MONDAY, OCTOBER 7TH.

THE Earl of Eglinton died suddenly on Friday, while on a visit at the seat of Mr. White Melville, St. Andrew's, fifeshire. On Tues- day afternoon his lordship joined in a game of golf, and in the evening appeared at dinner in his usual health and spirits. Before night, however, he was seized with an apoplectic fit, and on Friday morning he expired, having never rallied from the unconscious state in which he was left by the fit. His Lordship, Archibald William Montgomerie, was thirteenth Earl of Egiinton and Baron Montgomerie, Baron &ton and Baron Killwinning in the peerage of Scotland, and Earl of Winton and Baron Ardrossan in that of the United Kingdom. He was born in 1812, and succeeded to the Scotch titles at the death of his grandfather in 1819. In 1840, he was served as heir male general to George, fourth Earl of Winton, George the sixth Earl, who was att.:tinted in 1716, having left no issue. In politics, the late Lord Eglinton was a Conservative, and twice selected for the post of Lord Lieutenant of Ireland by Lord Derby. He was also spoken of as the probable leader of his psrty in the event of Lord Derby's retire- ment from that position. His Lordship married first, in 1841, Theresa, the widow of Captain Coekerell, R.N., by whom he leaves surviving issue three sons and one daughter. The eldest son, Archibald William, Lord Montgomerie, who succeeds to his father's titles, was born in 1841. In 1853 the Countess died, and in 1858 his Lordship married Lady Adela Capel, only daughter of the Earl of Essex, who died suddenly last year.

— The poll for the election of Lord Mayor closed on Saturday, and resulted in a large majority for the present occupant of the office. Sir H. Afire, ridge retired from the contest on Thursday, which virtually decided the result, but by custom the poll was kept open for the full term of seven days, and at its close on Saturday, at four

o'clock, the numbers were : The Lord Mayor, 1623; Sir P. Laurie, 1148; Sir H. 3Iuggeridge, 561; Alderman Hale, 9; Alderman Meal, 3. Sir Peter Laurie having decisively intimated his refusal to serve if elected, of course the Court of Aldermen will have no alternative but to re-elect the Lord Mayor.

— Mr. Clay, 31.P., was present at volunteer banquet at Hull, on Thursday., and proposed the toast of the evening, "The Hull Volun-

teers." Mr. Clay said he was an ardent admirer of the volunteer movement, looking upon it as the grandest development of a national character that any country could boast of. It was also an entirely spontaneous movement, originating in the enthusiasm of a generous people, and carried out with a truly English quality—perseverance. With regard to the bearing of the volunteer movement upon our re- lations with France, Mr. Clay said :

"Some people have been in the habit of talking about what they call an invasion panic—a term which to me has always appeared to be singularly mis-

apphed—for panic, used in that sense, I understand to be 'fear without reason-

able ground.' Now, I have never seen any fear. I have never seen any pale faces in this country—(laughter)—but I have seen very reasonable ground why

in the matter of defence we should seriously set our house in order, and be pre-

pared for any contingency. (Hear, hear.) I have known for more years than I have a mind to count our powerful neighbours the French—let me call them oar

excellent allies, for I esteem them very highly, and I have known them—whether

they came here, or whether I went among them—as well as most people. It is entirely undeniable—in fact, I challenge any one who has known that country to

contradict me—that seine few years ago, shortly before the China war, there was a general feeling in that country, a sort of undefined but almost universal rumour —such as almost invariably precedes the events which it depicts—that there would be a French invasion of this country. That feeling exists no longer, and that rumour is no more heard. It is my entire conviction that this change of feeling is owing in a great measure, if not entirely, to the extraordinary rapidity by which the defence of this country has been organized by the voluntary efforts of her sons. (Cheers.)"

Mr. Clay believed the Emperor himself to be actuated by the most friendly spirit towards this country, as evinced by his desire to pro- mote good feeling- between the troops of the two countries when combined in the Crimean and Chinese expeditions, and also by the commercial treaty. At the same time the Emperor might not always be able to control the vast army, upon the support of which his Go. vernment rests :

"Powerful as he is, be is not omnipotent, and the prince who is surrounded by an army of some half a million of men is not always the master of his legions ; he is sometimes their slave, and at any moment an accidental misunderstanding, some chance difference acting on the passions of the two cuuntries—both justly proud of their position among nations—might lead to a feeling so strong that even the will of the Emperor might not be sufficient to control it. Ms might be forced to content himself with following, instead of leading. So many things have occurred during the last few years which the wisest capacity could not have foreseen, that none of us can tell what during the next few years will be the destiny of this or any other country."

In conclusion, Mr. Clay alluded to certain attempts which had been made by employers of labour in London to discourage the movement:

"I am sorry to see in London—though not in Hull or even elsewhere—persons have been found to endeavour to discountenance this great movement, and public notice has been given by some employers of labour that those employed by them must choose between what they believed to be their ditty to their country and the business in which they have engaged. (Cries of 'Shame !') To men such as these I can only speak on the lowest possible grounds. I can only use to them the meanest arguments, because they are addressed to the meanest understandings. (Hear hear.) These men must know that it is something to establish a force of 170,000 Volunteers; and, although I do not speak to you on mere financial grounds, yet to these men I do, and I say to them, If you succeed in rendering the Volunteer movement abortive, there will have to be an increase of your stand- ing army (cheers), which cannot be less than 2d. more income-tax to pair. (Laughter.) I tell such men as these that they are blind self-seekers and bad citizens (loud cheers), and it is a great pleasure that there are none such in Hull (renewed cheers), and I do-not think there ever will be."

Mr. Clay resumed his seat by proposing the toast of "The Hull Volunteers," coupling with it "The health of Lieutenant-Colonel Pease."

— Mr. Lindsay, M.P., addressed the Royal Naval Reserve Force of Sunderland last week. There are already 800 men in the Sunder- land division of the force, and for the past month they have been going through a course of drill in working guns on board the Trim- comalee training-ship, in the Sunderland Docks. Mr. Lindsay, who is on the Royal Commission to inquire into the Manning of the Navy, visited the Trincomalee, and saw the men go through their drill : "He said his heart warmed within him when lie saw so many fine fellows, after a short drill of a month, work the guns so well and systematically as he had seen them do that day. Our great strength had ever been ships-of-war, and our great defence British seamen. He did not know how they could more effectually or more economically carry out any scheme than the one lie was happy to see now going so smoothly along. It was unlike the old scheme by a system of bounties, and, he was sorry to say, of drunkenness and debauchery. Soldiers required training through a long series of years, but the Reserve required very little train- ing, for the simple reason that no man-of-war's men could surpass them, fur the hardy men who manned our colliers and Baltic ships were superior to any seamen

In the world. (Cheers.) He meant no disparagement to their friends over the water. The last men he saw working guns were Frenchmen, but the men of the Reserve went about their work in such a different style that he believed the old

saying, that One British tar is as good as three Frenchmen,' was after all, true. It struck him that day that if ever the necessity should arise—

though his prayer was that the two nations might long continue on friendly terms —he would back one of the lads he saw below against any three Frenchmen in the working and handling of a gun. (Cheers.) The fact was it was natural to them. Englishmen in their boyhood turned as naturally to the boat and sail as the French to the drums and fifes. It was as great a folly for France to attempt to become a great maritime Power as it would be for us to attempt to

become a great military Power. We were essentially a seafaring people. We had been 80 from generation to generation, and would continue so, for our strength had ever been on the water, and our strength must ever be on it. Let each man, then, go and get his shipmates to join. They now numbered nearly 800 in this port ; he should like to see them numbered 2090. They now took the lead in the ports of the world with their ships, and in the ports of Great Britain none stood so high as that which he had the honour to represent in Parliament. He would take an opportunity to mention in Parliament that he never saw guns so scientifically handled as he had that day, and that while the country had such men as they there was no fear of a foreign foe."

