IRELAND.

Dr. Mant, Bishop of Down, Connor, and Dromore, died on the 2d instant, after a very short illness, at his residence near Belfast. Dr. Mant was a native of Southampton. He was made Bishop of Killaloe and Kilfenora in 1820, and translated to the see of Down and Connor in 1823. The dio- cese of Dromore fell to his care on the death of Bishop Saurin, in 1842, under the operation of the Church Temporalities Act.

It will please many readers of the Spectator to learn some incidents which have graced the departure of their esteemed friend the Reverend Dr. Hinds from the Irish parishes of Castlenock and Clonsilla, near Dublin, on his preferment to the English Deanery of Carlisle. From an advertisement and notices in the Dublin papers this week we learn, that an address, numerously signed by persons of all parties and sects, was presented to Dr. Hinds, with a rich piece of silver plate, by a deputation from "the parish- ioners of the united parishes of Castlenock and Clonsilla, and others who had had the opportunity of attending the ministry " of Dr. Hinds. The ad- dress was read by Mr. James Hans Hamilton, M.P. " Although your connexion with us has been but short," it said, " permanent traces remain of your unwearied exertions in the parish, in the rebuilding of one church ; the remodelling of the other, so as to make it more fitting for Divine wor- ship, and better accommodated to an increasing congregation; and in the erection of commodious school-houses. These and other important improvements will not fail to bring you perpetually to our minds in grateful and affectionate remembrance." In expressing mingled regrets at his removal and pleasure at his promo- tion, the address repeated an earnest desire that Dr. Hinds would give to the Church the advantage of studying, in a printed form, some of the in- structive discourses which his parishioners had heard delivered.

Dr. Hinds replied, with characteristic simplicity of expression and warmth of feeling-

" My dear and kind friends—How am I to express all I feel at this moment? How am Ito thank you suitably for this demonstration of kindness? Ever since I have been your minister, you have been cooperating with me, and carrying into effect every suggestion of mine; and now you are giving use the praise for works which are memorials of your own piety and charity, far more than of anything I have done or could do; and you are sealing all your expressions of kindness with this rich and beautiful present. It is, indeed, rich and beautiful; but whilst you have spared no cost to make it worthy of you, you yourselves know that its value to me will not be the costly material or the elegant workmanship, but the associa- tion which will cling to it; recollection of holy hours, which have made us one before the Lord in his congregation, and of hours of social intercourse too, which He, let us hope, has likewise blessed and hallowed. May He repay you, my kind friends, for all that this precious token will never cease to remind me of as long as I live."

He explained, that hitherto he had not complied with the wish expressed re- garding a publication of his sermons, from difficulties arising out of his mode of delivering them, not from unwillingness to comply with wishes often before ex- pressed in very kind terms. He promised, however, that he would now apply himself to the task of recovering, through his brief notes, some of his thoughts and language—it would be a labour of love and gratitude to do so. " Glad shall I be to be able, even by so trifling an act, to testify my grateful memory of my residence amongst you. I came to this place, as you all know, an entire stranger —a foreigner. Five brief years have passed; and in quitting it I feel that I am quitting home, friends, I had almost said country. Well may I call to remem- brance the words of the Lord Jesus, who has promised that they who go from their home on his service shall find in their place of sojourn home and brethren an hundredfold. He has been merciful to me indeed, for be has bestowed on me this blessing without having required of me any painful sacrifice. Most fervently do I thank Him, and most fervently do I pray that his every blessing may rest upon you."

The gift presented with the address is described as a valuable centre- piece for the table, elegant and rich in appearance, and "considered to do credit to Irish art." The trial of Mr. Richard Dalton Williams was concluded on the 3d in- stant.

We indicated last week the nature of the defence set up for him—" obeying the dictates of an ardent disposition, in an evil hour he became nominally iden- tified with a paper which be did not project, and which he did not fully control: the indicted articles appeared while he was ill in bed some miles from town."

