13 DECEMBER 1856, Page 4

intrip mar (Entrant.

et r a III t.—The alforliteur of Sunday contained a few words on the proximate meeting of the Conference, but it adds little to our previous knowledge.

" The treaty of Paris has met, in its application, with difficulties which rise have given se to a difference of opinion between the contracting Courts, and has rendered necessary a meeting of their respective representatives to hasten the complete execution of the conditions of peace. The majority of the Powers that signed the treaty have already agreed, with this object in view, to the convocation of the Conference at Pans. it is therefore to be presumed that it will be able to• meet before the end of the present month ; and everything authorizes the hope that it will succeed in promptly re- establishing a perfect understanding on the points under dispute."

The Vienna correspondent of the Times gives- some further information as to the probable course of proceeding. " At the first sitting of the Conference, the representatives of England and Austria will demand that the map of Bessarabia used on the 8th and 10th of March be produced ; and when it is on the table, the representatives of Rus- sia and France will be asked to point out the Bolgred alluded to in Article 20 of the treaty. On the map used by the Conference on the 8th and 10th of March 1856, there is but one Bolgrad marked, and it is on the Akermaim road, about five kilometres to the North of the Lake of Yalpuck. On a Ger- man map, which was copied from a Russian original, the Bolgrad just alluded to is thus marked, Tabak ezantynie Bolgrad. Of a second place of the same name, lying close to the North-east extremity of the Lake of Yal- . puck—which place is so unjustly claimed by Russia—there is no trace. If M. de Walewsld was previously informed by Count Orloff that Russia meant by Bolgrad a town which was not marked on the map, he certainly did not communicate the fact to Baron de Bourqueney ; for when the Frontier Com- mission began its operations, that diplomatist did not know that there was a New Bolgrad. If the information given use be correct—and it probably is so —it has been already settled what subjects are to be discussed by the Con- ference. Each Government will be represented by its resident diplomatic agent; and it is well that such is to be the case, for some of the Ambassa- dors Extraordinary proved last spring that they were not 'up' to their work." A circular issued by M. Billault to the Prefects of the Departments, and dated Paris, 20th November, explains in a great measure why so many of these important officers in the centralized government of France have been recently dismissed, and it lays down rules for their guidance in future.

" Monsieur Is Prefet—Dmarees suspending Municipal Councils, and ap- plications for their dissolution, are becoming every day more numerous. This exaggerated tendency is not in conformity either with the spirit of the law of 5th May 1855 or with the intentions of the Government. The in- tention of the law was to arm the superior authority against proceedings which might be prejudicial to order, or which might trangress the legal powers of the Communal Assemblies. It was with a view to extraor- dinary cases of this kind that Article 13 was framed, under which Municipal Councils may not only be suspended or • dissolved, but may be replaced -sy Commissions, whose powers may last till the next quinquennial election. But the greater part of the decrees of suspension which I receive are grounded upon the opposition of the Councils to propositions touching the communal interests brought forward by the Mayors. The administration too often thinks fit to interfere in these local differences, and improperly brings its authority to bear upon the conflicts which grow out of them. I cannot too strongly recommend you, Sir, to leave the utmost latitude to the Municipal Councils in everything relating to the discussion within the limits of the law of purely communal interests. If these assemblies give abad or unin- telligent solution to the affairs brought before them, the population will know to whom the responsibility is to be imputed. A bad local decision is less mis- chievous than a system which tends to impose universally the action of cen- tral authority in matters not involving any general. interest to require its interference. Administrators allow themselves too easily to be led away by the desire of crushing all inconvenient resistance, instead of using their per- sonal influence, and encouraging that public opinion which in the long run is never blind 'to its own true interests. I have often regretted to observe this tendency to see in authority nothing but its rigorous exigencies, and to forget that the best way to serve the Emperor's government is to make it loved. I am most anxious, M. le Prefet,. that all the local administrations should return to the path which has been invariably traced for them by my instructions and those of my predecessors. The management of public affairs is always beset with difficulties. Your mission as an administrator consists principally in smoothing difficulties, without friction, and with a courteous moderation. I recommend you then, expressly, not to suspend any-Munici- pal Council, and not to address to me any requisition for the dissolution of any Municipal Council, unless you feel thoroughly convinced that reasons of public order imperatively call for one or the other of those measures, and unless you are at the same time able to assure me that you have personally done all in your power to avoid the necessity of resorting to such a harsh course. I further remind you, that in either ease, the reports which you will address to me must be accompanied with documents, showing the grounds for your reports, and tparticularlyby.the reports of the Sub-Prefects of all arrondissements other than the principal arrondissement of your de- partment."