— At a meeting of the Metropolitan Board of Works, on Friday, a report on the progress of the main drainage works was presented by Mr. Bazalgette, chief engineer. The object of the works in ques- tion is to intercept the 52,0000300 gallons of sewage, which are now daily poured into the Thames in and near London, and divert its outfall to such a distance down the river as to ensure its not being carried back by the tide far enough to pollute the water in the middle of London. This object is to be effected on the north side of the river by a grand system of drainage, by which all the sewage of that side will be conveyed, through enormous covered channels, to Barking Creek, 14 miles below London Bridge. At this point there will be a large reservoir, whence sewage will only be allowed to flow into the river during the first two hours of the ebb, the consequefice of which will be that before the tide turns, the mass of polluting matter will have been carried at least 12 miles further down the river, or 26 miles below London Bridge, where it will be diluted by a volume of water twenty times greater than that which it now contaminates at London. As far as is practicable, the sewage will flow on by gravitation, but as some of the most thickly populated districts in London are several feet below high water-mark in the river, and as it will be necessary to give a good outfall to all the subsidiary drainage, it will in places be raised by pumping stations to the level required. The portions of the works now in progress are the High Level Sewer, which extends from Hampstead to Bow, a distance of nine miles, and varies from four feet in diameter to nine and a half feet by twelve feet, and the Middle Level Sewer, from Kensal-green to a junction with the High Level Sewer at Bow. From the latter place to Barking, the two united sewers are known as the Outfall Sewer. The High Level Sewer and the works at the junction are now nearly completed, and the works for the Middle Level Sewer are being carried on vigorously along the Bayswater-road and by tunnelling under Oxford-street. On the Surrey side, the High Level Sewer is rapidly progressing. It embraces two lines, one from Clapham to New Cross, and the other from Dulwich to New Cross. From the latter place to Deptford, the two run side by side, but at different levels. At Deptford are two steam overflow pipes, and the sewage flows through four iron pipes under the Creek, into the Southern Outfall Sewer, by which it will be conveyed to the pumping station and reservoir in Frith marshes. It is hoped that the entire system will be at work in about two years from the present time, and the anticipated excess over the original estimate of 3,000,0001., which will be necessary to the perfect com- pletion of the system, is about another half-million.

— Mr. Scholefield, M.P. for Birmingham, presided at the annual dinner of the Retail Brewers' Association of Birmingham, which was held at Aston Hall on Friday. In reply to the toast of "The Borough Members," Mr. Scholefield expressed his belief that though it was now the fashion to abuse the House of Commons, that body fairly represented the country and performed its duties faithfully.

"He did not say this to show that in his opinion a reform in Parliament was not requisite ; that was a subject he would not discuss then, as his opinion on it was well known, every one knowing that he was a thorough Reformer, and that he, perhaps, went further than many around him. But, taking the House of Commons as it was, he could not hear any one say that it did not fairly repre- sent the people of England without expressing his opinion that such statement was fallacious. There was no legislative assembly in the world that conducted so large an amount of business as the House had to conduct so fairly and honestly es the House of Commons did. Corruption was unknown there ; indeed, he would undertake to find more corruption in the Government of any other country, whether it was in the despotism of what was now called constitutional' Austria, or in republican America, in one day, than could be found in the House of Com- mons for half a century. He felt convinced that great changes must soon occur in the constitution of the House of Commons; but he also felt convinced that the fault of its members was neither corruption nor a desire for personal aggrandize- ment; that the fault was in the system which brought together a number of men acting from old associations and feelings of conservatism—men who might be mistaken, but who acted honestly, and whose mistakes did not involve their personal reputation. He believed that a more honourable body of men did not exist than the members of the House to which they had done him the honour to return him. There were elements in it that he would like to see eliminated, and elements outside that he would like to see introduced; but whenever the change took place—and it must soon come—he hoped that the constitution of the House of Commons, as an assembly of honourable men, would not lose anything by the change. (Cheers.)" Mr. Scholefield's health was subsequently proposed, and in respond- ing, the honourable gentleman made some observations on the licensing system and restrictive legislation to enforce temperance.

"lie was not one of those persons who said that there was nothing easier to remove than an existing monopoly, and that everything could be put on the same footing by an Act of Parliament of four lines; he believed the subject was one which must receive the most serious consideration from Parliament. No indi- vidual member of Parliament could touch the subject ; but if it was taken up by an honest Government, with time at its disposal, it might bring ins measure that

would settle the question. So large a monopoly as that of the licensed victuallers could not be broken down at once without causing much suffering, but by being done gradually it might be done so as to cause little or no ill effect. As lie lig often said before, he held the present licensing system to be unjust to individuals and unfair to the community at large, and he was satisfied that at an early date it would be the duty of Parliament to revise the whole system. At the same time, he could not but say that when the revision took place it must be done with a degree of tenderness, the Legislature knowing that it had created the evil it was now intended to remove. It was a misfortune that in every step in bad legislation it was as bad to go backward as to go forward. And so, when by the creation of a monopoly persons had been induced to embark capital in a trade, when they came to place the trade on a sound footing they found themselves debarred from proceeding in any direction lest they should do a mischief to those whom themselves had created. That was the difficulty that Parliament was in now. He did not believe that the removal of the distinctions that now existed between the two trades could be done without some injury to the licensed vic- tuallers, but he believed that Parliament might yet do justice to all parties, and place them on an equal footing. He was not one of those who believed, with the temperance people, that restrictive legislation could do much to promote tem- perance. He believed that if men were to be made temperate it must be by education and habit, and not by a restrictive law. Who was there that heard of habitual drunkenness among any one of the middle and upper classes? And yet their means for getting, intoxicated were greater than ever; for if a man belonged to a club, either in London or the country, he might go on drinking an day and all night. But, whereas some fifty years ago it was a gentlemanly vice to get drunk, at the present time intemperance might be said to be unknown among the higher classes, and any person known to be habitually intemperate would be scouted by his fellows. That being so, he believed that the attempt to enforce temperance by police laws was a great mistake ; and when Government attempted to impose any new restrictions on the dealers in spirits he should oppose them, as lie believed such restrictions to be in the highest degree injurious to all classes. (Applause)."

-- The inquest on the bodies of the five workmen killed at York by the falling of the girder bridge in process of construction across the Ouse, was brought to a termination on Friday. A great mass of evidence, both of the engineers and others connected with the works, and eye-witnesses of the disaster, was taken, but no light whatever was thrown on the question before the jury—the cause of the fall of the first girder, which carried away the remainder of the bridge. After about forty minutes' deliberation, the jury returned a verdict to the effect that the deceased were killed by the fall of the bridge, but that there was not sufficient evidence to satisfy them of the cause of such fall.

