TOPICS OF THE DAY.
MINISTERIAL DANGERS.
IS the Ministry trying to trick the country? We feel it hard to believe that a Cabinet of which Earl Russell is a member is lending itself to any attempt of the kind, but facts begin to look very like it. Certainly if they were trying to obtain a position in which they could betray Denmark with- out risk of a sudden explosion of wrath from the constituencies and Parliament they would do very much what they are doing now. Ten days ago they had apparently reached the very last limits of concession, surrendered the honour of Den- mark, and seriously risked that of England in a last endea- vour to conciliate men who are under a monomania. They, the authors of the treaty of 1852, who had pledged them- selves that if Denmark were assailed she "should not stand alone," who had admitted in writing the duty of maintaining "the integrity and independence" of their little ally, had pro- posed her dismemberment, had proposed to give the assailant a limb if only he would consent to spare the rest of the bleed- ing trunk. Denmark, after a natural emotion of disgust, re- membered that she was weak, and that justice had ceased for the moment to be a principle in politics, and accepted the neutral offer as her own ultimatum. Her representatives had, to show their sincerity, declined to extend the armistice beyond a fortnight, preferring rather to perish in a new campaign than to suffer the enemy to live at ease in Danish provinces, and lose all chance of inflicting retribution by sea. The Germans not only declined the neutral offer, but actually demanded instead of the line of the Schlei a line drawn through Apenrade, a territory equal to more than three-fifths of Schleswig, full of purely Danish villages, and far to the North of the only frontier which Denmark in any future aggression coukt hope to defend. The object of course was simply to make such arrangements as should make the annexation of Jutland a year or two hence an easy and comparatively bloodless proceeding. The old game of parti- tion was to be played over again, with England and France for duped spectators. To this decision the invading Courts, though sorely annoyed by the refusal of the Prince of Augus- tenburg to promise that he will enslave his subjects as they have done, still adhere, the organ of Herr von Bismark declaring in words which must be his own, they have such a ring of his voice, that the allies have only to remain in the Duchies they have conquered, and "see who will drive them out." Instead, however, of accepting this reply, declaring the Conference at an end, and proposihg to Parliament a defi- nite line of action, Earl Russell assents to an extension of the Conference for a fortnight, fixes the next meeting at an inter- val of seven days, gives Parliament no information, and to all human seeming intends when the war re-commences to allow Denmark to be swallowed while we stand idly by. After actually proposing the dismemberment of the Power he professed to defend, after consenting to reward the Germans for an act of aggression without a pretext,—compliance with their demands having been guaranteed by England, Russia, and France,—he has not the nerve to, enforce his own propo- sition, and allows himself to be beaten from point to point till, as was lately observed, "He won't give up Schleswig to Germany, but she may have the two halves."
This will never do. Whatever the diversity of feeling in Parliament on the subject of war for the Danes, we do trust there will be sufficient spirit left in the House of Commons, if the Conference rises re infeetd, and the Premier declines to propose action, to punish the Ministry which has covered England with such disgrace. The internal difficulties of the Cabinet are no excuse for the conduct of its chiefs. Earl Russell has already stated that whatever the Queen's opinions, Her Majesty has always accepted constitutional advice, and it was no part of his duty BO to frame that advice that it would be certain to be acceptable. If he believed the cir- cumstances demanded the despatch of the fleet to the Baltic, he should have sent the fleet to the Baltic or resigned. Nor is Mr. Gladstone's opposition to be considered a reason for quiescence when the dignity of Great Britain demanded energetic action. The Ministry may lose with him a strong section of its supporters; but the whole nation is always in the majority, and it is to the nation that the Premier should have appealed. There is not a class in the country which would not have eagerly responded, which is not weary of German arrogance, sick to rage of German interference in our affairs. So strong is the feeling, that were it not even now befooled by the false hopes held out by diplomacy the middle class might take the bit in its teeth, as it did in the days of the Crimean war, and read the Parliamentary chiefs a lesson which would send a dozen old men out of power, and bring the Times round in one sudden gyration as the mouth- piece of war feeling. Unfortunate as the position of parties is, with the Court hampered by personal ties, the Cabinet cleft in two by financial fears, the Tory leaders either German ii. tone or afraid of responsibility, and all parties, so to speak, deprived of their natural chiefs, there is still, we trust, energy enough in the Commons to recognize and to brand failure so conspicuous. The Tories, so far as their public declarations go, are in this matter no more prepared to uphold the honour of the nation than the old Whigs, but at least they have not so mismanaged diplomacy as to make England the executioner of a victim on whose behalf her Premier had threatened war ; they can stand aside, and let the burial proceed in a silence which, if it has in it little dignity, has at least less humiliation. England has had many squeezable Ministries, but a Cabinet which could retreat five separate times from its own ultimatum rather than risk the anger of Herr von Bismark, which, after a voluntary promise of aid, could surrender first Holstein, then Schleswig in occupation, then Lauenberg, then Schleswig south of the Schlei in per- petuity, and now, perhaps, Schleswig south of Flensborg, and all this without a defeat, is a phenomenon in our annals. We trust Germany will not ask for Kent as inheritor of the Angles, for, for all that appears, these men would make that a "basis of negotiation."
There is but one hope that we can perceive, either for the Ministry or for English honour. Lord Palmerston, unwilling to close a grand career as the laughingstock of Europe, may at the eleventh hour insist on having his own way, declare that concession has reached its limits, and at any risk, either of income-tax, or what he dreads much more, uprising of the nationalities, propose publicly that if the line of the Schlei is passed, Great Britain will appeal from the justice of Germany to that of the God who for ten centuries has blessed all Eng- lish action. If he does, the position of parties in the House does not matter much, for the constituencies will be masters of the position, and we would not guarantee even Mr. Gladstone a seat; if he does not, he may leave the task of safe inglorious government to Lord Clarendon, but his retirement will be passed among a people finally disenchanted of a long enduring faith in his honour and his pluck.
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