DCIIMS anti 1procrebinns in Varliament.

EDUCATION.

The Archbishop of CAvrtattutuv presented several petitions to the Lords on Friday the 5th instant,'" against the Government scheme of education ; and then proceeded to address the House in support of a series of resolutions. containing a statement of the proceedings of the Committee of Privy Council, and of Ministers on this subject, with objections thereto, and concluding with the proposition of an address to the Queen to rescind the Order in Council appointing the Educational Committee. The tone of his Grace was mild, though earnest, through- out a long speech. He disclaimed the desire to interfere with the edu- cation of Dissenters ; and only required in return, that no interference

should take place between the clergy of the Establishment and those who applied to them fits instruction and were satisfied with that which they obtained. Ile dwelt upon the efforts recently made, and which would be continued, for educating the humbler classes in the faith of the Established Church. It was satisfactory to know, that the clergy were now remarkable for attention, not only to their ditties in the pulpit, but to the schools in their respective parishes. The Archbishop ap- proved of the mode in which the national grant of 20,000/. had hitherto been distributed ; and did not complain of the portiorr allotted to the Lancasterian Society, while he never heard that that Society were dis- satisfied. He wished this system to be persevered in ; but protested against the new scheme, and especially against the manner in which it was to be carried out without giving the House of Lords an opportu- nity of accepting or rejecting a measure of such incalculable importance to the country. He was persuaded that the project of educating children of different religions opinions in one school, would fail in

England, as it had failed on the Continent. He considered religions

dissent a very great evil, but he could respect religious dissenters. For political dissent he had no respect whatever. But he feared that this scheme of education would promote both religious and political dissent, and injure the Church Establishment, which the Government were bound to protect.

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said, that much of the Archbishop of Canterbury's speech gave him pleasure : he in part agreed with him on the important point that it was desirable to connect as far as practicable

the education of the people with the doctrines of the Church, and he understood that the Archbishop disclaimed any wish to engross the education of the Dissenters. But he wished further to know, whether the Church was willing, and possessed the means, to extend and im- prove the secular instruction of the people ; and it' not, whether the State was to be precluded from undertaking that duty—in connexion, always, with religious instruction. Aud it was desirable to ascertain whether the Church held that Government should be precluded from

giving assistance to classes separated front her communion,—for that was a doctrine which had been put forth in some places. These were points on which lie desired explicit explanation from those who opposed

the Government scheme. Ile, in the meanwhile, had a right to asume from previous votes and grants of molly v, that Parliament recognized the

principle of giving assistance out of public funds, in the education of

Dissenters as well as Churchmen. The Marquis then proceeded to show, by comparing the state of education in England with that of other coun-

tries, that, notwithstanding the accounts of the spread of education, this *Want of tints and spaeo prevented us from giving inure than a statement or the

result of this debate last week : the doilrioney is mow supplied, to the extent of our limits

country was greatly behind Germany, Switzerland, France, and espe. daily Holland. He contended, at great length, that the interference of Government to instruct the rising generation—the Chartists of a future age—was imperatively required ; and then he replied to some objet. tions which had been made to the details of the plan for realizing tru object. With respect to the objection that the Lords had no oppostu. pity of cancelling or confirming the grant of money, he could only say that precedent had been followed—that it was the uniform practice for the Commons to vote grants of money, to be distributed and applied 01 the responsibility of the Ministers of the Crown.

The Bishop of EXETER would not maintain the right of the Church to force education on any class ; but he contended that she had a claim upon the State for sufficient funds to educate all the people, whether he. longing to the State or not. The State violated its first duty if it gait assistance to those who disseminated opinions at variance with the doe.

trines or injurious in any way to the interests of the Established

Church. He contended that the Church had not received that degree of support from the State to which it was entitled; and it was gross

hypocrisy in those who refused the necessary means, to complain that the Church neglected the duty of educating the people. As for the Government scheme, in the important point of religious instruction, it was formed on the principle of cutting clown articles of faith to the level

of those who believed the very least. There had already been three schemes ; and how many more Were to conic, he could not guess. He

would, however, affirm, that no moral training could be successful unless carried on under the influence of the doctrines of Christianity ; which should be brought to bear upon every condition and circumstance of life.

The Bishop DURHAM referred to the deplorable ignorance of the people, and the necessity of instructing them. It was, lie concluded, the conviction of this necessity which induced Ministers to give greater latitude than formerly to the application of the education grant.

Earl PITZWILLIAN said, that no attempt had been made to show dis- crepancy in principle between the new scheme and that which had

been approved by five successive votes in Parliament, and which was declared to be satisfactory. By both, assistance was given to Dissenters, out of the State funds. He did not think that secular education would check the reception of the truths of religion, but produce a contrary effect.

The Bishop of Nonwieu ridiculed the idea of danger to the Church from a system of education which, he was ready to maintaht, embraced the fundamental doctrines of Christianity. It was the duty of Church- man and Dissenter to go hand in hand against the common enemy— ignorance ; and though Ministers might not live to see the fruits, they had sown seeds which no power could arrest—which must germinate, shoot up, and spread.