— "M. A. B." writes to the Times on the subject of accidental poisonings, and with copious reference to the late instance of Mr. Hanbury Leigh, who lost his life through the administration of a liniment instead of a draught. He suggests, as an effectual protec- tion against all such mistakes, that all poisons should only be kept in narrow-necked, or "safety" bottles, which only allow a drop at a time of their centents to escape.

TUESDAY, OCTOBER 8TH.

— The annual general meeting of the Bath and Wells Diocesan Societies was held last week in the Chapter-house at Wells, and the new Education Minute naturally formed the principal subject of dis- cussion. In the morning a sermon was preached in the cathedral by the Lord Bishop of Moray and Ross, who said, in the course of his - sermon, he hoped the Church would rise as one man and protest against the dishonourable breach of contract between Government and the schools it had supported. At the meeting, the Bishop of Bath and Wells, who presided, movedithe adoption of a memorial to the President of the Privy Council, stating that in the opinion of the meeting the new Minute was entirely subversive of the present system of education. His Lordship said

"'A Minute had been issued by the Committee of Council on Education, which Minute, in my humble opinion, goes almost to the destruction of elementary school; and quite to the destruction of training schools. (Hear.). It is neces- sary to say a few words upon the objectionable parts of that Minute. I will take first of all the ease of the certificated masters. I know very well that some very good friends, in whose judgment I have the greatest possible confidence, say that faith has not been broken with the certificated masters. I own that I cannot go to that length. I think faith has been broken with them—(applause)—and I will give you my reasons why I think so.' His Lordship then argued that a school- master, by placing himself in a training school for two years, was much in the same position as a man wishing to enter the army, say the Artillery; he gave up every other profession, and worked almost like a slave for two years in order to become a teacher, and then continued: 'When be gets a certificate, that certifi- cate has a money value. It has been stated that he has no vested interest in it, because the votes of money for education are votes of money made every year, but the votes are made every year for the army, and no one dreams of mulcting the officers of the army of their incomes. (Hear, hear.) I do maintain that the certificated masters have a vested interest, which by the Minute is in a great degree taken away. (Hear, hear.) Another objectionable part of the Mmute is that with reference to infant schools. I really believe that the gentlemen who drew up this Minute do not in the least know what a child is. (Laughter.) .1 believe they never could have had children of their own, or, if they had, their sons and daughters could never have performed what they wish these poor children to do. The Minute groups children into fear classes; the first class is the infant-school class, ranging from three years old to seven. We will just see what the Committee of Council requires from a child three .years of age before he can get a farthing. The child is to read a narrative in monosyllables; is, in writing, to form on a black board or slate, from dicta- tion, letters, capital and small; in arithmetic, to form on a black board or slate from dictation figures up to 20, and to name at sight, add, and subtract figures up to 10. (Laughter.) I can only say that my children were never able to reach the black board at the age of three years. (Hear, hear.) There is another ob- jection I have to this Minute, and it is that the children must leave after they attain the age of eleven years, or if they attend they must pass out of Group 4, and the Government payment to them ceases altogether. Now, during rrsry years of my life I worked very hard in an elementary school, and my great object was to induce the parents to let their children remain until they were fourteen years of age, because I felt that practically we could not give a child a good education until he had good understanding enough to embrace it. Now, by this Minute all payments cease at the age of eleven, and there are no pennyworths of learning for children after that age. Taking off all children below five, and all children above eleven, I contend that it is death to all our infant schools and de- struction almost to our elementary schools. For that reason I run hostile to the Minute. (Applause.) The greatest objection, however, that I have to the Minute is that religious training is almost utterly and totally neglected. (Ap- plause.) The Minute of 1846 authorized the inspectors to see that there is religious instruction given. If the clergyman did not like the inspector to examine the children, he or the schoolmaster was to examine the children before the inspector in religiousknowledge, and there is a column in the inspector's report to the Council of Education for him to state what the religious learning of a p.a. colas school is. (Hear, hear.) How stands the matter now? Religious learning by this code is utterly ignored; there is no mention of it whatever. (Hear, hear.) The only way in which the teacher can get money for his pupils is by the penny paid for a certain period for every child that can read, write, and do certain rules in arithmetic. The consequence will be that the schoolmaster will devote all his energies to teaching the mechanical parts of reading and writing, while that which concerns the immortal part of man—that which teaches the child there is a God above to whom he is answerable after his death for what he has done in this world, is wholly ignored. (Hear, hear.) Therefore, I say this Minute ought not to pass.' (Applause.)"

His Lordship also objected to the system of grouping the children together according to age :

"'it is monstrous to suppose that a quick clever child is to be kept back wait- ing until some stupid, dull lad, his superior in age, makes the same progress that he has made, and yet this will be the effect if the Minute is adopted. (Hear.) The working of such a plan would retard the precocious child, lest he should pass Group 4 too soon, and so be disqualified, and would force backward children on to things for which they had not been properly grounded and prepared. Both the stupid fellows and the clever fellows are to have nothing more done to them after passing Group 4."

The Rev. W. C. Lake, one of the members of the Royal Education Commission, then addressed the meeting, giving some statistics of the information collected by the labours of that body. With regard to the rapid progress of education in England, he adduced.the follow- ing facts:

Ui Starting from the beginning of the century, I wish you to observe the extra- ordinary advance. In 1803 the population of this country was 10,000,000, and the number of children educated was 525,000. That was a deplorably low esti- mate, giving an average of only 1 in 17 or 18 of the population. Matters had not much mended in 1818, England not having recovered from the effects of a war which, like other wars, exercised an evil influence in depressing the internal energies of her civilization. Lord Brougham then put out his remarkable and well-inown inquiries on the subject of education, and it appeared that 1 in 17, or about 670,000 children were being educated. Between 1820 and 1851 the education of the English people ran up from 670,090 to 2,150,000, and the proportion was altered from 1 in 17 or 18 of the population to 1 in S. (Cheers.) Nor did the matter stop there. It might be said that the education was of an imperfect character, that the country was then full of dame schools and private schools, and that they gave a low education. Granting this, it must nevertheless be admitted that England was alive on the subject. In 1850 a concordat was established between the Privy Council and the great body of England's clergy, and the result was the education grant of that /ear, amounting to 125,000/. This grant has run on with unexampled rapidity, until it has now reached a figure almost astonishing to us, certainly astonishing to her Majesty's Parliament, and apparently rather appalling to her Majesty's Ministers—it is now 800,000/. per annum. In 1860, 2,600,000 children were in the schools, or 1 in 7. It must be a gratifying fact to know that the reproach brought against us, that we have been pushing to an enormous height material civilization and neglecting everything which has to do with the civiliza- tion of the mind and the soul, was a calumny. (Hear, hum) I will venture to take sonic credit to the Education Commission for having established that fact beyond contradiction. To us, as clergymen, there is another fact, in some re- spects more interesting tkan that to which I have just alluded. It appears that out of this increased body of educated people the Church of England educates no less than 80 per cent. (Applause.) We have 19,000 Church of England schools as compared with 3000 schools belonging to our Dissenting brethren. (Applause.) I except, of course, the British schools and the Roman Catholic schools ; but what are commonly called the Dissenters of England educate only 12 per cent. The Wesleyan body—I mention that body because in a few minutes I shall have to draw your attention to its remarkable zeal in the matter of Sunday schools—educates 4 per cent, of the whole body of the educated children of England. I think due consideration ought to be given to this feet, because in reality it shows this, and you can have nothing more significant, that the Church of England is the educator of the people of England.' (Applause)."

