Mr. Roosevelt and the New Deal
By SIR FREDERICK WHYTE
A 'YEAR ago, in a volume entitled Looking Forward, President Roosevelt gave to the world his prospectus of the New Deal. Some faint promise there was, in that earlier book, of the activities now in full blast in Washington ; but, except in his Address to the Commonwealth Club in San Francisco, there was hardly any indication that the first year of the new Administration would mark a turning point, and inaugurate something like a revolution, in the political and economic life of the United States. Mr. Roosevelt, as candidate, maintained a tactical reticence about the plans which he had begun to revolve in his mind ; but, being convinced that he would one day be President, he began in the autumn of 1930 " a complete survey not only of agriculture and industry and finance, but also of the social needs of the nation." He is therefore entitled to say that " the National Recovery Act was not a last-minute happy _thought," while admitting that it was not " thought out " nor completely planned before he entered the White House.
In the present volume* the President, in his own words, " seeks to set forth simply, without argument and without extended explanation, the many significant events of a very busy year." He puts the " New Deal " in its true place as the lineal and adult descendant of Theodore Roosevelt's " Square Deal " and Woodrow Wilson's " New Freedom " ; and declares that, if it is to be called a revolution, it is a peaceful if radical change in policy springing from " a change in the attitude and thinking of the American people—in other words, that it is based upon the growing into maturity of our democracy." - .
Now in 1930, when Mr. Roosevelt first began to incubate a national policy, Reform was the motive ; and, although America was already experiencing the first setback from prosperity, depression had not as yet plunged her people into the abyss. But, by March, 1983, when he was inaugu- rated President, the scene had changed, and two new " R's " claimed his anxious attention, Relief 'and Recovery. And the attempt to drive these three horses abreast explains much of the apparent disarray in the Washington circus of 1934. It is the chief irony of Mr. Roosevelt's task that the depression which has, prepared the mind of America for far-reaching change compels him to undertake obligations which tend to disturb, and even perhaps to upset, his plans of real and permanent reform. Relief of_ distress was the first charge on his energies ; and it was the central axiom of American life in 1938 that, whatever be the President's programme of Recovery, and. whatever be his , policy of Reform, unless he could relieve the farmer and, find imme- diate work for the unemployed, be would soon be confronted with social disaster—and political defeat. With an intrepid' mind, and a buoyancy that has never •been equalled in any American leader, he set forth a year ago to perform his threefold task. Superimposed upon his earlier and half- matured policy of reform came a series of improvisations, consciously adopted as experiments, and full of risks, but accepted by a grateful nation as proof that the White House was " on the job." Of each and all of the new enteiprises, Mr. Roosevelt would have us realize that he claims no finality or copyright. They are neither ", inflexible nor infallible . and„ in some respects, we , may have to change the method ; in others, we may not have gone far enough." But how far can he go ? As far as his personal authority On Our Way. By Franklin.D1 Roosevelt. -(Faber and Faber. 7s. 6d.) and popularity are concerned, the answer is still in his favour : for, in the fourteenth month of his career as President he probably enjoys greater national support than he had on the day he was elected. And if he can show that a real recovery is being made during the present summer he can approach the Congressional elections in November with com- parative equanimity. But there are two factors now in opera- tion which may change the situation during the next six months. There is a growing opposition to the regimentation of industry by the codes of N.R.A. and, a suspicion that Mr. Roosevelt is being driven to compromise with Big Business, in consequence, in a manner which may alienate labour. And,-on the other hand, there is considerable scepticism whether the Codes and the other enterprises of the Administration have actually promoted recovery in any real measure. Some critics declare that they have retarded the normal convalescence of industry ; and it has to be acknowledged that, though Mr. Roosevelt has succeeded in raising the internal price-level and thereby cured part of America's disease, the statistics of trade (whether in manufacture, freight-car loadings or retail stores) have shown no substantial increase since September; 1933. Moreover, the artificial stimulus of large Federal expenditures on Public Works cannot be maintained for long at high pressure, and there may, in consequence, be a danger- ous gap between the moment when the flood of Federal credit slackens and the time when private capital begins once more to flow in volume into productive industry.
These are the elements of uncertainty in the present American situation, but in a short review of Mr. Roosevelt's policy there is no room to elaborate them. In the space which remains, it is more pertinent for the reviewer of On Our Way to find out what the " Way " is, and what the goal. In this search the character of the man who points the way is our chief guide.
The reader of Mr. Roosevelt's speeches and writings will look long before he will find any philosophy of political action. Here and there an illuminating phrase stands out from his simple and direct prose, wearing the air of a generalization or containing the germ of theory. He acts in agreement with the aphorism that " politics is the strife of wills on the field of social action " ; and the elements of will and action are the keys to his conduct. No danger here of the doctrinaire who founders because his doctrine is at variance with life. And if danger there be, it is the risk that in a campaign fought on many fronts the President may find his hands too full and his commitments almost overpowering. That, indeed, has begun to happen, and Mr. Roo seyelt has already been com- pelled to lighten his immediate-legislative programme. But those who interpret this tactical retreat as an apostts from his main purpose are mistaken. He sees clearly, and rarely _fails to express as clearly, the central theme of America's new problem, namely, the reformation of American institutions, economic, social and political, in such away as to meet the radical change now coming over American life. The century of expansion is at an end ; the frontier is no longer open ; and, _ in this transformation_ from an ever-expanding community into a more settled form of society, equality of opportunity must be given to the individual in new ways. The heart of Mr. Roosevelt's purpose lies in that phrase—" equality of opportunity "—and_ with the true vision of a leader he sees more clearly than most Aznericans today that America must largely Orange her habits and her institutions in order that
..it may be realized.. .
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