On the 2d instant, . a treaty was signed at Bayonne between the Pleni- potentiaries of the Emperor of the French and the Queen of Spain, set- tling the frontier line between France and Spain.

M. Ponsard was officially received last week as a member of the French Academy. According to the traditions of the place, he pronounced a panegyric on the member whose place he was appointed to fill—a drama- tic author whose works are forgotten. M. Ponsard took the opportunity of declaxing his adhesion to the Classic as distinguished from the Roman tic school, and uttered some amusing criticisms on Shakspere. "There was a time when we- were so jealous of the glories of our country that we immolated to them as barbarous all foreign celebrities. Sueh con- duct was patriotism, but of a narrow kind. At present we take pleasure in hu- miliating our own chefs d'ceuvre at the feet of the English, and even.of the German poets. In the last century, laughter would have been excited by comparing Shakspere to Moliere, and not very long since one was considered of little mind in comparing the latter to the former. And yet who can be superior to MoliSre ? It has been the fashion to proclaim that the dramas of the divine Williams (sic) embraced humanity under every aspect, whereas our classical writers only represented individuals. Goethe discovered in Hamlet a thousand things which Shakspere, fortunately for himself, had never thought of everything has been adored in him,. even to his bombast and his indecencies ; the peculiarities of his style have been copied, as have been those of Racine. That fanaticism has now somewhat calmed down, and there remains for it a just andwell-founded admiration. Shakspere is admitted to be an exceedingly great genius, of the family of Homer, Dante,. Corneille, and Mbliere ; that he is eloquent, pathetic, and full of passion, but only when he is simple and true; that he has sublime touches, accompanied by exaggeration and bombast; profound observation, by the side ofpuerile pla- titude ; that he abounds in graceful pictures, but also in obscenity ;.that his dramas' often terrible, are full of power and grandeur, but full at the same time ofextravaganciess, to such an extent, in fact, that it has never been possible to play them, such as they were written, before a French. public. It is admitted that he did not possess real comic verve, and that his plea- santries are marked by buffoonery rather than by natural gayety. The world no longer shuts its eyes to his defects ; but it accepts them without. impatience, because they are natural, and belong to his country and his age —because they do not betray any intention of giving offence—because Shakspere is himself spontaneous and original without knowing it, and without willing it ; which is the only manner of being original. For my part, I cannot really believe that those persons who admire his follies and transform them into proofs of profundity understand his real beauties : I doubt that they who do not know how to love Racine can have any affection for Shakspere. Gentlemen, I spoke just now of the fashion. Let us sup- pose that for two hundred years Shakspere was in possession of our theatre and of our veneration : let us suppose that his reign was uncontested.; that he had numerous imitators, who for two centuries copied invariably what is easy of imitation' and the only thing that is always imitated—that which is bad ; suppose that all the lectures on literature, all the lessons of our pro- fessors, had taught us, to satiety, to feel respect for his eccentricities,. which were we established as rules, and which were imposed on us as a despotic au- thority; imagine then Racine i ine making his appearance as an innovator, with his language always pure harmonious,. noble without turgidity, natural without triviality, with the severe majesty. of his tragedies, in which is evolved regularly the action of the piece, single, Logical,. dear, and pro- bable. What surprise ! what novelty ! what enthesiasm for the revolu- tionary Racine ! what pity for this old, this obsolete, this bonhomme Shakspere!" Fortunately, perhaps, " the divine William " is looked upon in France as the representative of the Romantic school, and it is therefore a point of honour in the Romanticists to defend him. M. Nisard, whose duty it was to respond to the new Academician, accordingly freely entered the lists. Differing from M. Ponsard on many points, he did not agree with his depreciation of Shakspere. s‘ Of all that you have expressed so brilliantly, I would retain what tends to his glory, and I wouldput aside the restrictions to his fame, not as unjust, but because the truth dries no longer require them. Time has elevated Shakspere above criticism, probably because it has raised him above enlo- gium. The very words beauties and defects' belong to a relative lan- guage, out of the pale of which special terms must be sought for, if it is de- sired to define the charm or to•charaeterize the imperfections of these as- tonishing works. Shakspere has had the same destiny as Homer. After that famous quarrel of the ancients and the moderns in which admirers and opponents—Boileau as well as Perrault—committed the mistake of repre- senting. the author of the Iliad as a literary man working regularly at his desk, the Homer who remains is a Homier transfigured,presiding over the great choir of men of genius, and naked, in the midst ofpersonages whose costume indicates their nation and their age, as if the matter related not to the inhabitant of a country nor to the contemporary of an epoch, but to the genius itself of poetry. Like Homer Shakspere appears to us, in his turn, in a tranquil and mysterious distailce, withdrawing from the curiosity of erudition, which fatigues itself in seeking out a man where there is only one of the most wondrous sources of creative poetry. With Homer, with $hakspere, we are placed on lofty pinnacles, from which the eye cannot dis- tinguish anything of what passes below. I do not ask them for any account of the faults which they may have eomraitted—Homer in creating a first model of beauty, from which has emanated the very idea of art and of its rules—and Shakspere in not being acquainted with them. Why be asto- nished that these geniuses are imperfect ? If poetry itself has dictated their verses, it is a human hand.that has written them down."

