTUGAL. A very long conversation took place in the House of Lords on Monday, on the subject of our present rela- tions with Portugal. The occasion was the presentation by the Earl of ABERDEEN of a petition from certain merchants of Lon- don, complaining that a trade which had been so long maintained on terms beneficial to this country, should, in consequence of the continued suspension of diplomatic intercourse, be subjected to so many interruptions and to such a variety of embarrassments. Having entered into the question of our connexion with Portugal and its suspension, and having observed that the character of its government, provided it were acknowledged, as he contended it was by the people of Portugal, afforded no argument for the con- tinuance of that suspension ; Lord Aberdeen came to that which formed the principal topic of his speech,—namely, the conduct of the French Admiral in the late expedition to the Tagus.

Whether the French claims were just or unjust, we were bound by trca- ties to mediate between her and Portugal ; and if we found her claims unjust, we were bound to support the cause of Portugal. At all events, we were certainly bound to use our kind offices in the way of mediation. Without, however, inquiring into the nature or justice of those -claims, it was desirable to look at the mode in which they were prosecuted. On ithe 8th of July, the French ultimatum was delivered to Portugal. The Portuguese Government, having then been advised by our Government, stated that they were determined to follow the advice which had been given by the Government of his Britannic Majesty, and to release the two- French subjects who were imprisoned. The French Admiral was not con- tent with this answer, but forced the passage of the Tagus and entered the port of Lisbon. On the 11th of July, the French Admiral stated that the French, with their usual generosity, would not take advantage of their victory, but reserved to themselves the right of claiming indem- nity for the victims of the war. On the 12th of July, the French Admiral put forth another proelamation, in which, after passing a second eulo- glum; on French generosity, he informs the Portuguese Government that the Portuguese fleet Must in future be considered as Vrench property. How was that to be.reconciled with his declaration of the 11th, that he Ittbuid treitt 'with Portugal oft the same conditions as before the-victory ?' tiord takhetfcleen could only Recount for the inconsistency by supposing, that between the declarations of the llth and 12th, the French Admiral

-Cate, that the captured vessels were lawful prizes, and then went

• OR— It was undoubtedly true, that if the war were legitimate, there could not be amore legitimate prize than ships of war ; but his doubt, nay, his assertion was, that no legitimate war existed between France-and For-

• tugal. There was no declaration, no blockade, no notice to Foreign Powers ; the Portuguese Government clearly never performed any hostile

act ; they never issued letters of marque, or confis sated the property of Frenchmen by way of retaliation. In short, no sign of war existed be- tween the two countries. But it was said that there was a de claration of war de facto. Then where was the treaty of peace ? A war f h, facto could be understood, but who ever heard of a treaty of peace de pelt)? If war ever existed between France and Portugal, it existed at the present •mo- , runt, for there had been no treaty of peace. It was clear that the French Government never considered that a state of war existed. They made certain demands which they enforced ; but if war had existed, it could only be terminated by a treaty of peace. Either war existed at present, or it had never existed at all. He had nordone with the French Admiral 'yet. On the 22nd of July the French Admiral, in consequence of some accounts which had appeared, not in the Lisbon Gazette, but in some pro- vincial Portuguese newspapers, of the events which. had occurred at Lisbon, refused to fulfil the conditions to which he had assented on the 10th, endproposed a convention, to the terms of which he requested the attention of their Lordships.

He expressed his surprise that the attempt at a commercial treaty had been denied, and proceeded to eulogize the good faith with which the Portuguese Government had evaded compliance with a demand which was hostile to the treaties existing with this country. The history of this convention, which consisted of eight articles, passed his comprehension. What was the state of Portugal and France at the time it was signed ? Was it a state of war or of peace ? He should like to know what the King's Advocate would say about that? The Portu- guese Government evaded compliance with the article in the convention which he had described relative to French commerce, and succeeded in substituting another for it, in which the Portuguese Government pledged itself 'to treat with France in future in a manner reciprocally advantage- ous to France and Portugal. This article was not so binding -as•the one originally proposed, but we were not indebted to French generosity for that circumstance. Another article of the convention provides, that all French subjects in Portugal shall, in future, be placed under the jurisdic- tion of a judge conservator. It was hardly possible to conceive how such a privilege as this could be conceded by one independent nation to ano- ther. Another article of the convention prohibited the Portuguese Go- vernment from snaking any reparation of the •fortresses of the Tagus during the stay- of the French fleet. If. peace followed the signature of the convention, what right had the French Admiral to prohibit the repa- ration of the fortresses ? Some French ships were still in the Tagus. Was this condition to apply to their presence as well as to that of the French Admiral?