In Sunday Schools, however, the Dissenters did more than the Church :

"'When we come to Sunday schools the case is turned. Our day schools are 19,000 against the Dissenters' 3000; our night schools are 1500, as against 400 among Dissenters ; but in the case of Sunday schools we possess 22,000, with 1,000,000 scholars,. while the Dissenters, with their 12,000 schools, can boast of 1,200,000. I wish you to ponder over the significance of this fact, for I believe we attribute far too little influence to our Sunday schools.'"

As one of the Education Commissioners, he declined to express a definite opinion about the Minute, but explained the motives which actuated the Commissioners in proposing some of the changes recom- mended in their report :

"'We are bound to attempt some remedy, and I am almost afraid to say what our remedy was. We suggested what my friend behind me ( Archdeacon Denison) will look upon with great dissatisfaction—we suggested a rate. (Laughter.) We well knew how that proposition would be received. I will ven- ture to remind you there are more kinds of rates than one. The kiud of rate we suggested might have its drawbacks, but we were determined to minimize the action of the ratepayers ; we were determined that in the internal management of the schools the ratepayers should have little influence ; we therefore placed the management of educational concerns in a Board we believed to be the only safe Board of ratepayers that could be safely constituted—a Board elected by the intelligence of every county—a Board of county gentlemen. This made it im- possible to propose a rate in which persons of great ignorance, persons differing in religions opinions, should have anything to do with the internal concerns of your schools.'"

Sir Arthur Hallam Elton said he thought there was no doubt that the Minute would be either withdrawn or greatly modified before many days after the opening of Parliament. He believed the Minute to have been conceived with good intentions, but there was no person so aggravating as one who did considerable injury with the best in- tentions. He thought there was so much that was seriously objec- tionable in the Minute that he hoped it would be withdrawn alto- gether. Archdeacon Denison next addressed the meeting

"He was now qualified to speak upon the question as a man having no pecu- niary interest in the case, for he had had no connexion with the Committee of the Council, and he thanked God that he had had none. (' Hear,' and laughter.) Sir Arthur Elton had said the Minute would be modified. The great danger was in modification. (' Hear, hear,' and laughter.) Ile should be glad to see this Minute not modified, but destroyed. (Cheers.) He understood from a state- ment, in what was called ' the leading journal,' that the Minute was postponed till the 25th of March. He was not surprised it was so, because one knew well enough what the connexion between the Vice-President of the Council and the leading journal was—at least, he knew it. (Hear, hear.) ' When the Ides of March come, do not let them ever return with such a Minute as that in the face of the country.' He could not agree with what Sir Arthur Elton said about a Government with ' good intentions.' What was the use of a Government with 'good intentions?' They wanted good acts. (' Hear,' and laughter.) He was not surprised, and did not hesitate to say that, knowing what the authorship of the Minute was, be did not expect any religious character in it. He had no doubt that its promoters would, when Parliament met, be very ready to grant a modification in the economic part, and under cover of this would endeavour to carry out their designs upon religion. That was what would happen unless they were staunch and true. He believed that was the policy and that was the real danger of the Minato. They had put forward a great deal, and, under cover of withdrawing that which touches the money interests of the managers and teachers, they would accomplish that which had been in the minds of those who sat on the Committee of Council from the first to do—namely, to establish a system of Governmental aid to education in this country which should be wholly apart from religion. It would be only to gain a boas to get the money back without the religion. Never let them allow their exertions to relax for one moment until they had put this Minute under their foot—until they had inade it impossible for any Government, be it Whig or Tory, to commit such a breach of faith, or tender such a gross and horrible insult to the religious feeling of the people of England. (Cheering.)" — Intelligence has arrived to the effect that the arduous task of laying the submarine telegraphic cable between Malta and Alexandria has at length been satisfactorily completed. The destination of the cable, which h was originally ordered with a view to its being laid be. tween Falmouth and Gibraltar, and was constructed amid even shipped for use between Singapore and Rangoon, was not finally decided upon till the beginning of the present year; and it was February before the soundings were commenced by Captain Spratt, C.B., of H.M.S. Medina, and Commander Mandell, of H.M.S. Firefly. It was ultimately decided to lay the line, as far as possible, along the coast, which rendered 1300 miles of cable necessary, instead of the 850 miles which would have been required for a deep sea line, laid direct between the two places. The line was accordingly divided into three sections, and the first of the three, front Malta to Tripoli, was paid out with the greatest possible care and regularity from the steam- ship Malacca, on the 27th and 28th of May, although the depth in some places was not less than 430 fathoms. The Malacca had now only 288 miles of cable left, and the length required to reach the next station, Benghazi, was 500 miles ; but after two days' delay at Tripoli in testing the portion already laid, it was determined to pay out the 288 miles immediately, and the task was accomplished by the Malacca, attended as before by the Medina and Scourge, in fifty-five hours, the end of the cable being securely sealed, and buoyed to mark the site. The next step taken was the laying of the section front Alexandria to Benghazi, which was commenced by the Rangoon, a sister ship to the Malacca, on the 7th of July. This portion of the work was by far the most difficult and full of risk, the bottom being uneven and rocky to such a degree, that a mile one way or the other would in some places make a difference of from 1000 fathoms to quite shallow water. A special detailed survey was accordingly made by the Medina, Scourge, and Mohawk, previously to the commencement of the task of laying the cable, and in four days front her departure from Alexandria, the 211 miles of cable on board the Rangoon had been safely deposited in shallow water, and the site marked, as in the case of the Tripoli cable, by buoys. On the 15th of September, the Rangoon and Malacca both started on their work with fresh cargoes of cable, and on the 28th of the same month, the buoyed ends of the Alexandria and Tripoli cables were both extended to Benghazi, and a royal salute in honour of the completion of the task fired by the gunboats employed in the work. The entire length of the cable was most carefully tested in every possible way before it left England, and there is every prospect of its performing its duties for years to come without needing repairs. At present, the working of the signals is most satisfactory, and the section between NIalta and Tripoli, 230 miles long, is worked at the rate of 25 to 30 words a minute, and that with the employment of only three cells, the amount of battery power requisite having been reduced to a minimum.

WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 9.

— The examination of George Clark, charged with the murder of Mr. Frater, took place before the Newcastle magistrates on Tues- day. Evidence was given by Mr. Horn, bookseller, who was talking with the deceased at the moment of his assassination; by Mr. Wilson, butcher, who also witnessed the struggle between the pri- soner and Mr. Fritter ; by William Dodds and John Macdonald, fellow. workmen of the prisoner, who deposed to having heard him threaten to "do for Frater," and other witnesses, who completed the links necessary in the chain of evidence. The prisoner was then com- mitted for trial on the charge of wilful murder. Throughout the proceedings the prisoner persisted in interrupting the witnesses with the most irrelevant and unmeaning questions, which tended to give the impression that his object was to feign insanity. When Mr. Horn, for instance, said that he had witnessed the struggle, the pri- soner suddenly asked,

"'When we in olden times popped a knife into a person the blood flowed down wards, but this man makes it flow upwards—how is that? (To witness.) Row do you make that out?'