The Bishop of Los:pox was willing to give Ministers credit for good motives—for a friendly disposition to the Church : but, looking at their deeds, he saw evidence that a party ever active in hostility to the Esta- blishment were using them as instruments for the overthrow of that Establishment. The Bishop proceeded to argue, that secular education increased crimes unconnected with violence, especially frauds ; and that attempts to form a system, which should contain nothing offensive to the peculiar religious opinions of any class, either failed entirely and were abandoned, or resulted in the virtual exclusion of Christian in- struction. He admitted that much improvement might be made in the system of education sanctioned by the Church ; but the deficiency of means must be considered. \Viten the State " established " a reli- gion, , it contracted an obligation to support that establishment and no other. lie protested against the Government scheme, mainly because it created the impression that the State had withdrawn its sanction from the system of education conducted by the clergy, and thus haul a generally disparaging influence on the Establishment. The main difference between the former and the new grants, was in the mode of administration. The clergy were no longer allowed to ad- minister their share of the funds ; but that duty was transferred to Privy Councillors, who were the nominees of the Commons, not the Crown, and who, from the pressure of other business, were quite in- capable of discharging this all-important one with efficiency and vigi- lance. For himself, he was disposed to support the Government of the Sovereign, who was the head of the Church, but could not forget that he had a higher and more sacred duty to perform : he should therefore support the motion.

Lord lbtoconsat felt mortified and humbled to find that so large a number of the people had been childish and weak enough to be led away by the preposterous notion that the establishment of schools would injure the Church and degrade religion. The Government plan was based on sound principles, and could only be attacked by ignorance or misrepresentation. He really could not understand the extent to which the Church intended to push the claim to control the education of the people, to the exclusion of interference by the State. He did not think the clergy overworked ; but it was most absurd to suppose, that, in addition to other duties, they could undertake the secular in- struction of the people. Yet that claim was set up for them by some. He deeply regretted that the No-Popery cry should have been got up on this occasion ; a cry which had never been raised except on the most unimportant and trivial occasions— In 1807, the cry of " No Popery " rang from one of time kingdom to the other. " You can't," it was said then, as now, " shake the altar without shaking the Throne ; and if you prostrate the altar, the days of the Throne are numbered." 'What was the cause of this tumult? an attack on the INsta- blishment ?—No, no more than now. A profession of dislike to it ?—No, uc more than now. Any disrespectful language towards it ?—No, no more than now. Not a whisper was uttered that the most timid, delicate apprehension could construe into a censure of the Establishment. The whole proposal amounted to this—that an Irish Catholic Colonel should lie allotted to cony mand in England. The first point of similarity between the outcries at tin two periods was, that an appointment of an officer in one instance, and tlac. appointment of a school for teaching forty or fifty masters in the other, excited all this pious horror. The next was, that the authors of each proposal with drew it immediately after having made it. lie lived to see that appoint- ment sanctioned, five years after, without a single word being said in oppost• tion to it. " And I. trust the time will soon arrive when religious natters w it no longer be made a ground of objection to such a proposal as the present, but we shall only have to appeal to sound, manly, and intelligent reason. Thum

shall have no fear that the work of education will be endangered by any cla- mour of danger to the Church, or injury to the clergy, or danger to religion ; but I shall live to see the Parliament of England perform at length that long- delayed and most sacred duty of giving instruction to all classes, all descrip- tions, all ranks, and all sects of the people, on the broad, universal, and eternal principles of religious as well as civil equality." (Loud cheering.)

The Duke of WELLINGTON supported the motion ; chiefly on the ground that the new scheme would authorize the introduction into the schools of the Dottay version of the Scriptures, and the version of Anabaptists and Unitarians; and that it was most unjust to use the public funds, and to tax Churchmen for the dissemination of such errors as these versions contained. He also protested against the es- tablishment of a system of education without the sanction of the Lords, or even giving them an opportunity to consider and discuss it. Lord MEIstorasE disclaimed every hostile intent towards the Church, and maintained that nothing was asked front the clergy but what was perfectly reasonable and advantageous to the Establishment. He had a constitutional objection to the last resolution— That resolution was for an address to the Crown, praying the Crown not to take any step to etablisli this measure filially, without giving their Lordships an opportunity of giving their opinion upon it. The resolution did not say that. the Crown hail exceeded its power or preroOtive, or that it had done :illy thing that it had not a right to do with respect to the exercise of that prerogative, but if the Crown thought proper of its own right and prerogative to (co what it had a right to do, an act of Parliament was not necessary for that purpose. There was no reason for resorting to Parliament for what could be done simply by the prerogative of the Crown. Ile thought it would be Wise 11.11d. prudent ' in their Lordships to pause before they adopted. the address which was intended to he moved.

Lord Mia.vri.s» protested against the extension of the plan to Scot- land. Lord :BROUGHAM had never before heard a Scotchman object to take money

The Marquis of LANSDOWNE said, it was certainly intended to in- troduce the plan into Scotland.

The division took place on the first resolution-- For it: Contents—Present 171 Proxies 58 229

Against it : Non-contents--Present SO

Proxies :38 — 118

Majority against Ministers 111

The other resolutions were carried without a division ; and on the motion of the Archbishop of CANTEontmv, it was resolved, that the Lords with white wands should wait upon the Queen to ascertain when her Majesty would receive the address. On Monday, the Duke of Alums., Lord Steward, informed the House that her Majesty would receive the address on Thursday.

On Thursday, Lord Chancellor COTTEN I 1:131 informed the Lords, that her Majesty had been pleased to return the following " most gracious answer" to their address presented that day- " I duly appreciate your zeal for the interests of religion, and your care for the Established Church.

" I am ever ready to receive the advice and assistance of the House of Lords, and to give to their recommendations the attention which their authority justly deserves.