tatlI.—According to the latest statements, the Sicilian insurrection has been crushed, and Bentivegna is a prisoner. But this news is not implicitly believed, as it arises in the official quarters of Naples. At Naples itself, for some time efforts have been made to gain over the soldiery to the Liberal cause. While the King was reviewing the troops on the 8th instant, a soldier, seizing the moment when his regi- ment was defiling, " rushed from the ranks and struck the King on the left side. The King was not wounded. The soldier was knocked down, and seized by Colonel Latour."

Another account says the King was "slightly wounded," and that " the soldier was killed on the spot." The incident naturally occasioned much excitement in Naples.

The Emperor of Austria remains at Venice. The further accounts de- scribing his reception are unanimous in characterizing it as cold. Many amusing stories are told to show the shifts which the Austrians are put to on these occasions. The Daily Hews correspondent reports this anecdote— "-The Austrian Government spared no means to make this reception splendid, so its failure must be very annoying. Ministers were anxious to

get one of the first families to be the Podesta. They tried many, but refu- sals were numerous ; at last they fixed upon a Count Corner. His circum- stances were embarrassed ; so the Minister of Finance paid him the sum of 800,000 francs to liquidate his debts. But it was necessary that his son's wife should go to the dmwingroom, and the Minister of Finance paid her 80,000 franca as a fit-out. I would not enter upon such details if they were not known to the. whole population of Venice and Milan ; this being the system by which Austria tries to hide her manner of governing Italy. When the Emperor landed, Count. Corner threw himself on his knees before him, trying to kiss his feet, with crocodile tears pouring from his eyes. The Emperor was really moved, and was speaking gently and kindly to him ut- b not so. Count Gruin, the favourite Aide-de-camp of the Emperor. His indignation was roused, and, in a thundering voice, to the poor Po- desti's consternation, said, in good broad German, Ach steht auf Mein Herr.' But Count Comes time is to come ; though he tried for popularity

by paying 1000 francs to the boys and girls to play Neapolitan masks, and the same sum to those of Chiozza. This fete, exclusive of the regatta which is to take place the first fine Sunday, has cost the Municipality a million of francs, and there will be great diffieulty in raising this sum from the in- habitants of Venice."

At Milan, the work of preparation, according to the Votes corre- spondent, is equally arduous-

" A few days since, the Governor sent for the President of the Merchants Club and told him he hoped the society would do something to welcome the Emperor and Empress. A day or two after, he sent for the President again, and asked him what the Club had decided on doing. The President replied,. they meant to give a concert. But the Empress would reefer a

dance,' said the Governor; 'why not give a ball ? " A ball,' the Pre-

sident said, might entail inconveniences over which the members of the Club would have no control ; as, for instance, supposing ladies should re-

fuse to dance with Austrian officers, as it was not unlikely they would do.'