" Witness said he knew nothing about olden times. "Prisoner,—' Then let him stand back; his evidence is of no use.'

"Prisoner then turned his back upon the bench, and remained in that posi- tion until the case was finished."

In an article on the Armstrong gun, the Mechanics' Magazine contends earnestly against the adoption of Sir William's system throughout our national armament. It is stated that the Armstrong gun, when subjected to the test of rapid firing, becomes, in a very short space of time, completely useless. Unless considerable time is allowed between each discharge, the piece rapidly becomes hot, and in consequence of the expansion which results, the compli- cated screw arrangements and breech pieces cease to fit, and an enormous escape of gas takes place before the twentieth round, and thirty rounds, fired in rapid succession, are sufficient to put an Armstrong gun hors de combat. A course of experiments has recently been made to investigate the truth of these assertions on board the Trusty and Excellent at Shoeburyness. In one instance, fifty rounds were fired from an Armstrong gun under the direction of the Ord- nance Select Committee, and no less than four vent pieces were destroyed, and the time consumed in the necessary repairs by skilful artificers prolonged the firing of the fifty rounds over nearly eight hours. Another serious fault laid to the charge of the Armstrong system by the Mechanics' Magazine is the composition of the shot and shell which are required for its use, the combination of iron and lead in their structure rendering each shell nothing more or less than a voltaic pile, the chemical action from which causes the lead to ex- foliate rapidly from the iron. This deteriorating process is shown to have been goim on to a great extent in the 40,000 shells now in store on the arsenal wharf at Woolwich. The twelve-pounder Arm- strong gun, it appears from the decision of the Ordnance Select Committee, is to be so altered as to render its original features almost unrecognizable.

— The official declaration of the poll for the election of Lord Mayor took place at a Common Hall of the Livery, which was held on Tuesday. After the numbers had been given out by Mr. Sheriff Cockerel], he, in company with his colleague, left the Hall to report the election of the Lord Mayor and Sir Peter Laurie to the Court of Aldermen. Mr. Jones then addressed the Livery: "He congratulated the Livery on the vote of approbation which they had just passed on the conduct of the Lord Mayor. In re-electing my Lord of London' —for that was his name—(laughter, and cries of 'Oh P)—they had sent a message to Downing-street that they were as ready as ever to fight the battle which they had fought before. The Livery had gained a great moral and political victory (A Voice : Politics have nothing to do with it P), and the return of Alderman Cabitt was an assurance to the City that whereas they had before fought and beaten the philosophical Home Secretary, Sir G. C. Lewis, so they were ready to fight and beat also that arrogant Secretary, Sir G. Grey. (Cheers and hisses.) Arrogant he called him, because when he had brought in a bill, on a former occasion, to take away some of their rights, he told the Livery that

i

they did not contentedly submit to so much deprivation, he would bring n a bill which would destroy them entirely. Under the leadership of Alderman Cubitt they might rest assured that their rights and privileges were safe. There never was a time when it was more necessary that the rights and privileges of the people should be jealously guarded, for there never was a time when the preroga- tives of the Crown against the people were more overwhelming, or when the Crown possessed more patronage and influence over the representatives of the people. (' Question, question 1) There were many minor reasons why they should have elected such a man as Alderman Cubitt to the chair. The revival of the hospi- talities of the Mansion-house (cheers) on a scale which recalled to mind the dignity and splendour of the Medici family of Florence (' Oh ! oh ! Question, question P) was an event of which the city of London might be proud. (Cheers.) The elegance, the courteous bearing, and the cultivated manners of the Lady Mayoress (cheers) were no small matters in the coming year. These were minor reasons, but the great motive which bad animated his exertions was that Alder- man Cubitt was a man who would protect the rights of the city of London. (Cheers.) This ancient republic of sixteen centuries had done what other con- stituent assemblies would do well to imitate. It had not allowed itself to be the instrument of the expenditure of money on behalf of any candidate, but it had looked out for the best man and elected him without allowing him to participate in the result by the exercise of his own influence or the expenditure of his own money. (` Oh, oh !' and cheers.)" Mr. Newton then attempted to read a protest against the election of the Lord Mayor and Sir Peter Laurie, which both the Sheriffs and the Court of Aldermen had refused to entertain. He was received with great uproar, and was ultimately compelled to forego his inten- tion. The Lord Mayor and Aldermen, attended by the Sheriffs and Recorder, then entered the hall, and announced the re-election by the Court of Aldermen of the Lord Mayor. The right honourable

gentleman then said:

"'Brother Liverymen, for the great distinction and honour you have done me in thus demonstrating your opinion of my worthiness to be placed among those who from time to time and at long intervals have been re-elected to this honour- able office,! find it quite impossible to express my gratitude in a manner suitable to the occasion, or in language adequate to the emotions I experience. When twelve months ago in this hall you placed me in the exalted position of chief magistrate of tins important city, I promised that I would endeavour to dis- charge its functions in such a manner that no reproach could attach to you for entrusting rue with an office of such dignity. I then little thought that I should have now to thank you for again conferring that office upon me' and the value of the honour you have done me is greatly enhanced from its not having been soli- cited by me. (Cheers.) I desire now to renew the assurance I then gave, and to pledge myself so to exert my humble abilities during the year of the coming mayoralty as may best conduce to the fulfilment of your expectations (cheers), to uphold the ancient dignity of the office, to preserve intact the valuable privileges of all my fellow-citizens, and to justify to public opinion the great favour with which you have been pleased to regard me, and the great honour you have done me in again electing me to be Lord Mayor of London.' (Loud cheers)."

Mr. Newton, amid great uproar, then succeeded in reading his pro- test, which was on the ground that the re-election of a Lord Mayor for the year immediately ensuing that of his office was contrary to law and the charter granted to the City by King Edward II., and that no custom or usage to the contrary could overrule such charter. A letter from Sir H. Muggeridg,e was then read, apologizing for his

non-attendance at the Common Hall:

"'St. Andrew's-bill, Oct. 8. " Gentlemen' —I am so unwell that, although it was my determination to have been present at the Common Hall, I must appeal to your sympathies, and ask you to excuse my attendance. Could I have been with you I would have thanked you very sincerely for the support accorded to me during the late contest. I admit that I am disappointed, but not dispirited in my resolve to serve my fellow- citizens, but looking forward to my opponent, whose conduct as Lord Mayor has been beyond all praise, I could hardly have hoped for a different result. Although defeated, I trust I may, if spared, reappear before you another year for election, with every reasonable expectation of being placed in that high and important office—an office which I unhesitatingly say will be filled during the next year by Alderman Cubitt with becoming dignity and to your satisfaction. Again el pressing my sincere obligations to those kind and indulgent friends who have supported me in this election,

" I have the honour to be your obedient srrvant,

" HENRY' MUGGERIDGE."

After votes of thanks to the late Sheriffs, and to the Lord Mayor for his conduct during the past year, the proceedings terminated.

THURSDAY, OCTOBER 10TH.

— The South West Middlesex Agricultural Society held its twenty-fifth annual meeting on Wednesday at Hounslow. Lord Enfield, presided, and his colleague in the representation of the county, Mr. Robert Hanbury, was also present. General Wood pro.. posed "the County Members," and Mr. Hanbury returned thanks first. After congratulating his audience on the late rich harvest, he turned to the state of our foreign relations, which, on the whole, he con- sidered satisfactory.