" At the sans time, I cannot help expressing my regret that you should have thought it necessary to take such a step on the present occasion. " You may be assured that, deeply sensible of the duties imposed upon me, and more especially of that which binds me to the support of the Established Church, I shall always use the powers vested in me by the constitution for the fulfilment of that sacred obligation. " It is with a deep sense of that duty that I have thought it right to appoint a Committee of my Privy Council to superintend the distribution of the rants voted by the !louse of Commons for Public Education. Of the pro- ceedings of this Committee, annual reports will be laid betbre Parliament; so that the House of Lords will be enabled to exercise its judgment upon them : and I trust that the funds placed at my disposal will be found to have been strictly applied to the objects for which they were granted, with due respect to the rights of conscience, and with a fitithful attention to the security of the Established Church."

On the motion of the Marquis LANSDOWNe, the address was ordered to be printed.

REuctstriosi OF ENGLISH Pnisoss.

Lord Chancellor COrFENHAM, on Thursday, moved the second read- ing of the Prisons Bill. He explained that its oldeet was to prevent crime by improving the system of prison discipline. The most effec- tual mode of effecting the reformation of offenders was, by separate, not solitary confinement. Association with other criminals destroyed the effect of all attempts to reclaim the guilty and the vicious. There was abundant evidence, derived from foreign countries as well as at home, to prove that separate confinement of criminals had been attended by the best consequences. Neither was it necessarily very expensive. The cost of each prisoner in the Glasgow Bridewell was 3/. per annum, while in other gaols it was 171. and :30/.; the difference arising from the mode of management. On the supposition that prisons on the Se- parate system would be well regulated, the expense would be less than that now incurred in many prisons where offenders were not separated from each otlter. It was proposed to erect a Model Prison in the neighbourhood of London, open to the inspection of those who desired to examine the effects of the new plan.

The Marquis of SALISBURY would not oppose the second reading, but should press some objections to the details of the measure in Com- nuttee. Ile wished to guard against alterations of the rules by Magistrates,

The Duke of RICHMOND did not consider the bill as a perfect or final measure ; but approved of the experiment. At present he only knew of two prisons--one in East, the other in West Sussex, where the prisoners had separate cells. This partial trial of the new system had been attended with good effects. The Dnke of WEssrscrrox thought the bill did not go far enough. He intended in Committee to propose alterations in clauses relating to the classification of prisoners, which, as they stood, might mislead the Magistrates.

Lord DUNCANNON said he was in treaty for the purchase of ground on which to erect a Model Prison.

Lord CHICHESTER wished to combine the Silent with the Separate system.

The LORI) CHANCELLOR said, the Silent system could not be carried into effect. Within a comparatively short space of time, it appeared that upwards of 5,000 punishmems were inflicted for the violation of the Silent system ; thus demonstrating that that plan could not at all be put in competition with the Separate system.

Bill read a second time, to be "committed" on Thursday next.

THE BAN» 01, r.scsa 31r. Hrst E, on Monday, moved the fofla. inn resolution, as an amend- ment on the motion for reading the order of the day for the Commons going into a Committee of Supply.— " 'chat a Solent Committee he appointed to inquire into the pecuniary trans- actions of the Bank of England since the resumptilli of cash payments ; and particularly to ascertain how far those transact bms produced the alarming crisis of the inmoilacturing, commercial, and linabci-d atliairs of the country,

in 1825-6 and ; and :its., to inquire ,helin.r, a, the isank of Eng- land at ever can he in the currency, or confidence in the commercial tram:lei:ions of the country',

In support of his motion, Mr. Home (MI vered a speech enthraeing, many details and long statements of figmii:, derived front the pub- lished accounts of the Bank and. other (Stiehl papers, showing that since the vs:at:option of cash payments in 1819, there had been "a constant succession of ups and downs," by which the value of every article had been affected, and every class of society, but espe- cially the working classes, had been deeply injured. By eel recce to the official accounts of circulation and hellion, lie showed that very great changes had been made within brief periods; by which, somethnes speculation was stimulated, and at other times the value of commodities unduly depressed. In conformity with the recommendations of Sir Hobert Peel's Com- mittee, the Ilank reduced the amount of its public securities from 22,5011,1a Mt. to 16,000,0001., and their priva fe securities from 10,( alt1,000i. to 4,785,2511/., as a preparation for the la sumption of cash intyments which took place on the 1st of "lay 1821. la the 31st .1 ugust 1821, the pub lie and private securities had been still further reduced to 18,4;5,5411/. On the 2sth February 1822, a ma Ism retitle; it TI had brought the public .'nil private securities held by the rank to less thsn I f aa 10100/. In 1819, the paper circulation and deposits were 31 „51 ,70/. : in I's bruary 1822, only 23,355,290/ ; but upwards of 9,000,00'1/ in gold was :aided to the circulation, besides a large quantity of silver. This increase in the amount of' the circulating medium enabled Government to reduce the interest on Moak:vim/. of stock from 5 to 4 per cent. In 1823, the Four per Cents. were reduced to Three-and-a-half per Cents.; and ill 1824 the Bank agreed to pay the dissentient holders of Four per Cents. to the amount of between 5,000,000/. and 6,000,1100/. The Bank also began to make advances on the security of stock— In February 1825, the advances of flue 11:1:11: on Government securities amoimt.d to 19,447,588/ ; which WIIS only 2,910,000/ short of the amount of 1801. and Nvhich the Committ se of that date declared to be wholly incom- patible ti ith the resumption of cash payments. The state of the motley-market in February 1825 was 1rholly csithuut iwycedent. The eiteulatimi and deposits a the Bank of England ,isionated to 30,922,510/ During the period from May 1821 to February 1',425, the Bank issued upwards of 20,000,000/. in sove- reigns; and of this sum at least 14,000,000/ must have remained in circulation in 1824; which, added to the amount trhier he had just stated, would give an a»unint of 44,922,560/, besides the circulation of silver. It appeared, then, that when the Batch reduced the advances on the securities from 30,0110,000/, to 21,000,000/., there was a great increase of bullion in their coffers; but as they increased their advances ill securities again to :1),1010,00111., the bullion departed from their coffers. lie had in his hand a paper %illicit showed the great increase that had taken place in the amount of paper money 1,et wets/ 1822 and 1821. The average amount of notes of the liank in this :,,ar was 17,8(12,882/.; fhe average amount of deposits was 6,481,9501,, making the total amount of the circulation of the Batik of England 24,349,832i. The country circulation of Bank-notes was 8,316,820/, making the total paper circulation amount to 32,666,652/.

