TOPICS OF THE DAY.
• "ULTRA VIBES."
AN attempt is being made to bluff the People and Parliament of Northern Ireland not only out of the rights and privileges, but even out of the area solemnly assigned to them by the Parliament of the realm through the instrument of a special Statute. Before, however, we deal with this piece of attempted political treachery, we feel that a word of sincere apology is due from us to our readers. When the Treaty was made with the Southern Irish we supported it—though we did not like it, nay, detested it— on the ground that the 'mistaken policy of the Government as regards Ireland, and their weakness and hesitation had made it inevitable. They had shown that they could not govern Ireland, and they had also shown that somehow or other they commanded the confidence of the British Parliament. Therefore it was worse than useless to fight any longer against their intention to make the best terms they could with Sinn Fein—provided always that they preserved inviolate the Act of 1920, under which the existence of the two Irelands received Statutory recognition, and a definite and indefeasible area was assigned to the governance of the Northern Parliament. But we were not content with a sombre acquiescence in the inevitable. We were so much gratified by what seemed to us the honesty, good faith and steadfastness of the Prime Minister in standing up for the rights of the Northern Parliament and in refusing to yield to the demand that North-East Ulster should be placed under Dublin, that we felt justified in abandoning a good deal of our distrust of Mr. Lloyd George's political character, which was the legacy of the past eight or ten years. He seemed to us to have done a big thing according to his lights, though they were not our lights, and so to deserve any support we could give him in the completion of a difficult task. Especially were we pleased to note the frank and statesmanlike way in which he appeared to treat the man who, in our opinion, has come best out of this whole business. We mean Sir James Craig. Therefore, though it involved a certain indirect conflict of opinion with those with whom we had worked in the cause of Northern Ireland—for example, Lord Carson and the Morning Post—we advised a course of action for the Northern Parliament which assumed that complete trust could be placed in Mr. Lloyd George's declarations. In effect we deprecated as unjustified the attacks made upon him for having betrayed the cause of Ulster and for con- templating a breach of faith with her representatives. We have to admit that we were wholly in the wrong, that we allowed ourselves to be deceived by Mr. Lloyd George, and that instead of advising trust in him and the Cabinet we ought to have counselled the exact opposite. Instead of advising acquiescence, we should have advised watchfulness, a refusal to trust to any assurances, and a policy devoid of any element of com- promise or of political sympathy or even comprehension. We let ourselves be fooled, and, what is a thousand times worse, we used our influence to assist in the fooling of the Ulster leaders. It is not pleasant to make such admission, but it is the only one open to an honest news- paper, and therefore we must make it and make it unreservedly. The facts allow us no other course. It is evident from the statements made by Mr. Collins and Sir James Craig, by the silence of the Premier, and by the shuffling and uneasy comments of his special newspapers, that Mr. Lloyd George told two different tales to the representatives of the two Irelands. To persuade the Southern Irish to come in and to give up their demand that there should be no partition, no recognition of the existence of the two Irelands, he told them that they should have an alteration of boundaries so extensive as to cease to be a boundary rectification and become an alteration of area. On the other hand, he assured Sir James Craig, and made Sir James believe him completely, that, however much Ulstermen might dislike the Treaty on other grounds, they had nothing whatever to fear in the matter of boundaries. Indeed, the boundary -clause was actually described to Sir James Craig as a concession to the Northern Province — a support and buttress of its inviolate and inviolable area. We are not guilty of any ironic exaggeration. Here are the terms in which Sir James Craig—a man whose word of honour has remained up:assailed even in a time of political faithlessness— described the assurances which he received from the Prime -Minister.- On December 14th Sir James Craig sent to the Prime Minister a letter in regard to the Treaty, in which the following passage appears :— " A question which vitally affects our interests is the decision to establish a Commission to revise the boundaries between Northern Ireland and Southern Ireland. There is, I believe, no precedent in the history of the British Empire for taking any territory from an established Government without its sanction. Moreover, this is a breach of the Government of Ireland Act, 1920, which was put into operation only last June, when his Majesty the King in person opened the Parliament of Northern Ireland. At our meeting on December 9th you ex- plained that it was only intended to make a slight readjustment of our boundary line, so as to bring into Northern Ireland loyalists who are now just outside our area and to transfer correspondingly an equivalent number of those having Sinn Fein sympathies to the area of the Irish Free State. The Lord Chancellor's speech, however, has given encouragement to those endeavouring to read into it a different interpretation. As I intimated to Mr. Austen Chamberlain by telephone before leaving London, reserved to my Government the right of dissenting from the appointment of any Boundary Commission."