"'For the fact that we are on such good terms with our neighbours we may thank the policy pursued by her Majesty's Government—one which has brought about that happy state of things. I do not particularize the present Government. I should rather say the policy of the people of England ; for whether this Govern- ment or that is in power; whether Lord Palmerston or Lord Derby is in office; whether Lord John Russell or Lord Malmesbury holds the seals of the Foreign- office, the only policy which will be tolerated by the people of England is that of non-intervention.' (Hear hear.)"

Lord Enfield also responded. In reviewing the events of the past session, he expressed his regret that the habit of making long and frequent speeches prevailed to such an extent in the House of Commons.

"'The longer I sit in the House of Commons, the morel am convinced of the fact that these men who, except on particular subjects, speak the least, often are not those who are the least listened to when they do speak. (Bear, hear.) For instance, I find that when monetary measures are under discussion the honour- able member for Huntingdon (Mr. T. Baring) and the honourable member for Kendal (Mr. Glyn)—meu who do not always speak—address the House with a. freshness, a vigour, and a knowledge of the subject, and that they are listened to invariably with respect and attention. (Hear, hear.) Then on great mercantile questions the honourable member for Liverpool, the honourable member for Man- chester, and the honourable member for Stockport, and other honourable members. who are not perpetually taking up the time of the House by speaking upon every subject, but who are practically acquainted with those relating to commerce, are heard with attention and interest, and great weight is attached to their opinions. (Hear, hear.) Again, I find that when naval affairs come under discussion no one is listened to with more eagerness than the honourable and gallant admiral the member for Devonport (Sir hl. Seymour); and on army matters the honourable and gallant general the honourable member for Hunting- don (General Peel), who is a great authority on those subjects, but who is not always on his legs, is beard with that deference to which his experience and ability entitle him.' (Hear, hear.)" In conclusion, Lord infield touched cautiously on the subject of Reform. Without saying that anomalies did not exist in its con- stitution, he thought the British Parliament did in reality represent the feelings of the country, and if any change# in our institutions must be made, no one could wish to make those changes with a more sparino.'' hand than himself. With reference to this subject, he thought recent events in America ought to act as a warning against rash or destructive legislation: "'We see what is now going on at the other side of the Atlantic: We see in America a spectacle such as we should not expect to witness under the greatest despotism. The press is not free there, but exposed to every insult and outrage. In this country we cannot understand such a state of things, but we have only to read those spirit-stirring letters which come from Mr. Russell to learn how those institutions to which we are asked by some people to assimilate our own have collapsed in the hour of trial. (Hear, hear.) I say this in no spirit of boasting- I should be ashamed to do so. I only assert that when we are called on to amend our own institutions—when we are told that wars are got up as a species of out- door relief for our aristocracy—when we are told that the Volunteer msvement is only taken up as a means of showing off uniform, we are entitled to refer those institutions with which our own were placed in invidious comparison.' (Hears hear.)"

Mr. Briscoe and Mr. George Cubitt, the members for West Surrey, attended the meeting of the Eel= Agricultural Society on Tuesday. In the evening the members dined together, under the presidency of Mr. Cubitt. In responding to the toast of "The County Members," Mr. Briscoe referred particularly to one measure which had been passed during the recent session—the Post-office banks—which he warmly eulogized. Mr. Cubitt :also returned thanks, but excused himself from entering into an account of his stewardship, or, in fact, speaking at any length. He said :

"'Well, gentlemen, though we exclude polities from our meetings, no doubt yolk have been astonished at time enormous number of subjects brought forward, withia the last week or so, at agricultural gatherings, by hon. members attending those meetings. We are not able to take up a paper without seeing that hon. gentle- men, instead of confining themselves to the subject in hand, travel over a vast variety of others. One is telling how badly matters were managed in Parliament last session; another how well they were conducted ; a third what Parliament ought to do next session ; a fourth what he intends to do himself. (Laughter.) A fifth takes a flight to Madagascar, and a sixth expresses a hope that he shall live to see the day when constitutional Government shall prevail throughout the States of the Grand Llama of Thibet. I think, gentlemen, that such discussions are rather out of course at agricultural meetings. I shall decline to enter into them here. I shall not go into general questions; but should any gentleman wish to have an explanation with me in private lam quite prepared to gtve it to him- (laughler)—and, further, I can assure you that on a fitting occasion I shall not shrink from the task of endeavouring to show you that Lain not unworthy of that confidence which you have so kindly placed in me.' (Cheers.)" — The prizes to the successful candidates at the recent Oxford Local Examination at Exeter were distributed on Monday in the Guildhall of that city, by Sir John Coleridge. In addressing the meeting, Sir John reviewed the progress of the wholnrange of middle class education since the Local Examination had been instituted.

With regard to the examination in the rudiments of faith and religion, he spoke as follows :

"Now let us see what the effect has been with respect to examinations in the rudiments of faith and religion. In 1860, 864 students produced only 331 who had passed the examination in the rudiments of faith and religion. In 1861, out of 968 only 337 passed. The increase upon the totals is 104, but the increase upon those who have been examined in the rudiments of faith and religious know- ledge is only 6, so that in effect 104 students have been added, and only 6 have named. This establishes beyond a doubt that the decline in the examination has Been going on under the present state of things. Now I hope I do not deceive myself as to the feelings of those whom I address, when I say that if this state of things went on it would be most deeply to be lamented; and if it went on almost to the extent which we may expect it may do—to the total abandonment of all teaching of religions knowledge—nothing could be more lamented. (Hear.) I will not hazard the opinion that what might remain was not worth having, but this I say, that I do most thankfully accept the alteration which will take effect in the course of the next year. The effect of it will be this—the examination will remain voluntary, as it does now, but the examination will not be passed if any one of the parents or those who stand in the relation of parents shall, under their hand, object to it on the ground of religious scruples. That I do not object to; but if a student goes in for examination, according to the present rule, there is no differ- ence. Those who go into it must be examined altogether, and they are not allowed to pass unless they satisfy the examiners in all parts of the examination. On the other hand, a candidate may go in and give proofs of an amount of knowledge which entitles him to certain marks that will tell in the general position he will take in the results of the examination. So " that while the University of Oxford will not depart from what it ought not to depart from—that of examining as to the faith which it holds—at the same time it will give rewards to all those who have taken pains to instruct themselves in the matter, and pro tanto it will reckon in the results of the examination. That being the case, I accept it very thankfully. 1, for one, will not express my opinion whether it has gone too far or not, save the mere stating of the results. I watched the debates that took place at Oxford in the months of May and Jane with very great interest. I saw there persons very able and very good—far abler and far better than I can pretend to be—arrayed on both sides. I acknowledge the difficulties of the question, and, if I venture to say that a compromise has been effected, I am speaking for myself, and do not set my opinion against the opinion of others, or speak with the view of prejudicing any person's mind against those who differ from me. Now, apart from the question of religions examine- tion (of the results of which 1 have no reason to be satisfied, speaking generally, and in reference to that miserable number of 6 when 104 was the total), and looking at the country at large, and at the question widely, there is every reason to congratulate ourselves. Now, first, there has been an increase in the number; that is a great satisfaction. Then they have come from more various sources; and that also is a great satisfaction.'"