In the two years from 1822 to 1824, there had been art increase of 90100,000/. in the paper circulation; whereas between February and November 1824, there was a decrease of bullion to the extent of 2,362,000/.; and though the Bank continued to issue gold, it 1111 went out of the country. In the meanwhile, Consols rose, between the 28th February 1823 and the 15th February 189 from 7:1?! to 961 ; but in February 1826, they were only 77-4., having ffillen almost 20 per cent. The Bank had bought the dead-weight Annuity, and had entered into an arrangement with Mr. Rothschild to advance two millions to pay off the dissentient holders of French Five per Cents.; the bill for which was lost by only one vote in the Chamber of Peers. This state of the money-market had a great effect upon prices and the quantities of ins- ports- 'There had been an increase of 44 per cent. on the quantity of flax im- ported, 71 per cent. on the quantity of tallow, 81 per cent. on the quantity of tobacco, 64 per cent. on the miantity of wine, .52 per cent. on the quantity of cotton-wool, and an increase of 94 per cent. on the quantity of theep• wool. This. was in consequence of prices in England being so much I ipiicr than they were abroad.

But in 1825, the bubble burst— The Government, which in 182-1 had reduced the Four per Cents. to Three- and-a-balf per Cents. at par, were obliged to fund 8,00i taat9/. of Exchequer Bills, at 4 per rent., at 94 ; Ibus rosin;; 20 per cent., or I.Giay loll/. The reve- nue also in 1826 was 2,500,1100/. lass than it was in 1825. The interest of Exchequer Bills fell to 2 per vent. disc. :111.I w,mr raised &OM I !i11., or 2/. 5s. 7d., to 3d., or 4/. 3d. The Three per Cent,. fell 20 l r cent., or from

93 5-6ths on the 28th February 1825, to 77 ,n Fehmary 1828. The

November, to 11,448,000/. ; on the 26th February 1825, to 8,857,7001.; on the 26th May, to 6,456,300/. ; on the 26th August, to 3,683,7001.; and by the end of the year all the bullion was gone. Between November 1824 and May 1825, the decrease was no less than 5,031,700/. In the beginning of 1824, the crea- tion of paper by the Bank had become so large that the bullion was forced out by the depreciation of the currency. If the Bank had been passive and can- celled the notes paid in tbr the bullion, the evil would have cured itself; but, as fast as one set of notes were cancelled by the extraction of bullion issued, a fresh set to the same or greater amount was issued on securities. On this system, it was a mathematical certainty, that whether the Bank had ten or twenty millions of bullion, it would all go, and the Bank be obliged to stop payment ; as it did.

No sooner had the country recovered from the difficulties arising from the misconduct of the Bank in 1823, 1824, and 1825, than it got into fresh embarrassments. In 1833, the Bank charter was renewed ; Joint Stock Banks Were established, and the paper of the Bunk of England made legal tender by those banks. He knew that the Bank would not N able to keep a sufficient supply of bullion for all this paper ; and so it turned out. And what was the case now ?- The present amount of bullion for which the Bank was answerable was thirty-seven millions. The Bank was lending money at four different rates of interest. To the Joint-Stock Banks they lent money at 3 per cent., while to another class they lent it at 4 per cent. ; and what could possibly be more ab- surd titan this, that while the Bank was obliged to repress its own circulation in London, by raising its discount to 5,1i per cent., it was lendinno. money to the Joint-Stock Banks at 3 per cent ? This was producing the effect which they should carefully have avoided.

Mr. Hume referred to irregularities in the mode of lending money by the Bank during the shutting of the Dividend-books, especially their advances on stock, Exchequer Bills, and other securities ; and to their recent attempt to turn the exchanges by raising the rate of dis- count; which had entirely failed. lie read a table which showed the perpetual fluctuation in the amount of the circulating medium, though one of the reasons alleged for renewing the Bank Charter was the necessity of steadying the currency. The amount of notes in circula- tion was- December 20, 1823, £17,575,000 December 24, 1825, £.25,611,000 {Increase of Bank-notes in twenty-four

months £8,036,000 June 16, 1827, £20,503,040 3 Decrease of Bank-notes in eighteen months £5,107,960 April 18, 1829, Z20,750,060 Irliclreinaustehqof Bank-notes in twenty--tolovoo

June 26, 1830

£19,978,550 IHecrease of Bank-notes in fourteen

t months £771,510

February 4, 1832, £19,156,990t Decrease of Bank-notes in twenty

months £821,560 The securities on January 1 lth 1830, were 31,954,0001., and on December 11th, 1838, 20,707,0001.-difference in two years, 11,247,0001. The interest on Exchequer Bills varied at different periods between January 5th 1830 and January 5th 1839, and the premiitm also varied from 8s. to 818. During this period the fluctuations in the amount of bullion were very great. On the 20th of December 1823, the stook of bullion was 14,142,000/. ; on the 24th December 1825, only 1,027,0001. On June 16th 1827, it was 10,677,000/.; on April 18th 1829, 6,104,600/. On March 7th 1837, 4,048,000/.; on April 3d 1838, 10,126,000/. ; and on June 25th 1839, 4,344,0001. The greatest variation in the Joint- Stock and Private Bank circulation, from December 28th 1833 to March 30th 1839, was only 2,107,363/.