'Oh, never mind that," said the Governor ; give a ball, and I will gua- rantee that the officers shall not dance !' And so the question is to be re- ferred to a general meeting of the Club on- Sunday next to decide on whe- ther it is to be a ball or a concert : but even in this offhand promise, that the officers should not dance, a trick is suspected .' and if it is thought ne- cessary to give a ball for the sake of a quiet life afterwards it is said that none but matrons will go to it, and the daughters will all be left at home."

The Moniteur of yesterday publishes further details of the attempt on the King's life.

" Yesterday, when about half the troops present at the review in the Champ de Mars had passed before the King, a private of the Foot Chasseurs

quitted the ranks, and rushed on the King with fixed bayonet. A colonel of homers rode at the assassin, and knocked him over beneath his horse. Ile was at once made prisoner. The King, without manifesting emotion, continued the review. The Princes and the Queen, who were but a few

paces off, observed the same demeanour. It was only after having returned to the palace that his Majesty acknowledged that he was slightly hurt on

the side. The Corps Diplomatique immediately went to the Palace to con- gratulate the King on his escape. At eight o'clock in the evening, the King, with the Queen and his children, went to the church of Pie di Grotta. The assassin is a Calabrese. Ile-had entered< the army as a volunteer."

$Xitl 1111111.—The Swiss Government has sent a memorandum, reviewing the relations of Neuchatel to the Helvetic Confederation, to the Courts of Europe. It is long and detailed ; but its gist may be briefly described. By the treaty of Vienna in 1816, Neuchatel was an- nexed to Switzerland as a Canton, but as a Principality it was restored re the King of Prussia. It was, however, resolved that the execution of the engagements which the state of Neuchatel might contract as a member of the Confederation, should exclusively concern the power established at Neuchatel, without requiring any ulte- rior sanction or ratification. The Helvetic Government contends that it has always acted on this principle. It has always dealt with "the power established at NeuelvItAl " There were continual . from 1815, to 1848, between the two parties in the Canton.

1831 the Federation compelled both to lay down their arms - but in 1848 the Federal Government found a new power in Neuchdtel, which had \ displaced the former Government. It was recognized by the Canton, and therefore recognized by- the Federation. At that period, the King of Prussia, as the Morning Post states the case, " having more than enough on hand at home, submitted with pious resignation to the severance of the sovereignty of the old Swiss principality from his very new crown, and authorized the severed Neuchatelois to take part in the affairs of their canton and country under the constitution adopted by the Federal Diet in September 1848—a constitution the rational pro- duct of the Swiss national will. Thus the error of his Swiss subjects was condoned by their Prussian Prince, who was then sorely beset by his beloved Berliners. But when there was somewhat of a reaction in Europe, the King of Prussia repented him of his acts of 1848, and moved every effort in 1852 to regain his severed Principality. Absolute and perfect wisdom did not then, most certainly, preside at the Foreign Office [in London], and the less that is said of the protocol of May 1852 the better for all parties. Though, however, the five Powers protoeolled for Prussia in 1852, they could not, however even with the great aid of Lord Malmesbury, secure a reentry into his Principality for the ejected Prussian claimant." An attempt was made to introduce the matter at the Peace Conference of Paris ; but it failed. Then followed the insur- rection of Count Pourtales, with his defeat and capture ; incidents that led to the present diplomatic contest between the King of Prussia and the Swiss Government.

11155i .—The Russian Government has sought to vindicate its con- duct in relation to the execution of the treaty of Paris, in the usual man- ner—that is, by means of a state paper. This document, sent at the latter end of October to the Courts of the Powers who signed the treaty, has now been published. It is of great length, carefully written, and in the form published bears no signature. The first part relates to the Isle of Serpents. Russia was " incontestably " in possession of this island before the war ; the treaty of Paris is " silent" respecting the island ; and on this silence Russia based her claim. It has neither a " military nor a political value to Russia" ; but the maintenance of the lighthouse was an indispensable necessity to commerce. Before seeking to reestablish herself on the island, Russia inquired whether it was occupied either by France or by England. This " proves with what good faith the Imperial Government aimed at the reestablishment of the status quo." Finding a Turkish detachment in pos- session, and holding that the stipulations in Article 20 apply to the main- land only, Russia expressed her conviction that the point should be reserved for the decision of the Conference.