Lord Aberdeen said he felt it difficult to repress the feelings of shame and indignation that filled his bosom when he reflected on the treatment that the Portuguese Government had receivedfrom this country. He spoke of the hostile attempts of Don Pedro in Portugal, for the furthering of which he was, it was asserted, to be assisted by France.

-Could Earl Grey be so infatuated as not to perceive that any change produced in Portugal, by French means, must operate to the injury of this country ? Did he suppose that the French cared a single straw or Don Pedro and his daughter ? No : their object was to annihilate the predo- minant influence which we had so long possessed in Portugal. This had always been the aim of France under the Bourbons, under .Bonaparte, under. Orleans. Without wishing • to excite the jealousy of France, he most declare that it had ever been the established policy of England to look with a degree of vigilance and watchfulness at all the external- pro- ceedings of France, with the "View of preventing the extension of her do- minions, or of her influence over other states. If Earl Grey professed to act on any other principle, he would betray the interestsof his country.

The question of Portugal was one which affected 'the whole Peninsula; and, serious as it was in relation to Portugal, it was doubly serious-in relation to Spain.

It ought to he our policy-to unite.the nations of the Peninsula into one friendly body. It would be the more unfortunate that the tranquillity of Spain should be interrupted at the present moment, because that country was making rapid progress in internal amelioration. The noble Earl would, he was sure, bear him out in • that assertion. By ourpermitting -plots to be formed in England -contrary to .treaties and the law of-na- tions, Don Pedro might succeed in creating a convulsion in Portugal,— he might carry the horrors of civil war,—he might deluge the Peninsula with blood; but he would not ultimately succeed in overturning the go- vernment and institutions to which "the vast majority of the people of Portugal were faithfully attached, -and which they would defend.

Earl Garzy observed on the petition out of -which Lord -Aber- deen's speech had grown, that it had- been got- up byan•individual Who had interested himself very warmly on-behalf of the occupant of the Portuguese throne ; that • it had lain at a coffeehouse-for signatures, hut it was not a very successful speculation, for it only obtained .sixteen. :Earl Grey said, • when the papers 'respecting *Portugal were laid onthe table, the question of the French attack on 'Lisbon and of our part in it-would be fully understood ; and he should defer any attempt at discussing it until then. He had. one admission with respect to it from thelDuke Of -Wellington, of no inconsiderable value,—namely, that we having ourselves interfered, could not-well -find fault with 'the 'French for interfering also. 'When Lord Aberdeen spoke of his shame -arid indignation at conduct of England-towards Portugal,' he-Would do-well to -recol- led the case of Terceira. Earl Grey went on to state the causes which -had hitherto prevented-the-recognition of Miguel as ,King— In the year 184 the GOvernment of Dom Miguel as 'recognized by Spain, with-the understanding between 'Spain ;and- the Governments of; 'France-and England; that-whew Demeittignal coddle broughtsto-adoptia lyiteuve-goverrunenteaore'fittedto.-exiatitrastateof peace ,and exalt), • with other nations, a general recognition by the Power's of Europe should- follow._The Earl of Aberdeen, since the year 1829 to the peridd'of bia leaving'

had received fresh instructions from his Government. There was no 'Office, had never been able toobtain the establishment of such a systera _Other way of accounting for the remarkable change in his tone. ' of things in Portugal as would induce him, notwithstanding all the incone His Lordship here alluded to the opinion of the'King's Advo-