Mr. Sergeant O'Brien replied on behalf of the Crown, and insisted much on the sufficiency of the fact of mere publication, if the Jury believed in the treasonable tendency of the articles. Judge Torrens charged the Jury. The prisoner was indicted, not as the pro- prietor, but as the publisher of a certain paper called the Tribune, upon the 1st and 8th of July in the present year. He was bound to tell them, that if they were satisfied that the prisoner was the publisher of those articles, he was answer- able for the contents of what] he published. It was alleged on the part of the Crown, that the publication entitled " Harvest Prospects" was an interference with the general measures enacted for the wellbeing of the State, and that an insurrection to interfere with those measures was a crime. On the other hand, it was contended by the counsel for the prisoner, that the article was merely to be

looked upon as a political essay, rather than an incitement against the general exportation of gram from the country. The staple commodity of the kingdom was corn, and the exportation of cattle and corn had been an apple of discord

between conflicting parties; so there was no more vital question dependent upon the decision of a Government than that proper steps should be taken in reference

to this matter. " I leave it to you to say whether this article of Our Harvest Prospects' does not indicate a design to prevent the exportation of corn by force and violence. I need not dwell at length upon it; but it seems to me beyond any equivocation of language to disclose such an intention, and that extreme force was to be used for the accomplishment of it: for the writer says that the people will move with redoubled energy, urged on by the concentrated fire of revenge, to save the coming harvest, and ease their longing thirst deep, deep in the blood of the English foe." As to the suggestion to assemble a council of three hundred, " the establish- ment of such a council would be contrary to the allegiance which is due to the So- vereign; and lain bound to tell you, that if this were the design, to carry it out is a carrying into effect of the intentions spread on the indictment. Then there is The Civil Department, The Naval Department,' The Colonial Department,' and here we have ' Our War Department.' The article also used the word' we '— thus following up the joint-proprietorship by the use of the plural."

Mr. Ferguson—" Will your Lordship pardon me for offering a suggestion? The employment of the word' we' is, your Lordship knows, customary in newspapers —it is the editorial style."

Judge Crampton— Certainly, Mr. Ferguson, you are quite right, it is the style of dignity."

Judge Torrens—" Well, I am not much acquainted with newspapers. How- ever, there is a declamatory address in this article about the high sense of pleasure which the writer would entertain if he had a nice gun, or was pointing his rifle at the breast of a prince or a colonel. I really wish to believe, from what we have heard of the prisoner's gentleness of character, that it is impossible he could have been the author of that publication."

" I have alluded to a case in which Lord Tenterden states, that though the law holds the publisher or proprietor of a newspaper criminally responsible for what appears in the paper, yet a case might arise in which the party would be exempt. Now, in reference to that point, evidence was adduced to show that the prisoner was not cognizant of the publications in question, as he was in a bad state of health at the time. You will say whether the evidence shows that he was igno- rant of the publications; and unless you believe beyond all doubt that the publi- cations were unknown to him, he must be held responsible for them."

The Jury retired at about half-past two; but returned for some instruction, and again retired. After several visits from the Sheriff to see if they had agreed, they came into court at half-past four, with a verdict, of " Guilty of being the publisher, but not guilty of the intent to depose the Queen or to levy war." Mr. Ferguson— Upon the indictment, that is a verdict of Not guilty, I ap- prehend." Mr. Justice Crampton—" Oh! we had better take it down as it is." Mr. Justice Torrens—" The issue which has been sent to you, gentlemen, re- qnires that you should find the prisoner guilty or not guilty upon the indictment. If you are of opinion that in any of those publications the prisoner had the inten- tions imputed to him, you will find a verdict of guilty; if you think otherwise, you will say Not guilty.'"

A Juror (Mr. Edwin Butler)—" If we believe that the articles contained in the Tribune newspaper expressed the intentions of the prisoner, we are to find him guilty; if we do not believe that they expressed his intentions, we are to acquit him.