The frontier question is introduced as a new incident whioh showed the urgency of an immediate meeting of the Conference.

The Commissioners appointed to trace the frontier met with difficulties. The line cut one lake in two and gave another wholly to Russia. The Im- perial Government remedied the inconvenience by conceding both to Mol- davia. It was doubtful whether Katamori belonged to Moldavia or Bessa- rabia; Russia gave up Katamori. " More than this," the Imperial Govern- ment assented to a plan giving to Moldavia "a greater extent of frontier along the Pruth than that prescribed by the treaty." " By means of these transactions, freely and frankly consented to by the Imperial Cabinet, the frontier line was completed in more than three-quarters of its whole ex- tent. Only two gaps remained to be filled up."

On the 20th August the Commissioners drew up a report pointing out in what they agreed and in what they differed. "This convention submits to the judgment of the Cabinets four alterna- tives left to their choice. This plan is founded upon a system of compen- sation so cleverly combined that each of the two parties interested obtains geographically the same surface of ground, whatever may be the alternative selected by the Cabinets. " As regards the first point, the text of the treaty indicated the river Yalpuck as the frontier line. In its course, at a place called Andreeska the river splits into two arras, one bearing the name of Yalpuck, the other that of Yelpuckhel. The letter of the treaty implies the former ; the other arm would give a more enlarged frontier to Moldavia. The delegates have re- served this question for the solution of the Cabinets. "As regards the second point in dispute, that of the town of Bolgrad, a consideration of good faith seems to determine this question. It is this— when the Congress came to discuss and decree in principle the new frontier line, the Russians frankly declared the importance of not taking away the town of Bolgrad from the Bulgarian colonies of which it is the capital. This administrative consideration, so frankly expressed, received the unanimous votes of all the representatives, given in a spirit of concord and conciliation. Consequently it was resolved, by common accord, that the frontier line should pass South of Bolgrad, as is clearly and precisely stated in the text of Article 20. This resolution was not taken on the inspection of maps pro- duced at the Conferences by the Plenipotentiaries of Russia : printed in Russian, they might not have appeared sufficiently intelligible to all the re- presentatives at the Congress. They therefore formed their conclusions from the examination of a map placed at their disposal by the care of the French Government. This fact is worthy of mention. It shows that if the maps were faulty, the responsibility does not rest with the Russian Plenipotentiaries. Moreover, their frank speech had set aside any misunderstanding. They had declared that the town of Bolgrad, which it was important should be preserved B to Russia, was the capital of the ulgarian colonies. In this avowal there was neither concealment, misunderstanding, nor deceit. The Congress, in ad- hering to the desire expressed by the Russian Plenipotentiaries, performed an act of equity and wisdom. In fact, its decision upon the question of Bolgrad brought the discussions to a close. Article 20 was drawn up conformably to the resolution taken at the sitting of the 10th March. The Russian Plenipotentiaries thought right, however, to make a reserve of the appro- bation of their Court. That approbation was announced by Count Orloff in the sitting of the 14th March, Prot. IX.

"In this grave deliberation, it may be said, the unanimity of opinion of the Plenipotentiaries at the Conference was complete. Doubtless, the Cabinets, by ratifying the acts of their Plenipotentiaries, had no intention of questioning or disavowing the spirit of equity and harmony which pre- sided over their labours."

When the Commissioners visited the localities they found that " Bolgrad, instead of being situate at some distance from Lake Yalpuck, as was indi- cated upon all the maps, touched the Northern extremity of the lake." Russia proposed that the left bank should be Russian, the right Moldavian. The Commissioners objected to this, fearing that Russia would keep a flotilla on the lake. Russia offered to keep only a single boat on the lake, " for the use of the customs and sanitary officers." The proposal was re- jected. The French Commissioners suggested that the lake should be separated from the town by a high-road, leaving the lake Moldavian, the town Russian. Russia approved of this ; the other Commissioners "were not authorized to adopt this compromise." They thought the line ought to

be drawn South of " the place named Tabak." But Bolgrad, and not Tabak, is the capital of the Bulgarian colonies ; and if therefore theline were drawn North of Bolgrad and South of Tabak, it would be drawn "contrary to the spirit and to the letter " of the treaty. " This is a simple question of good faith."