vemences arising from the interruptions of our relations ,with that coun- try, to recognize the Prince whose title he now thought so well founded. On the 17th of September 1830 he found the noble Earl, alluding in a despatch to the cessation of the relations between the two countries. frankly declaring that there existed an obstacle in the-way of a change wholly insurmountable by his Majesty's Government, and which it de- pended on the Portuguese Government alone to remove. He added, that unless the Portuguese Government consented to grant a general amnesty, it would be utterly impossible to attempt to alter our present condition, and that of other Powers, with regard to Portugal. Thus, continued Earl Grey, it appeared that on the 17th of September 1830, the not granting- of an amnesty was considered by Lord Aberdeen to be an insurmountable objection to renewing the relations between the two countries. Since that period, had the situation of affairs materially altered ? Had the no- ble Earl himself been able to obtain such an amnesty ? On the first day of the session, lie declared that he had not. In the first instance, the no- ble Earl had • stated, that unless he received an authentic actof ame nesty from Dom Miguel, he would not recognize him. The noble Earl had since said, that if he received an authentic copy of a decree, engaging to grant an amnesty, that would be sufficient, but no copy of any such decree had ever been obtained. A despatch dated the 15th of 'November, and sent off on the 16th, the day on which the noble Earl left office, stated his expectation that an amnesty would be issued. But the fact was, that no anitesty could be obtained. Mr. Mackenzie, and Mr. Hoppner, who succeeded him as consul at Lisbon, received instructions to persevere ire the demand for the issuing of an act of amnesty, and the establishment of such a state of things as might afford security to foreign merchants resid- ing in Portugal. These demands had all been made in the same spirit as those of Lord Aberdeen, and to the present moment no satisfactory an- swer had been obtained. When Lord Aberdeen asked how long affairs were to continue in this Indefinite state, Earl Grey in reply would. ask the noble-Earl, what -was his conduct last year under similar circumstances? Since-that period not only had no satisfactory answer been received from the Portuguese Government, but during the interval the scenes of horror which had unhappily passed in that country, and for which it seemed the English Government were alone to blame, had been greatly multiplied. He alluded to a passing argument of Lord Aberdeen's in favour of the government of Dom Miguel, that few executions had taken place under it—

The noble Earl passed lightly over the case of 'those persons who had been crowded into unwholesome dungeons, and the -number of whom their Lordships could scarcely credit. He had passed over the exporta- tion of victims to thepestilential shores of Afiica, where, by a slow exe- cution, they were consigned to death for political offences, only suspected, and not proved. He had also omitted to notice the miserable conditioa of that country where the law afforded no erotection, and where- a wretch, at the head of a banditti whom he called a police, was guilty -of outrages against the subjectsof every government.

Lord Grey was as-ready to grant, as Lord Aberdeen to contend for, the principle that the first care of the English Government shoulcl be the interests of Eneland.

He trusted that he should be' found to look after these interests, and the means of protecting them against the encroachments of other powers, whether enemies or liberal rivals, as carefully and vigilantly as the noble Earl himself; but he could not divest his mind•of those feelings or those principles which he had imbibed from his earliest youth, and which taught him to believe that governments founded on principles of just-ice, and whose conduct was regulated by those principles, were more to be trusted than those which depended on the arbitrary will of an Still he had not hitherto, and he never should, decline to enter into rela- tions with nations in a state of peace with this country, whatever might be their form of government, whether despotic or free.

The Duke of WELLINGTON said, the petition was signed by forty-two persons, not sixteen ; and all of them concerned in • the trade to Portugal. With respect to the admission of which Earl Grey had spoken, the Duke said it was made in ignorance that the French demand had been made b,,fore the •English. The fact of the priority of the French demand wholly altered the case. The Duke went into a detailed history of the French Admiral's proceedings, in nearly the same terms as those employed- by Lord Aberdeen. The whole of these he attributed to the undefined con- dition • of Portugal, and its not belonging to the families of Eu- rope; and hence he inferred the duty of this country to relieve it from that-state. Alluding to Portugal's not proclaiming any net of amnesty,—whichlhe Duki said he had always had doubts' of our right to press upon Dorn Miguel,—he asked -whether in that respect-the-present Ministers had followed up the views of .their .predecessors ? Had they ever demanded such an act,-and Madeit condition- of their recognition of the Government of Dom Miguel ? The Duke concluded-- It was even more incumbent on the noble Lords opposite-than on the late Government to bring back Portugal. into the family of Europe, be- cause the revolution of France had latterly made greater progress. It was -the revolution which rendered it necessary for this country to prevent _Portugal • becoming what it otherwise would become—a province- of France. We now owed it to the firmness of Dom -Miguel and the-Portu- guese people, and to nothing else, that Portugal was not at this moment ire close alliance, commercial as well as political, with France. The French Admiral had done all but made a conquest of the country. He had-re- quired the surrender of the fortress of St. Julian, and the enjoyment by French subjects of commercial privileges only granted to Englishmen ; and would any man tell him that if Dom Miguel had not called upon his people to protect him against such demands, Portugal would not have been at this moment in close alliance with France ?

The Marquis of LONDONDERRY read an extract from a private letter which he-had received from Portugal.