Judge Torrens—" Pretty much to that effect." Another Juror—" Then if you hand us the issue-paper we will soon regulate it now."

The issue-paper was accordingly handed up, and the Jury retired; but they returned again in twenty minutes, stating that they could agree to no other ver- dict than their first. Judge Torrens redespatched them to their room with short and plain advice to say "Not guilty" if they disbelieved the intention, and " Guilty" if they believed it. In their absence, Sir Colman O'Loghlen confessed that Judge Torrens " had made it so plain, he didn't see how the Jury could doubt" Mr. Justice Torrens observed—" All organs of communication between man and man have ceased if they do not understand me." However, the Foreman came into court for the third time, with the first verdict. Justice Torrens made a remark.

A Juror—" Speak out, my Lord."

Judge Torrens—" Yes, I will speak out I tell you distinctly, we cannot re- ceive that verdict. Yolk must say either 'Guilty or Not guilty.' According to your special finding, you say, Not Guilty. You ought to say so in terms."

A Juror (Mr. Butler)—"Are we compelled, my Lord, to find the prisoner guilty of the intentions contained in the act? " Judge Torrens—" Pray, what do you think of yourself, after what has passed? If you don't think, after a short time, that you can agree to your verdict, we will lock you up for the night."

A Juror—" My Lord, there are two individuals here who can't comprehend your Lordship." (Loud laughter.) After five minutes more of retirement, the Jury brought in a verdict of "Not guilty "; which was received by the Court amidst the applauding shouts of the audience.

At the end of the day's business, Mr. Williams was discharged from custody, and joined his friends.

On the same day, Mr. O'Doherty was placed at the bar, to receive sentence. Mr. Justice Crampton announced that the Court awarded the punishment of ten years' transportation.

Mr. O'Doherty—" Might I be permitted to make a few observations?"

Judge Crampton—" The Court do not object to your saying anything you think fit, provided it be not offensive." Mr. O'Doherty—" My Lords, I did hope, I confess, that upon being placed is this dock for the third time, after two Juries of my fellow citizens had refused to find a verdict against me, diet my prosecutors would have been scrupulous in their care that in attempting to uphold their law they would not have violated the very spirit of justice."

Judge Crampton—" I have agreat difficulty in preventing you from making any observations that may occur to you to be of service; but if you mean to cast im- putations or obloquy upon the Law-officers of the Crown, the Court cannot per- mit it."

Mr. O'Doherty—" I only wish to mention a matter of fact. The Attorney- General stated that there were only three Roman Catholics set aside on my Jury." Judge Crampton again interposed, and requested the prisoner not to pursue this line of observation.

Mr. O'Doherty—" I would feel much obliged if your Lordship would permit me to mention a few more words with reference to my motives throughout this affair. I had but one object and purpose in view. I did feel deeply for the suf- ferings and privations endured by my fellow countrymen. I did wish, by all means consistent with a manly and honourable resistance, to assist in putting an end to that suffering. It is very true, and I will confess it, that I desired an open resistance of the people to that Government, which, in my judgment, en- tailed these sufferings upon them. I have used the words open and honourable resistance, in order that I might refer to one of the articles brought in evidence against me, in which the writer suggests such things as flinging burning hoops on the soldiery. My Lords, these are no sentiments of mine. I did not write i that article. I did not see it or know of it until I read it when published in the paper. But I did not bring the writer of it here on the table. Why? I knew that if I were to do so, it would be only banding him over at the court-house doors to what one of the witnesses has very properly called the fangs of the At- torney-General. With respect to myself I have no fears. I trust I will [shall] be enabled to bear my sentence with all the forbearance due to what I believe to be the opinion of twelve conscientious enemies to me; and I will bear with due patience the wrath of the Government whose mouthpiece they were; but I will never cease to deplore the destiny that gave me birth in this unhappy country, and compelled me, as an Irishman, to receive at your hands a felons doom for discharging what I conceived, and what I still conceive, to be my duty. I shall only add, that the fact is, that instead of three Roman Catholic jurors being set aside by the Attorney-General, there were thirteen; and I hold in my hand a list of their names; and out of the twelve jurors be permitted to be sworn, there was not one Roman Catholic."