Under these circumstances, the Emperor appealed " to the consciences of the Cabinets that signed the treaty of Paris." Count Walewski asked whe- ther Russia would abide by the majority of votes.; and Russia immediately said yes. " The sentiment of confidence which dictated it is honourable for the Cabinet from which that reply emanates, and for the Powers to which

it is addressed. Four of them—France, England, Sardinia, and Turkey— were a short time since engaged in a sanguinary struggle against Russia ; and now the Cabinet of St. Petersburg does not hesitate to trust to the honesty of the votes of those same Powers. In the same manner she seeks those of Austria and of Prussia."

Russia has even gone "beyond the obligations " of the treaty. She agreed that the delta of the Danube should belong to Turkey; and orders have been given that Moldavia shall be placed in possession of the whole of the frontier about which there is no dispute.

"All the Cabinets have a common interest in expediting this conclusion, so as to do away with the causes which have hitherto contributed to delay the execution of the treaty of Paris in more than one of its essential stipu- lations.

"The Danubian Principalities especially eagerly await the moment when their national and independent administration, guaranteed by the contract-

ing Powers, shall receive the final sanction promised to them by the 24th and 25th Articles of the treaty of Paris. Their hopes, founded upon the faith of that European transaction, deserve an equitable consideration. But for their wishes to be fulfilled, they must be heard, and for them to be expressed freely they must be expressed without the presence of a foreign army.

"This truth, recognized by the Congress, then received an unanimous con- firmation by the eagerness with which the representatives of all the con- tracting Powers showed the intention of evacuating the Ottoman territory with the shortest possible delay. A term of six months was eventually fixed.

" France and England anticipated that term with a rapidity worthy of remark.

" The first Plenipotentiary of Austria, in the sitting of the 4th of April, -while praising the zeal displayed by the belligerent Powers in recalling their armies, and in thus carrying out without delay one of the most im- portant stipulations of the treaty of peace announced on his part, that Austria would withdraw her troops from the Principalities. He even added, that as that operation would not meet with the same difficulties that at- tended the embarkation of the armies in the Crimea with their stores, it might be done more promptly, and that the Austrian troops would have eva- cuated the Principalities before the belligerent armies could have completely evacuated the Ottoman empire.' "According to this declaration, noted down in Protocol 21, the Vienna Cabinet will doubtless feel the desire to contribute by its vote to accelerate the termination of the Frontier Commission that it may the more speedily evacuate the Danubian Principalities. The Ottoman Porte, for its part, is directly interested that the additional article of the treaty of the 30th of March, and the convention of the Straits annexed to the general act, shall be carried out to the letter.

"France, having been the first to assert the principle of the neutrality of the Black Sea, has the right to expect the fulfilment of a stipulation which serves as a basis to Articles 11 and 14 of the treaty of peace."

The semi-official journal _Le Hord explains, with more appearance of candour, how it came about that the Conference has been summoned, and the delicate object for which it will meet.

"In the beginning of the difficulty, France, which was impartial, leaned to the Russian interpretation ; but, for the purpose of conciliation, sought for a compromise in combination, which appeared to her ought to satisfy all these angry rivals. Sardinia used the same language as France. Prussia never admitted the interpretation of Austria and England, which she even severely condemned. Opinions, therefore, were thus divided : on the one side Turkey, sustained with violence and the most absolute tone by Austria and England ; and on the other side Russia, supported with firmness by Prussia, and with more reserve by France and Sardinia.