He undertook to say, that the inquiry needed not to occupy. more than fourteen days; and concluded by moving his resolution.

Mr. WILLIAM WILLIAMS, in seconding the motion, expressed regret that the subject received so little attention. (The House was very thin.) He considered inquiry most desirable. There were constantly recurring periods of distress, by which all classes suffered ; and lie be- lieved that the evil could be traced to the mismanagement of the Bank of England. That under the Bank's control of the currency the credit of the country had been placed in the greatest jeopardy, was asserted by Mr. Huskisson, when he declared that in 1825 we were within forty-eight hours of barter. Among the other difficulties which em- barrassed the operations of the Bank, and endangered the monetary interests, was the power which depositors of the Savings Banks might at any time use of demanding payment of no less a sum than twenty- two millions, on giving ten days notice. He thought this system of Savings Banks ought to be done away with entirely. It was well known that the principal depositors were not the poorer classes, but persons of affluence, who got a larger rate of interest by investing their money with the Savings Banks than could be obtained from other Government securities.

Mr. THOMAS ATTwopn said, that the Bank Directors were not to blame : they acted as the law compelled them. The Bank, by con- tracting its issues, had actually killed thousands of the people; but they were forced to take that course by Peel's Bill. He recommended the Bank to keep its issues as affluent as possible. If they applied the screw again, they would create more misery than ever. There would be a revolution ; and when it came, he hoped it would be "a regular touch and go."

Mr. SPRING RICE was unable to say which he regretted most-Mr. ]flume's attack upon, or Mr. Attwood's defence of the Bank. He would not follow Mr. Hume into his details, but rested his opposition to the motion on its inexpediency at this late period of the session. The in- quiry would extend over many years, and embrace subjects of the greatest difficulty and importance ; to -which it was utterly impossible to do justice in the time which the Committee would be able to devote to them. He thought that in the present state of affairs-the quantity of bullion decreasing, and the exchanges unfavourable-the imperfect inquiry would create distrust and difficulty. He wished to correct a misapprehension under which Mr. Williams laboured- The honourable Member had said-he was sure inconsiderately, and without meaning what his words implied-that it was the duty of that House to do away with the savings ; that the principle of suck establishments was misapplied, and that persons derived a benefit from them for whose advantage they never were intended. Well, suppose he admitted that in mane cases that was a true statement, how was if g:11Crally substantiated, when lie found, by the last volume of the Statistical Tables (the latest rennet would still more strongly confirm his view,) that. the whole depositors in England amounting to 506,273, those having above 200!. lodged in these banl-s were only 2,926 in number. It was quite clear that the system of fraud alluded to could; exist, by which it was said that a father of a family deposited 3001. for eneho f its members, and thus contravened the object of the institution.

It could not be expected of him to undertake the defence of the he Bank-there were others more competent to that duty ; but h undertake to say, that no practical advantage would result from tht inquiry ; and he appealed to gentlemen connected with the City ei London to say whether it would not create the greatest inconvenient Sir JOHN RAE RECD said, it was now ten o'clock, and a more ltd debate than that which had occupied four hours and a half of their time, he had never listened to. Ile would not weary the House details, but as it was said that the Bank caused distress, by great nth; tions in their issues, he would refer to the notes in circulation in ever/ year since 1833 ; from which it appeared, that the amount of one year was very close upon that of another. It was said that the amounts( bullion was only three millions ; but that was untrue, though he 1st not himself going to tell the House how much bullion the Bank real held. As for the commercial difficulties, they were but a passing eloe and the country would soon right itself.

Mr. Gaol's could not support Mr. Hume's motion ; for reasons whit he would state-

He was one of those who believed that a Committee of inquiry would be attended with very salutary and valuable consequences ; for he thought there was much in the conduct of the Bank which provoked inquiry, much for which they were really to blame, and a great deal more that they were censured for because their conduct was not perfectly understood. In all these points of view, he thought a Committee would be useful. But he could not conceal from himself, that at this period there was no hope of their prosecuting thi; inquiry with the least chance of arriving at a satisfactory conclusion. If ilk Hume had made his motion at an earlier period of the session, he should has lent him his best support to obtain the Committee he now asked for ; and be could not help thinking, that all the experience which they had bad of former Committees confirmathe view of his honourable friend and his own as to fig usefidness and instruction which the country derived front all such inquiries. He was quite sure that the Committee of 1832 excited more discussion, and disseminated mere sound and proper notions on the subject of the currency, than any writings or pamphlets could effect ; and although he quite agreed with the Chancellor of the Exchequer as to the superiority of pamphlets and such works for the purpose of deciding conflicting opinions on the currency, yet Mr. Rice must recollect, that there were a great many important documents, a great many facts and statements, which could only be brought out before a Committee. Until the Committee of 1832 sat, was there ever such a large body of facts or so much concentrated evidence collected, as would lead the public to arrive at a just conclusion on the subject of the currency ? Besides, the Committee of 1832 was attended with this important point, that it induced Mr. Horsley Palmer to lay down the principle according to which, in his opi- nion, the circulation of the Bank ought to lie managed. according most important principle of management had, Mr. Grote was sorry to say, been greatly and un- wisely departed from since ; and one reason which would induce him to support the nomination of a Committee, if asked for in time, was, that the conduct of the Bank Directors may be fully and fairly canvassed, to be subjected to blame where it deserved censure, and to be explained where a good reason could be assigned for their proceeding.