On this we have only one comment to make. If Mr. Lloyd George had intended Sir James Craig to understand what he really meant—i.e., intended him to understand the same things which he intended Mr. Collins and Mr. Griffiths to understand—Mr. Lloyd George must immedi- ately on receipt of this letter have written to Sir James Craig and told him he had misunderstood the position in regard to the boundaries and that something quite different from rectification of the line was intended. Here was a case where to maintain silence was even falser than false words. But silence was maintained, and successfully maintained. In his complete innocence of heart—an innocence, however, of which any man of honour might be proud—Sir James met Mr. Coffins to see if these small terminal details could not be much better settled informally between them than by a Boundary Commission I It was not till this happened that Sir James Craig had tlie slightest reason to think .that he had been betrayed. This is the condition to which our political life has been brought.
After this what will our countrymen feel when they are reminded of the condition added to business bargains in South America, Palo bra Inglese, On the word of an Englishman ! But the words quoted by Sir James Craig on December 14th are not the only assurance given by the Prime Minister on which Sir James could rely. Those words rested, in fact, on a statement made in Mr. Lloyd George's original written communication to Mr. De Valera dated July 20th, 1921. Here are the actual words :— " The form in which the settlement is to take effect will depend upon Ireland herself. It must allow for full recog- nition of the existing powers and privileges of the Parliament and Government of Northern Ireland, which cannot be abrogated except by their own consent."
If this means anything, it means that the Act of Parlia- ment which constitutes the Northern Province and its powers and privileges cannot be altered except by consent. But the area to which that Act applies is the most vital clause in the Act. You cannot grant powers and privileges except in and over a particular area. Here for once Mr. Lloyd George has left himself no loophole for escape. Even the proviso about the form of settlement depending upon Ireland herself offers no opportunity for a tactical retreat, for Northern Ireland is Ireland, though not all Ireland. To be exact, there are two Irelands in existence, and Northern Ireland is one of them.
After this it is unnecessary to quote the words of the Act of 1920. They stand firm and incontrovertible. We deliberately chose a particular area for the Northern Province and set it forth in a Statute. And we did this because we held that justice demanded it and not at the bidding of any external force or authority. We did not act, that is, under constraint. And yet it is actually suggested that under constraint we are to undo our own voluntary act ! Can we wonder that in face of all this Sir James Craig used the words to Mr. Lloyd George which were published in the Press on Tuesday ?— "Although the necessity for giving a final decision on behalf of the Ciovernment of Northern Ireland does not arise until
after our Parliament has voted itself out of the Free State, as a result of our deliberations to-day I have to inform you that we adhere throughout to this principle laid down by your- self, and cannot consent to any alteration of our boundary except by mutual agreement, failing which, in respect of any territory in dispute, the boundary to stand as defined in the Government of Ireland Act, 1920. I am sure that you will agree with me on the importance of preventing any further misunderstanding, and I am accordingly sending a copy of this to the Press."
Few men would have put it so moderately as this, but happily for him, and for those whose interests he serves and protects, Sir James Craig is one of the best-tempered and least excitable men alive. You cannot awe him with a rumour or frighten him with a word. We have only a few more words to say on this matter. They are these. Let the people of Northern Ireland follow the example of their leader and keep their heads and their tempers, in spite of all the provocation they have received. If they do they will win. Nothing can prevent that but some false step, something which will put them wrong with British public opinion. There is no need to do anything but to sit tight and keep faith. The Government may talk big, but even if we assume that they not only meant to " sell " the North but still contemplate giving the South possession of the goods, they cannot accomplish their design without an Act of Parliament. The Treaty, even though endorsed by addresses of both Houses, has no legal force. It only expresses the intention and policy of the Govern- ment, i.e., what they mean to do if Parliament will support them. But Parliament will not support them in their betrayal of the North. Of that we are sure. We do not believe that Mr. Lloyd George, even if assisted by Mr. Asquith and the Wee Frees, and by the battalions of Labour, will get the Unionist rank and file to support him in a compulsory alteration of the area by amending the Act. But even if this infamy were to be committed we feel sure that the House of Lords would not agree to such a course until there had been an appeal to the constituencies, or until the machinery of the Parliament Act had been applied. In either case, there would be a victory for truth, justice and the North. Therefore, we possess our souls in patience and we advise our 'friends in Northern Ireland to do the like. Mr. Lloyd George is a splendid bluffer but a bad fighter. If the North and its friends stand firm he will find a way out. He will privately tell the Sinn Feiners that he is sorry but that he cannot do the impossible, and will suggest to them a way round. Probably that way will be paved with British Bank notes.
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