Mr. O'Doherty then slightly bowed to the Court, and was removed back to Newgate through the vaulted passage under the dock.

The Court adjourned till Tuesday the 12th December.

Mr. John O'Connell has published a reply of a newspaper column's length to some addresses which he professes to have received, proposing a revival of the Repeal Association and agitation. He recounts various em- barrassing circumstances that render reply to such a proposal difficult; but he ventures thus far in answer—

"It must arise again. Its reestablishment is inevitable, though a hopeful pru- dence may counsel a delay. And when it does so, and till it does so, let us school our minds to avoid the sad divisions that have given such fearful advantage to the enemy, and spread such desolation amongst ourselves."

Mr. Thomas D'Arcy M'Gee, one of the Irish insurrectionists who has escaped to America, has published a letter explaining to American sym- pathizers the causes of the "unexpected failure of the late Revolutionary movement" in Ireland.

He commences with a sketch of the history of the Confederation; an associa- tion whose origin was a protest against the doctrine of the late Mr. O'Connell, that "no amount of liberty was worth the spilling of one drop of human blood.' Before the secession of Young Ireland from the Repeal Association, "Daniel O'Connell was as absolutely the ruler of Ireland as Nicholas Romanoff is of Rus- sia. The old honoured him for his cautious tactics; the young, because England feared and hated him. Many Protestants sincerely cooperated with him for his liberality; the Catholics revered him as the man who rebuilt their altars and loosed the tongues and arms of their priesthood. Two thousand Catholic clergy- men, quartered in every hamlet and at every cross-road, were his captains and his magistracy. His word was the only law in the land, and children were bap- tized with his name as with the name of a saint." But the new generation thirsted for self-government; and they thought it worth fighting for if it were not otherwise to be had. They formed the Irish Confederation; and out of that body "the heat of the Continental events produced this late attempt at in- surrection. In 1847, Young Ireland was busy gaining over the inhabitants of the towns from moral force '; and with the examples of Pius IX. and the revolutions of last spring, we succeeded. At any time during the last six months, the townspeo- ple were, in terms, committed to attempt a forcible expulsion of the British power. . . This township organization consisted of five hundred clubs, in the total of about thirty thousand men of the fighting age. Of these, less than half were more or less armed in July, and the other half were acquiring arms as fast as they could where money was scarce and military weapons dear. . . . But the Con- federate principles did not pervade the rural populations up to the last hour." For this there were many causes. "The famine of '46 and '47 left a lassitude after it like that which follows fever"; so that "the peasantry could not retain the i heat that Mitchel, Duffy, and Meagher would infuse into them." "The Govern- ment used every art to prevent the junction of the Catholic clergy with the Re- volutionary leaders"; - and were materially assisted in that aim by Mr. John O'Connell; who "opposed the formation of the Irish League by a succession of small artifices, unworthy of any man, and which were only tolerated because, being his father's son, he was necessary to the union of parties. He asked a de- lay of a fortnight, of a month, and of six weeks. Finally, when the six weeks were expired, and for very shame he could ask no more, he openly assailed it as illegal and intended to be un-Catholic. The Catholic clergy, with the exception of the courageous and eloquent Bishop of Deny and his clergymen, abandoned the infant League ; and so the Confederates were left alone, face to face, and foot to foot, with the Government." It was the policy of the Government, having succeeded thus with the leaders of the rural population, to concentrate their forces on the towns, where the Revolu- tionary feeling was so strong. " The situation of an Irish town in August last may be understood from this instance. In Dublin, as in most Irish towns, there is an old and a new town. The Government people live in the new town, and com- mand its open and angular streets, from strong public buildings filling every vista, and dwelling-houses nearly as strong. In the old town live the hereditary rebels, who could be destroyed by a shower of shells, which might be so directed as not to injure the other quarter. In Dublin, the garrison was, on the 27th of July, 15,000 men, and it averaged throughout 10,000:, But this policy compelled the Confederates to choose a guerilla warfare or none; for the object was to drag these concentrations to pieces, as the Spanish patriots did Napoleon's armies of occupation, and, by bringing them into districts where only infantry could act with ease, to put them more on a level with the raw levies of the people. " The remainder of the course that might be taken would be to burn the towns and cities, as the Athenians did Athens, and the Russians Sloscow. This I believe would have been the result, on the news of the first Royalist blood being drawn in the rural districts, whither these considerations, and the Habeas Corpus Suspension Act, had driven our leaders. I am satis- fied, that if the Church had been involved, even ever so little, in 1848, we would have beaten the English. But the Bishops and dignitaries opposed the movement, or, what had just the same effect, prophesied its failure and augured its ruin. The secondary clergy and the curates, who were more favourable to it, in submission to their order, were silent." And so the movement failed. "In taking that course, the Irish clergy did not leave themselves without ar- guments. The bloody days of June in Paris—the lamentable anarchy in the city of Rome—the comparative unpreparedness of the people—the slaughter that would be made—the partial failure of the harvest—were all reasons for their course. Bat, assuredly, they made the revolution fail by preaching that it would fail."