The writer-said,

That great misrepresentation had gone abroad as to the amount of dis- affection existing in Portugal ; and he conceived that it was at the insti- gation of the French Ministers • at Lisbon that the two armarnentsehad lately been sent against that place. He stated, that out of eighty British residents, only sixty-five had -signed the memorial forwarded to this country. -He -complained of the behaviour of Mr. •Hoppner, who, -he stated,' seized -every -opportunity- to show his enmity to Dom Miguel, and :frequent/yet-old the. Portuguese that.the only -way for them to ingratiate themsetves With'England, wa.ls to get rid of their .King, The Marquis went on to censure the conduct of Mr. Hoppner. That gentleman, he said, had been appointed by another govern- ment to an office at Trieste ; but he supposed the opinions of some men altered with the government they served, and that now, since liberal opinions were the order of the clay, Mr. Hoppner thought it best to view Portuguese transactions in a Ii era! light. The Marquis of LANnowsrE put it to Lord Londonderry, if it were fair to censure a public officer on an anonymous accusation The Marquis of LONDONDERRY attempted to speak, amidst loud sries of" Order !" which called up the Lord Chancellor, who cen- sured the interruption as disorderly. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE went on to say, that he had no personal knowledge of Mr. Hoppner, but he believed him incapa- ble of conduct such as the letter described. The Marquis objected to the mode of proceeding adopted by Lord Aberdeen, in going into an important case while the real facts were not before the public, and upon information of which Ministers had no notice nor could have. He remarked on the argument of the Duke of Wel- lington, that on the order of time in which the French and Eng- lish demanded redress from Portugal depended the propriety or impropriety of our permitting the former.

According to: the argument of the noble Duke, we should have given up any claim that we might have had,—we should have said, "we do not want justice now, we shall deter it to a more convenient opportunity, and because we do not require it, you shall not have it."

The Marquis of LONDONDERRY stated, that the letter of whia he had read a part was not anonymous—it was from an officer of high rank and standing, Brigadier-General Sir John Campbell. The Duke of RICHMOND observed, that Sir John Campbell had married a Miguelite, and that sufficiently accounted for the bias of his mind on this subject. The Duke said he would like to hear the whole letter read. He would like to know what number of his subjects that excellent King, so eulogized by the Marquis and his correspondent, had at present in prison. He had heard that there were six thousand.

The Marquis of LONDONDERRY observed, that no British officer of rank would state what he did not believe to be true.

The Duke of RICHMOND repeated, that it was not a fair way of putting a case, to give the half of it only. He again asked whe- ther there were not six thousand of Dom Miguel's subjects in prison, because of their supposed hostility against him? The Duke said he did not mean to impeach the veracity of the Marquis's in- formant, but he could not think the charge against Mr. Hoppner came with much force from one who was likely to be so much biassed in his judgment on the subject of his charge. Sir John had certainly not shown much discretion in his mode of commu- nicating the important information he had transmitted, nor did Lord Londonderry display much more in his manner of using it. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY said, Sir John was an older officer than the Duke of Richmond, and as discreet in his public duty as he was. The Duke of RICHMOND said, he would not trouble himself about the Marquis's opinion of his conduct—the censure of some men was praise. As to his being a discreet or indiscreet Post- master-General, he did not see how that altered the case of Sir John Campbell. With respect to his own military services, he knew they were small, and he was not in the habit of endeavour- -no. to make them appear great by talking about them.

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3. PUNISHMENT OF DEATH. On Tuesday, the Duke of Sus- SEX presented a petition to the House of Lords signed by seven gentlemen who had served as foremen of grand juries, and eleven hundred who had served, or were liable to serve, as grand jurors, praying that the criminal laws might be taken into consideration with a view to their revision and amendment. The presenting of this petition afforded Lord BROUGHAM an opportunity of speaking on an opinion not unfrequently avowed by jurors on the subject of the punishment of death. Having noticed that the only argument for taking away life, even in the case of murder, was, that the feelings Of the people went along with the law, and that the Levitical law gave no countenance to the doctrine that the punishment of death should not be inflicted in any case, inasmuch as by the Levitical code death was, in ninety-nine cases out of one hundred, the punishment of crime,—his Lordship went on to notice the opinion alluded to- ne petitioners were persons who served, or who were liable to serve, on grand and petty juries. They were men of considerable property and largely engaged in business, and therefore more exposed than others to suffer from frauds committed by means of forgery, for that was the offence chiefly pointed at by the petitioners.. They state that the law no longer affords them any security for their property against the crime of forgery, in consequence of that crime being punished by death. They declare that they will not prosecute. Their Lordships might say that this was their own fault. But they say that other persons will not prosecute, that witnesses will not give their testimony, and that juries will not con- vict. They came forward to protest against the law continuing as it was, on the simple practicable ground, that the law had been tried and found incapable of affording them the protection which they had a right to ex- pect.. That was a very important fact, but it did not decide the question. Still it was a fact which should be taken into view in the discussion of this important question. He was fully satisfied of the untainted integrity and amiable feelings possessed by the worthy persons who interested themselves on this subject. It was impossible that he &n.ild commend them too highly. There was, however, one part of their conduct to which he could not extend his approbation. He could not understand how men of sound principle could serve on juries and take the oath that they would well and truly try the issue joined between their Sovereign Lord the King and the prisoner at the bar, and then suddenly erect them- selves from jurors who were to administer the law into lawgivers. These persons were not content with making itew laws, which would be an in-