Sir John then addressed his observations to the recipients of the prizes, and reminded them that, in obtaining certificates, they had become connected with one of the most venerable, influential, and excellent institutions in the land—the University of Oxford—with which he hoped many of them would rise to become more closely connected. In conclusion, he urged them all to do their utmost to reflect credit, by achieving distinction in future life, on the University they haje just been connected with. — Mr. Smith O'Brien has been "studying the Hungarian ques- tion" during a short tour in Hungary, and has written to a friend giving him the general result of his observations. He started on his excursion with strong prepossessions in favour of the Hungarian cause, but all those prepossessions were more than confirmed by his inter- course with the Hungarians themselves. His conviction of the na- tional rights of Hungary was also strengthened. The grievances of the Hungarians were so numerous and so great that he could not do justice to the cause if he attempted to set them all forth. They somewhat resembled those injuries inflicted upon the Irish people for seven centuries by the British Government, though it was cer- tainly giving the Hungarians a step in the army of martyrs to com- pare them with the latter meek and long-suffering race.

"They very much resemble those which have afflicted Ireland, but it is due to the Austrian Government to say that it has not yet systematized the confisca- tion of property with the same skill which has been employed in Ireland by the British Government during seven centuries; nor has Hungary, like Ireland, lost by misgovernment one-third of its population within fifteen years. Nevertheless, their grievances and their claims are such as entitle them to demand the resti- tution of the right of self-government, which they enjoyed during several cen- turies. They therefore are hilly justified in refusing to subject the interests of Hungary to the control of the Austrian Reichsruth—an assembly in which they place no confidence, and in which, even if it deserved confidence, they would be overruled by adverse majorities, even as the voice of the representatives of Ire- land is overruled by English majorities in the British Parliament. They only demand the restoration of the ancient constitution of Hungary, subject to the i mprovements which were adopted in 1848. They are also justified in refusing to acknowledge the legality of any laws other than those which have been passed by the Hungarian Diet, and in refusing to pay taxes which have not been sanc- tioned by the representatives of the Hungarian people. These resolutions and these claims have been adopted with wonderful unanimity by the Diet and people of Hungary."

Mr. Smith O'Brien was convinced it was the aim of the Austrian Go- vernment to drive the Hungarians from their present attitude of passive resistance into an open outbreak, in the belief that it could now be more easily quelled than heretofore. To effect this object, soldiers—in one case as many as 110—were quartered upon Hun- garian noblemen till the taxes clue to Government were paid. He was also of opinion that, unless their full constitutional rights were re- stored to Hungary within a few months, that kingdom would be irrecoverably lost to the Austrian empire. If France once moved, Hungary, Officia, Bohemia, Venice, and even the Tyrol, all of which were now seriously discontented, would probably rise. In conclusion, Mr. O'Brien reverted to the parallel he had drawn between the wrongs of Ireland and those of Hungary.

"In the mean time I am happy to connect your name with the cause of Hun- gary. I feel sure that as an Irishman you will recognize the parallel which exists between our national claims and those of the Hungarian people. A con- cession to the claims of justice in Hungary will furnish a precedent which may hereafter he applied to Ireland; bat, even apart from selfish considerations, every friend of freedom must wish success to the efforts of the noble nation which is now struggling to regain, in an improved form, its ancient right of self-govern- ment. Let us, then, reciprocate the sentiment with which I was greeted at a sylvan entertainment given in a forest within sight of the Carpathian mountains

Vivat Hibernia I Vivat ilungaria "

FRIDAY, OCTOBER 11TH.

— The annual banquet given at the close of the civic year by the retiring Mayor of Oxford, took place in the Town-hall on Wed nes- day..Among the company were the Right Hon. J. W. Henley, M.P., Vice-Chancellor Sir William Page Wood, Mr. J. H. Langston, M.P. Mr. J. 1'. Norris, M.P., &c. Mr. Cardwell, M.P., who had arrived in London from Switzerland, in order to be present, was prevented by illness from attending. The Mayor proposed the health of Vice- Chancellor Wood, who responded at length. With reference to America, he said: "I sin sorry to say that in another quarter of the globe we have a picture of a very direrent nature, and which must give pain to all reflecting Englishmen, and which cannot be treated with flippancy or lightly passed over. It must be a great principle, be it right or wrong, that can actuate so large a body in the South in arming in this struggle; they must feel that they have grievances which require redress, and there most be some strong reason to induce 180,000 or 200,000 men to band themselves together, and make sacrifices not only:of life and property, but of the future material interests and prosperity of thew country. (Rear.) You know very well that I never was a Republican, and never said any thing that would induce you to believe that I admired the Republican institutions of America, but nobody will tell you that America could have had different in- stitutions. Once separated from us, where were they to have got their sovereign or their House of Lords? At the same time, they possessed that true Anglo. Saxon character that will always enable them to carry out the principles of self- government. At this moment they are governing themselves and taxing them- selves to an enormous extent. All subscribe to the expenses of the Government,

and are willing to submit to privations to obtain a recognition of principles for which they are fighting. In point of fact, the States of North America now form

two great republics, and the only fear I should have of disastrous consequences— and the same remark will apply to England, or any other country in the world— would arise from those entrusted with the Government not proving true to their mission.' (Hear, hear.)" The Mayor next gave "The Health of the Members for the City of Oxford.' Mr. Langston, M.P., in responding, expressed a wish that a simultaneous reduction of armaments could be agreed upon between this country and France. The Mayor then proposed "The Health of the Members of the County." Mr. Henley, M.P., responded, and was very warmly received. He expressed his sincere sympathy with the cause of Italian freedom, and looked forward hopefully to the future of that country under her present constitutional and united Govern- ment. Throughout all her struggles for freedom, Italy resembled this country in all our political disturbances and changes—she had souilit for nothing new, but only for the restoration of rightswhich had fallen into abeyance. After a passing allusion to American affairs, Mr. Henley explained his views on Reform : " With regard to Parliamentary Reform, I believe this—that the people out of doors did not want it ; that they would not have it; and that Parliament itself was utterly powerless in the matter. (Hear.) I may be right or I may be wrong, but of this I am sure, being in the House of Commons at the time, that it was no more possible for Parliament to settle the question than it was for honourable members to fly. (Laughter.) As you well know, gentlemen, I never was what is called a Reformer. and I have, therefore, no odds to settle with my constituents (laughter); but when the question came before the House of Com- mons I gave my opinion of it fairly and frankly. (Loud cheers.) I said at once what I was willing to do, and I left office because that did not suit those with whom I was acting in the Government of the country. (Great cheering.) So far as I was personally concerned there was an end of the matter; but since then the whole question has been gradually dying out until it came to a natural death last session. Whether it will ever come to life again I do not pretend to say ; but I must confess that, in what remains to me of my life, I can hardly expect to see it again.'" In conclusion, Mr. Henley said he felt certain that the country would not permit any reduction of our armaments whatever in con- sequence of the success of the Volunteer movement. Great as our armaments were, he believed they were even behind rather than in excess of the wishes of the country. We must not forget that we had a neighbour on the other side of the water who might make him- self very disagreeable if he chose, though we had no reason at present to suppose he meant anything but what was right. The health of Mr. Norris, MT., was afterwards proposed, and Mr. Norris briefly returned thanks. He said lie had calculated that if the civil war in 'America continued to rage for four years more, at the present rate of expenditure on both sides, the burdens it would entail would be larger than the whole national debt of this country, in addition to the entire ruin of trade and commerce. American institutions could not then be called really cheap and economical. — Sir William Armstrong writes to the Times in answer to the allegations of the Jfeehanies' Magazine, a step which he should not have taken but for the comments on them in the Times. Sir William denies the truth of the statement that a 40-pounder gun, on his sys- tem, was rendered so unserviceable by the constant destruction of vent-pieces, as to require eight hours for firing 50 rounds. Not a single vent-piece was destroyed, the gun did not become unduly heated, and 50 rounds were fired in 57 minutes. As to the alleged voltaic action of the different. metals of which the shells are composed causing exfoliation of the lead, Sir William states that the especial attention of the Ordnance Select Committee, and of the Superintendent of the Chemical Department in the Arsenal, has been directed to the state of the shells referred to, and they report them as perfectly free from deterioration. The assertion that the principle of the 12- pounder Armstrong gun has been so altered as to retain hardly any of its original features, is thus explained :