He referred present difficulties to restrictions on trade-

The continuance of the present drain illustrated in .o forcible and painful manner the mischievous working of those Corn-laws to which the attention of Parliament had been so earnestly called. He recollected, that in the observa- tions which he had addressed to the House, he dwelt particularly on the im- pending risks which then threatened the commercial world; a dram being per- fectly inevitable from the working of that system, pernicious in this as in every other respect. He knew that there was a great difference between a wise and a badly-mansed system of banking; but he thought that the Bank of Eng- land and the Joint Stock Banks were much more largely blamed than they deserved for causing commercial distress.

Mr. WOLVERLEY Arrwoon expressed disapprobation of the mode in which the Bank of England frequently interfered with commercial ope- rations, and especially by its refusal to discount bills of exchange which had passed through Joint Stock Banks. Ile contended, that early in- quiry was most desirable, and that it ought to extend over a consider- able period- During the last fifteen or twenty years, many new measures lead been adopted, the effect of which it was predicated would be to prevent those violont fluc- tuations in the circulation that had previously occurred, and the consequences of which they had so much reason to apprehend. Yet, notwithstanding every measure that had been adopted-notwithstanding the publication of accounts- notwithstanding the abolition of one pound notes, and the establishment of Joint Stock Banks-and notwithstanding the last and favourite measure of the making of the Bank of England notes a legal tender-fluctuation had been as frequent, danger as great, and the consequences as mischievous, as when they first entered into this career. Mr. Hume had therefore strong grounds for imagining that some blame might be attributable to the Governor and Direc- tors of the Bank of England ; and if it were not expedient during the present session to enter into the inquiry he proposed, yet he thought the House ought to bear the subject in mind, and at a future period take it fully into considera- tion.

Mr. CLAY concurred with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that no good could arise from the proposed inquiry at this late period of the session.

Mr. EASTIIOPE expressed a strong opinion that the Bank Directors should be only bankers, careful of the interests of the proprietary, and relieved from the obligation to control the currency, to which they were manifestly incompetent. He also contended, that more complete publicity should he given of the actual state of the Bank, so that all might understand it, as well as the late Mr. Rothschild with his extra- ordinary keenness and sources of private information.

Mr. W. TURNER and Mr. WALLACE supported the motion for in- quiry.

The House divided- For the Committee Against it Timm' Drrius.

On Tuesday, Mr. CHARLES VILLIERS moved- " That this /louse resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House, to consider the present duties levied on Foreign and Colonial Timber."

Mr.Villiers said, he was aware how difficult it was to draw the atten- tion of the House to subjects of this nature, but the mischievous opera- 29 93 61

tion of the timber-duties, and similar restrictions on the trade of the country, rendered it necessary that some attention should be paid to them. And the time for bringing forward the subject was appropriate ; for Parliament was about to review the relations of the country with its North American Colonies, and was fresh from hearing a statement by the Chancellor of the Exchequer that the expenditure exceeded the income of the country. Now the case he had to submit to the House was one which exhibited an almost unprecedented waste of the resources of the country, which it was so necessary to husband carefully. The timber-duties had been condemned by every Administration during the last twelve years, and by every independeut politician— "The story of these duties was told in this House about eight years since. It is fortunately a short one, and I_ onlyurzet.attit tilltmltatrIttiecibrevity:ott. necessary at ri is requisite. I need not perhaps. tell theHiotr. consumption is not produced du this country quantities sufficient lb; its demand and that this deficiency equals about 1,200,0(X) loads of timber. Now he countries which supply this article are those in the North of Europe and those in the North of America; and the characteristics of the wood imported from those countries respectively are, that the wood imported from the North of Europe is good and cheap, and the wood from the North of America is bad and dear. The House has now to learn in what proportions the timber so charac- terized is imported into this country. It is as follows—three-fifths of the timber is from the country where it is bad and dear, and two-fifths, or some- what less, from the country where it is good and cheap. Now, 1 think that any stranger to our policy would naturally ask by what contrivance it was that we were induced to act in a manner so opposed to the usual dealing of sane men? the answer then is, that the:Legislature causes a duty of 55s. a load to be laid upon the good thither, and only 10s. upon the bad. 1 believe that I tun safe in making this statement respecting the character of the wood which is imported into this country; for those who would maintain these duties do not, if I understand them, dispute it ; they do not say that the com- munity is as well supplied from Canada as from Europe, but they say, do not alter the duties lest every consumer of timber in England should resort to the European market, where he could get the article the cheapest and the best."