"Russia then proposed to appeal back to the Congress itself, and for- mally requested its reassembly. The proposition was equally agreeable to France. Austria,. England, and Turkey, hastened to decline the offer of Russia; Turkey in guarded and equivocal language, Austria by wrapping its refusal in honied forms, and England with disdainful and insolent arro- gance. The attitude of England covered the weakness of Turkey and the hypocrisy of Austria. England placed herself at the head of the resistance, and at the same time addressed severe reprimands to the Cabinet of Berlin and the Cabinet of Turin. The latter, however, could not do much. We have already mentioned the tone of these representations of England, couched in a style humiliating, and filled with menace for the two Courts. Prussia was firm ; and England, by way of punishing her, has taken upon herself to support Switzerland in the Neuchatel question. Everything, therefore,. depended upon France and Sardinia. Under these circumstances, the question is insoluble. The following is the mode of extrication that has been adopted, the honour of which is due to the Cabinet of the Tuileries. " That Cabinet explained itself frankly at the Court of St. Petersburg ; and the consequence of those explanations was, that Russia was far more concerned in the point of honour than in a material or political interest. The Cabinet of the Tuileries, interpreting this language and attitude of Rus- sia, perceived that a decision of the majority of the Plenipotentiaries would relieve the Russian Government of its embarrassment ; and that, while it would only occasion in Russia an unimportant sacrifice and the necessity of an honourable retreat, it would entail upon Austria and upon England the obligation of withdrawing the armies which occupy the Principalities, and the fleets which occupy the Black Sea. In this point of view, the French Ca- binet, in lending itself to the formation of a majority against Russia, re- mained faithful to its policy, because, without doing any essential da- mage to Russia, it put an end to causes which might threaten the peace of .Europe.

"But how to form beforehand that majority demanded by England as the conditions without which neither she nor Austria nor Turkey would con- sent to take part in the new Conference ? If I am well informed, this has been the subject of an understanding between the Cabinets of Paris and Turin. A little negotiation has taken place between these Cabinets. Its object was to determine the Cabinet of Turin to follow that of the Tuileries, to held the same language as that of the Tuileries in the future Conference, and to maintain the same attitude. The Cabinet of Turin yielded. " Those, then, who persuade themselves that the Plenipotentiaries of the Seven Powers will assist at the Conference, with liberty of judgment and in- dependence of mind, to pronounce judicially on the interpretation of one or two articles of the treaty of Paris, indulge in strange illusions. Ten points which have been the subject of debate are now decided, and decided against Russia by a majority of five votes to two. Russia knows it, and rightly per- mists in her design of bringing the question before the Conference, and of

accepting the resolutions which shall be adopted by the majority of the Plenipotentiaries. On some future day Russia will have her how ; today it is England's. In its last stages the discussion presented for decision a ques- tion of form and a question of substance : England obtains the substance, and willingly abandons the form—that is what she often does, and she finds it answer well."

j[ai11.—The advices from Madrid continue to report an increasing disgust at a decree of the Government conceding a loan of 300,000,000 reels [about 3,000,000/.] to M. Mires. This fortunate contractor is to pay in the loan in eight months by five instalments, receiving 3 per cent stock at 41. This nominal price of stock is 1 per cent above prices that have been recently realized. But there are various abatements. The contractor receives 3 per cent on the nominal value of the stock, with other allowances. The delivery and payment take place in Paris, at a fixed and losing rate of exchange. The nominal rate of 41 is thus re- duced to 34; Government issuing three times the amount of stock for the money received. Others calculate the rate as low as 271. But the chief cause of indignation is the fact that this fat contract is handed over to M. Mires in the lump, other capitalists having no share of it; only he will make some bargain of his own with the French Credit Mobilier.

Mia.—Intelligence from Constantinople states, that "Russia has demanded from the Shah of Persia a right of entry into the province of Makon ; and that the Beloochees have invaded the Persian territory on the side of Kerman."

From the same quarter comes a positive statement,—that Herat sur- rendered to the Persian General Mourad Shafi, on the 26th October • that the English troops had arrived in the Persian Gulf; that the English Consuls had quitted Teheran; and that France offers her mediation. A telegraphic despatch from St. Petersburg states that " fifty thou- sand Russians, commanded by General Bernloff, are ready to march upon the frontiers of Persia at the first call of the Shah."

The Word is at pains to show that Persia has just claims on Russia, and that the Emperor if asked for help will be bound to render it.

ifitE5.—The Europa arrived at Liverpool on Monday, with advices from New York to the 26th November:

The journals are much engaged in speculating on what will be the policy of Mr. Buchanan. There seems to be now a pretty general opinion that he will be compelled to admit Kansas as a Free State ; that he will cast off his extreme Southern followers, and turn a cold shoulder to William Walker.