In this respect they made " a grave political mistake ": " if they had headed the peasantry, we would have renewed the miracle of St. Patrick. I know there would be slaughter: but fever and famine, now under the protection of the British flag in Ireland, will destroy more lives, and with worse weapons, than the sixty thousand armed men could have killed. And then, to compare the two results!" However, Mr. M'Gee does not even now despair. He assures Americans that, though the Clubs, as clubs, do not meet now together in Ireland, these sections nearly all exist, and form a nucleus of future movement, which cannot be reached or crushed. " I assure them of this, both from knowledge of the system and from the fact that under the Disarming Act twenty stand of arms have not yet been captured from the Confederates."

" The extermination of the Irish people is not to be apprehended: they cling to the soil like grass, and while they cling they hate England. The numerous emi • grations of them make scarcely any sensible diminution in the parent stock. Their two strongest political feelings are hatred to England and a sanguine hope in Ireland. Next time, they must trust in local leaders, like the Rapparees and the Catalonian chiefs—fierce men and blunt, without too many ties binding them to the peace. They must choose, too, the favourable concurrence of a foreign war; an event which is likely to precede the settlement of the newly-awakened races of the Continent."

Until the good day of victory come, the Irish must still strive by doing noble deeds—by gentleness and genius—to save the national spirit from barrenness, and the national character from disparagement. The late movement has at least pro- duced martyrs; and next to sages—such sages as Washington—the life most valu- able to Freedom is a life like Robert Emmet's, offered up on her holy altar, the scaffold. " Such offerings have already been made in the self-immolation of John Mitchel and his faithful friend John Martin; by Mr. Meagher and Mr. O'Gorman, the sons of two of our richest merchants; by Mr. Duffy, our greatest journalist; by John Dillon and Smith O'Brien, men whom much fortune and many friends wooed in vain from 'the thorny path of duty.' In other revolutionary attempts, leaders are usually less exposed to danger than the people; in this they have openly adventured fortune, home, friends, and life. The country that can bear even a few such men will not readily degenerate into a nursing mother of slaves. For ' Freedom's battle once begun, Bequeathed from bleeding sire to son, Though belled oft, is ever won.'

" That it will be won in Ireland, and sooner than many even among her friends dare hope, I believe. The vice of loyalty is gone at the root; and it but needs a little more of Time's teaching to make a Democratic revolution, which will wait for no leadership to strike, to make Ireland as free as the freest—even as free as this parent laud of liberty itself." Mr. M'Gee adds to the subscription of his name the honorary title of "A Traitor to the British Government."