Evidence proving the inferiority of Canadian to Baltic timber was given to the House of Lords twenty years ago, and published by the Lords. The evidence given by Mr. Warburton nearly exhausted the subject ; but, that the point might not rest on individual opinion, he would mention that Canadian timber is excluded front the dockyards, and a special provision introduced into building-contracts that none of it shall be used. There were means of estimating the annual loss to the country by the discriminating duties on timber. By taking the duty from the gross price, the value of the article itself in the market was ascertained-

" Now, examining the prices current of the woods of the different countries in the modes in which they are rated and brought to this country, 1 find that on every load of pine timber we lose 2/. 5s.; on oak timber in the same proportion ; on every hundred of deals we lose 17/. ; and on every thousand of staves, which are so much used in this country for packages, casks, &e. 38!. Now, applying this measure of loss per load to the whole quantity imported from the North American Colonies, I find that the loss, after deducting about 100,000 loads of yellow pine, which we must always get front Canada, equals the sett of 1,500,0001.,—an estimate which I find corresponds nearly to others which Lave been made. For instance, Sir Henry Parnell states in his work on Financial Reform, which was published when we imported much less timber, that the loss was probably above one million ; and a most able and intelligent witness, Mr. Norman' l stated, iri his evidebee before the Committee on Manuthetures, Shipping, and Commerce, that the trade would not have cost time country less than thirty millions in the last twenty years. I should also state, perhaps, that, owing to the peculiar mode of adjusting the duties on the timber in loe and on the deal, time revenue further sustains a loss of about 12s. a load, with- out any advantage or convenience to the consumer."

The duty on timber, while it yielded not a sixpence to the revenue, was most prejudicial to the public, especially to the humbler classes, by Making houses dear. Mr. Laing, the traveller in Norway, had re- marked that the Norwegians were much better lodged than English- men, because the ditties compelled English builders to use the dear and bad timber of America. And what could be said in favour of continuing these duties /—

" 1 am, of course, prepared to hear these old watchwords of monopoly, ships and colonies, started again RIM this occasion, and to hear the old story that the British navy depends upon her commercial marine ; that this looks to the Colonies, and that the Colonies are the natural customers to the manufacturers; and that without the continuance of this and other monopolies they could not purchase our manufactures. And seeing the success with which these silly fallacies have been urged hitherto, I should shrink from attempting to 'Wife with them, if I did not daily observe the nil cant age of discussion, and if I did not believe that by means of discussion the truth will prevail. Nov, after having given a careful attention to all the information that can be obtained on this subject, I must say, that there is nothing of which I would venture to speak with more confidence, than that the British navy is in no way dependent for its efficiency upon that part of our mercantile marine which is employed in the timber-trade ; and with respect to the Colonies, that their prosperity has been greatly deferred, and that they have been seriously injured, by being tempted by means of these duties to divert their capital and industry from their more natural channels of employment, and devote them to the most hazardous, gambling, and demoralizing business in whi‘ill they could engage."

In support of these opinions Mr. Villiers quoted evidence given by Mr. M'Gregor and Mr. Revans. The bounty on Colonial timber not only diverted capital and enterprise from more profitable pursuits, but was demoralizing. To emigrants, instead of being beneficial, it was most injurious.

Mr. Villiers was very little moved by the representation of ship- owners, that their trade would lie injured by the removal of coninter- cial restrictions, especially when he recollected that since the abolition of the Navigation-laws, which were called the safeguard of the British marine, the shipping of the country had been increased 29 per cent., while foreign shipping in our ports had only increased 114 per cent. Mr. Alderman Tnostesos entirely differed with Mr. Villiers ; who had underrated the value of the commerce with the North American colonies, and the number of ships it employed—

According to the official documents, it appeared that nearly four millions of

British manufactures were sent to these colonies every. year ; and that the returns were between two and three millions, and not half a million, as the honourable gentleman represented. The honourable gentleman was quite lids- taken in supposing that the colonists were indifferent to the maintenance of the trade on the present system: there were the clearest proofs that this Was not the case.

As to the working classes being benefited by the loss of the Canada trade, he was surprised such an idea could have entered Mr. Villiers's mind. He was not aware that Canadian timber was excluded from the dockyards—he believed it was generally used.

Mr. Waononsrox said, that from calculations which had been made, it appeared that this country would gain not less than a million annu- ally by establishing a free trade with the North of Europe— It was said that a great quantity of shipping would be thrown out of employ- ment by a free trade in (lumber. Ile did not believe it. He did not believe that this country availed itself' of the advantages which it had for the employ- ment of its shipping. How much might be done to increase such employment by colonization ? "they found ports not in existence four years ago in which there were now large numbers of vessels : why not obtain the seine advantages for others of our colonies by similar means ? Time corn-trade also might be made an immense source of em iloyment ; and why did they not avail themselves of it ? Mr. Warburton, so far from regretting the small excess of income over expenditure, really believed that nothing would force the Legislature to the properconsideration of these subjects, but their being driven to the conclusion, that, in order to increase the income, they must either open some new branches of foreign trade, or impose new taxes. When they were driven to this alter- native, as he hoped they would be, to choose between opening their ports to goods from the cheapest market and imposing new taxes, Inc believed that what scented now to he regarded as the exploded doctrine of free trade would again find favour \rah the Legislature. I laving c:pressed his opinion very fully on this subject before the Committee which sat upon it, he did not think it necessary now to go into details. lie wuuld only say, that he still held the same opinions which he expressed then, when he was a merchant engaged in the timber-trade.

Mr. PotnaerT Toomsox concluded that Mr. Viliers only wished to call attention to the subject, otherwise he would have proposed a spe- cific plan. He condemned the timber-duties, but did not think any practical advantage would arise from an attempt, under present circum- stances, to alter them. He was not. prepared for violent or sweeping changes, and hoped some middle term might be fbund. The quality of Canadian timber had materially improved—it was used for a great many purposes; and it was idle to rota ',etc that by an alteration of duties an entire transfer or the trade front Cam sum to the Baltic would be effected. Butt if' the trade were opened, Canada timber would only be used for purposes for which it was fitted. I le did not believe that Alderman Thompson, on looking over the entire t 'estonmsehmt les, could find an ar- ticle which received such tm exaggerated protection as Canada timber. lie could only, however, promise to take the subject into consideration.