One of the designs of Walker has come to light in consequence of a quarrel between him and General de Goicouria, one of the exiled Cubans, who are ever conspiring to annex Cuba to the United States. Walker and Goicouria entered into a treaty whereby the pecuniary and material resources of Nicaragua were to be amalgamated with those of the Cuban exiles, for the purpose of emancipating Cuba. Goicouria went to Nica- ragua, and there undertook a mission from the Filibuster to Europe, for the purpose of obtaining from England and France the cession of Grey- town. He set out on his mission. At New York he received his cre- dentials. By this time Walker had repealed the decree abolishing slavery ; and with the credentials he sent a letter to Goicouria describing his future policy. This private despatch is a curiosity- " If you can open negotiations with England, and secure for Nicaragua the port of San Juan del Norte you will effect a great object. It will be a long step towards our end. Without San Juan del Norte, we lack what will be in the end indispensable to us—a naval force in the Caribbean Sea. The commercial consequences of this possession are nothing in comparison with the naval and political results. With your versatility, and, if I may use the term, adaptability,' I expect much to be done in England. You can do more than any American could possibly accomplish, because you can make the British Cabinet see that we are not engaged in any scheme for annexation. • You can make them see that the only way to cut the expand- ing and expansive Democracy of the North is by a powerful and compact Southern federation, based on military principles." Cuba should be freed ; " but not for the Yankees. Oh, no ! that fine country is not fit for those barbarous Yankees. What would such a psalm-singing set do in the island ?"

The Cuban remonstrated : he was for annexing Cuba to the United States ; he was shocked at the proposed military federation ; he was in- dignant at the aspersions on Democracy. The two worthies quarrelled; Walker's agents denounced Goicouria • and the latter published the correspondence. He now denounces Walker, as a man "utterly regard- less of the most sacred obligations." It will be remarked how closely the views of Walker coincide with those of the party represented by the New Orleans Delta.

A "Woman's Rights Convention" held in New York, Miss Lucy Stone in the chair, demands the suffrage for women as a "consistent application of democratic principles."

The New York Journal of Commerce, apropos of the loss of the Lyon- nais, advocates " lanes " for steamers crossing the Atlantic. Quoting Lieutenant Maury, it says, that " one lane will practically shorten the distance from Cape Clear to Sandy Hook and the Delaware by thirty miles, while the other prolongs the distance going to Europe seventy-five miles; which prolonged distance, when not measured by safety, but in time alone, the Gulf Stream, better weather, and diminished frequency of fogs, will more than compensate for."

instrali ft.—Intelligence from Melbourne to the 11th September has been received this week. The elections were proceeding when the ship which brought the mail left the colony. Three provinces had chosen their representatives for the Upper House. They were, with one or two exceptions, men of humble origin, but of liberal opinions and respectable character. But of fifteen chosen, twelve had pledged themselves to re- sign in case of a flagrant difference with their constituents. The jour- nals pride themselves on the quiet character of the contests—" thanks to the ballot."

Labour was in so great demand that the mechanics had carried a point they had at heart—eight hours' labour for ten hours' wages ; that is, the men have succeeded in striking two hours off the working day, wages remaining the same. Wages are now, regard being had to the cheapness of clothing, shelter, and provisions, higher than ever.

" The subject of earnings," writes the Times correspondent, "leads me to introduce to your notice a class of labourers for public convenience whose operations are not usually found in other colonies. We have three daily newspapers here,—the Argus, the leading journal,' with a magnificent plant and a large circulation ; and the Herald and Age, which are carried on in a more moderate fashion. Formerly their whole :ale was to subscri- bers whose names were recorded at the office. Since the great influx of po- eulation in 1853, 1854, and 1855, everything here has been very considera- bly Anglicized, and the newspapers sell a large portion of the circulation wholesale over the counter. The wholesale buyers are of two classes—shop- keepers and street-venders. The latter are boys, and are very numerous m the city and suburbs. They ism a good deal of money, and have their re- gular walks. Their harvest is on the arrival of an English mail, when all the papers issue an extra. I have been told by some of these boys that they can earn from 11. to 2/. per week. A very good week will yield 3/. ; while very litle boyiewith•only capital enough to run to the office and buy three or four papers, sell, and with the proceeds rush for a few copies more, thus earn 10s. to 15e. per week."

Mr. Cowper and Mr. Campbell, the new Ministers for New South Wales, have been returned for Sydney.