"With regard the important alterations' that are said to have so far re-

generated' the 12-pounder Armstrong gun that 'time inventor himself will hardly be able to recognize his own offspring,' these are set forth in the following teri which would lead uninformed persons to believe that the changes almost involved a new gun: 'The breech tangent sight (the writer states) has to be altered from steel to gun metal, and from a rectangular to an hexagonal form, the upper portion being at the same time completely remodelled, including the leaf, croes- head and vertical verniers, elevating and deflecting screws. The ratchet has undergone considerable improvement. The trunnion sight has been remodelled, while at the same time it is secured to the body of the gun, instead of being let through the trunnion. Considerable improvement has been made in the dispart sight.' Now, every word of this applies to the sights, and simply amounta to thus—that I have improved their construction."

In conclusion, Sir William states that he is now making a course of experiments with a view to obviate any escape of gas from the vent-piece, and has no doubt of an ultimate attainment of his object. — Viscount Forth, only son of the Earl of Perth, committed suicide at Gloucester, on Tuesday last. His Lordship was born in 1834, and was brought prominently before the public in a case before Sir Cresswell Cresswell a few months ago, when Lady Forth obtained a divorce from her husband. In July last, Lord Forth arrived at the Spa Hotel, Gloucester, under the name of Captain Drummond, and was accompanied by a lady who passed as Mrs. Drutnmond.. On the 19th ult., Mrs. Drummond was confined, but shortly afterwards became seriously ill, and died on Tuesday last. The deceased noble- man appeared to be frantic with grief, and drank nearly three-quarters of a pint of brandy directly after her death. He continued for several hours in this distracted state, and then commenced packing up his clothes, as if for immediate departure. While so engaged, he came upon a bottle of laudanum which had been purchased for Mrs. Drummond, and before he could be prevented, swallowed a large draught. He afterwards attempted to cut his throat, but the knife was taken from him. In spite of medical assistance, he expired from the effects of the laudanum in a short time afterwards.

— The annual meeting of the Worcestershire Agricultural Society was held at Worcester on Wednesday. The Earl of Dudley presided at the dinner, and Sir J. Pakington, M.P., and several other members of Parliament were present, in reply to the toast of "The Borough Members," Sir J. Pakington spoke at some length on scientific pro- gress in agriculture, and on the leasing system. In conclusion,

"He believed the solution of the great agricultural problem was to be found in three conditions. First, that no man should undertake a farm until he had made himself acquainted with his business; secondly, that no man should undertake a farm that was larger than the capital which he had to expend upon it; and, thirdly, that when he threw his skill and capital into the cultivation of the land, he should take care to stay there as long as his interests required."

The Earl of Dudley also spoke on the subject of farm leases, and said he should feel himself bound, whenever he got a tenant who could and would do his duty to the law, to grant him a lease not terminable at his death.

— A School of Science was inaugurated at Liverpool, on Wednes- day, in connexion with the Free Library, the Natural History Mu- seum, and the newly established Gallery of Inventions. A large and distinguished party, including Earl Granville, the Right Hon W. E. Gladstone, Mr. Fairbairn, C.B., &c., were invited on the occasion, and having previously visited the principal educational institutions, and other objects of interest in the town, attended a public meeting at St. George's Hall, which was addressed by Earl Granville and Mr. Gladstone.

— Lord Wodehouse, late Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs, at- tended the meeting of the North Walsh= Agricultural Society, on Wednesday. In proposing the toast of " Success to the Associa- tion," his Lordship made observations on the question of the condi- tion of the labourers :

"Intimately connected with agriculture was the condition of the labourer. He had upon more than one occasion alluded to that most important matter to the labourer—the laws of settlement, and, having had the honour of being asso- cMted during the past session with a measure which altered in some respects the law upon the subject, he wished to say a few words upon the general question. It must have been remarked that the last census showed much more than formerly movements of the population from one part of the country to the other, while in this great county there had actually been a decrease in the number of inhabitants. He could not say that he looked upon this result with regret, because, unless the labourer was more valuable to his employer in a money point of view, he was convinced that there would never be any great improvement in the labourer's moral and social condition. If the labourer's wages improved, then his condition would improve, and lie believed that we had arrived at the turning point both in this county and the country generally, for higher wages were now paid to the labourer, and there was upon the whole a decided improve- ment in his condition. As regarded the laws of settlement he was persuade4 that ultimately they must go ; at the same time he was not one of those wh3 were anxious for any premature change, for such things should be done and always were done in this country by degrees, public opinion gradually maturing itself until at last a point was arrived at when a change was universally desired."

— At the annual banquet of the Mayor of Ripon, on Tuesday, Earl de Grey and Ripon was present, and replied to the toast of "Her Majesty's Ministers." His Lordship took a somewhat gloomy view of the probable depression in the cotton trade:

"He regretted to say that we ourselves might yet have to suffer, and suffer severely, from the effects of the civil war in America. If it were continued, and continued in the manner present appearances seemed to indicate, it was too much to be dreaded that the great branches of our national industry might be brought into a state of great stagnation, which might produce a deplorable amount of suffering; and the next winter might be a period of great trial for the people of this country, and especially for the working claeses—such as had not been seen for many years."

In connexion with a few remarks on the satisfactory state of the na- tional defences, Lord de Grey paid a warm tribute to the memory of Lord Herbert of Lea :

"It was his (Earl de Grey's) good forturne to serve under Lord Herbert for eighteen months, and no man could have had a more humble, confiding, or prac- tical chief; and no one could have served a master who could better have taught a young politician those principles of honour and virtue which marked the deal- ings of England, and which he trusted always would mark the career of English statesmen. (Applause.) The death of Lord Herbert was a loss, not to the Go- vernment or a party alone, but to the public of this country and every part of the world ; it was a loss to the British soldier of a magnitude it WAS difficult to over- estimate ; it was a loss to the Volunteers whom he had so largely helped to organize and it was a loss to England of no common character. (Cheers.) Though:however, they had been deprived of the advantage of his wisdom and administrative talent, his spirit still ruled in the War Office, and they were still desirous of carrying on the work he commenced of maintaining and increasing the defences of the country, labouring to improve the condition of the British soldier to guard his health, to improve ids mind, and lead him away from low tempta- tions to better and nobler objects, and make him a better defender of his country because they made him a better citizen."