telligible and consistent course of proceeding, but whilst the law re- mained in the same state in which it was, when they entered the jury. box, would give a verdict against the evidence, and pronounce a man in- nocent whom witnesses had proved to be guilty. He was quite at a loss to account for such conduct as this. The secret of it lay hidden in the altitude of the sentiments of the individuals who practised it. As a judge, a lawyer, and a legislator, he was bound to declare his inability to com- prehend how men could reconcile it to their consciences to act in this manner. Jurors might as well convict a man of murder upon hearsay evidence, when the judge told them they could not do so, as declare a man not guilty, when the evidence preponderated against him. He wished prosecutors, witnesses, and jurors, to understand that they were bound by the law, until the law should be altered. If the law were bad, the blame did not rest with juries, but the Legislature.

4. KILDARE STREET SOCIETY. A long discussion On the sub- ject of this Society took place last night. It originated in the Committee of Supply on the grant to Schools in Ireland. Mr. STANLEY, in announcing that the grant was made this year for the last time, and merely to enable the Society to balance its ac- counts; went at large into the defects of a system which had ren- dered such a step necessary. The sum of the whole was, that the regulations of the Society required what five-sixths of those, for whom the grant was meant to provide education, refused to accede to,—namely, that the Bible should be read in the Schools without note or comment; a practice condemned by the Catholic Church, and, of course, objected to by all sincere Catholics. Mr. Stanley admitted the increase of the number of the Society's schools and of the pupils attending them ; the only objection was, that neither increased in due proportion among the Catholic part of the community—

Out of 1620 schools on the Society's list, 1,021 were established in Pro. testant Ulster. In Leinster there were 227, in Connaught 112, and in Munster 240. In Ulster there were 84,896 pupils ; in Leinster 22,000; in Connaught 11,000; and in Munster 16,000. The gratuities paid to mas- ters amounted in Ulster to 1,303/.; in Leinster to 3,6611.; in Connaught to 150/.; and in Munster to 285/.

Mr. Stanley observed, that though the exclusive grant would be withdrawn, it was not Ministers' intention to neglect the educa- tion of Ireland. Next year, an institution would be proposed by Government, agreeably to the recommendation in Mr. Spring Rice's report, by which the advantages hitherto confined to one class would be given to all classes. Of course, the Kildare Street Society, as far as it depended on private beneficence, would re- main untouched and undisturbed. It was merely meant to with- draw the Government grant. Mr. NORTH defended the Society from the charge of exclusive- ness in any particular, but the regulation to which Mr. Stanley had adverted. He said he feared the Government plan would fail, but he was most willing to give it the benefit of a fair trial. Mr. F. LEWIS admitted the difficulties that Government had to combat, but hoped that they were not insurmountable. The Kil- dare Street Society, he said, had lost its popularity by its com- bining with the Hibernian Society, whose only object was proselytism. Mr. LEFROY denied that the majority (441),e Catholic people or Catholic priests were at present averse to reading.the Scriptures in the public schools, or that any of them had been so until the Bull issued against the practice in 1821. To mould the system of publication agreeably to the Bull of an Italian Bishop, might show great liberality, but it showed also great indifference to religion. Mr. BROWNLOW and Mr. WYSE expressed their satisfaction at the proposed plan of Government. Mr. CONOLLY defended the Society ; and Mr. SHE IL condemned it, at great length, and with much minuteness of detail. The other speakers were Mr. SHAW, Mr. S. RICE, Captain GORDON, who spoke with much heat, Mr. O'CONNELL, with no less heat Mr. J. BROWN, and Mr. MULLINS.

The grant was agreed to, with, it may be inferred, from the lan- guage of both parties, the understood condition annexed to it by Mr. Stanley.