Mr. VILLIERS was glad that 11r. Poulett Thomson retained his former opinion On this question. Ile had brought the subject forward because he hoped that by repeated discs ssitee: the public would be made to understand the great interest they had in the alteration of these duties. Ile was sorry there was so thin an attendance of Members, and would not press his motion.

3lotion, by leave, withdrawn.

GOVERNMENT Or CANADA.

Sir Ronsier PEEL asked Mr. Labotzehere, on Tuesday, whether despatches had not been received from Sir John Colborne, expressing an opinion that it would be desirable to extend the powers of the Legis- lative Council of Lower Canada beyond the year 1S42?

Mr. LABOUCHERE: promised to examine the despatches in order to ascertain that point ; and on Wednesday stated, that Sir John Colborne had expressed a very decided opinion on that point. Ile laid the papers on the table, that they might be printed with as little delay as possible, and thus the house mig,imt have an opportunity of judging as to the best course to pursue.

On Thursday, Lord JOHN ss ELL, having moved the order of the day for a Committee of the whole I louse on the Lower Canada Govern- ment Bill,

Sir WI was, Moanswownt moved this resolution as an amendment-

" That it is the opinion of this !louse, that every consideration of humanity, justice., and police, demands tlnit Parliament should seriously apply itself, without delay, to legislating for the permanent government of her Majesty's provinces of Upper and Lower Canada."

Sir William observed that the resolut Fiii :polee for itself, and only gave expression to a truth which every woe's conscience must acknowledge. lie did not hope that Lord John Ilme:sell would be induced to redeem his pledge that the session should pot pess away without legislation for the permanent government or caloebt nth nothing could be expected from Ministers, who were evidently incapable of dealing with the subject, and afraid to touch it. Their whole course with regard to it had been a disgraceful shuffle. But, even with the best in- tentions, they could do nothing without Sir Robert Peel's permis- sion; for they were in fact no Government, but merely place- holders during Sir Robert Peel's pleasure. Ire addressed himself therefore to Sir Robert Peel ; for if Sir Robert held up his finger for any proposition, those who ivere called the f lovernment most assent to it ; and in that ease, though grouse would have a holyday during August, time disorders and miseries of Canada would he remedied. It might be inconvenient to the Opposition to settle this question ; but would Sir Robert Peel consult the convenienve of party more than the interests of Canada ? If lie should refuse to undertake the settlement of this question, then would the blame rest upon him, rather than upon the mockery of a Government whirl; Lord John Russell repre- sented. Sir William, observing that Sir Hobert Peel had lately quoted Lord Durham as an authority on Ceondian affairs, read several pas- sages from Lord Durham's Report, showing the urgent necessity of an early settlement of the Canadian question ; an .1 then asked Sir Robert, whether he could disregard the facts and arguments adduced by Lord. Durham ?— Would he vote against the resolution, which merely declared that the affairs of Canadadeserved the serious and prompt attention of Parliament? Would he make himself a party to the cruel and wicked indifference of the Government to the sufferings of the people of Canada ? Did Inc fm-get (whatever the noble lord might do) the Prime Minister's declaration six days after the receipt of Lord Durham's Report, that a measure should be introduced "belltre the Easter re- cess for the purpose of putting a speedy end to the discontent that unhappily prevailed in Canada ? " Did the right honourable baronet forget the noble lord's repeated assurances to a similar effect, or the solemn and formal message from the Crown ? Would he protect and sustain the Government in their de- liberate attempt to beak all these promises—to shuffle out of obligations which ought to be held sacred by men having as much regard fur their public as for

their private honour—to sneak—to sneak shabbily (for that was the word) out of the discussion of a question which their own incapacity had rendered diffi- cult, and wholly unmanageable by their feeble hands? But a discussion, at all events, they would not escape.

For his own part, Sir William was willing to sacrifice all party and personal considerations, in order that Parliament might do its duty in this case— Any settlement was better than none at all. He expected nothing—nobody expected any thing—from the palsied hands of the Government ; but if the right honourable baronet would apply himself seriously to this work, he might be sure of a large majority in both Houses of Parliament. The question really rested with him. His yea or nay would decide it. Once Inure he im- plored him to extend his protection rather to the sulferhig people of Canada than to the wretched Government, which it might not suit his convenience to dis- place.

Mr. LEADER seconded the motion.

Sir CHARLES GREY then addressed the House, and spoke for some time, amidst general conversation. He really thought, that the House, before it separated, might devote a few hours attention to the affairs of Canada. He was for a more cautious course than Sir William Moles- worth recommended. He enlarged upon the value of the North American Provinces, and the injury which would result to the country from their loss ; and hoped that Parliament would do nothing affecting them without grave deliberation. He much admired parts of Lord Durham's Report, but other portions reminded him of the proverb of " more haste, less speed." Ile referred particularly to the question of tenures, and its connexion with the maintenance of the Catholic re- ligion. The Roman Catholic holders of land alone paid tithes, which, when it passed into Protestant liands, became tithe-free ; and if the present law of tenures were abolished, the land would fall into the possession of Protestants. 'l'o unite the two provinces before this and other difficult matters were provided for, would be mere madness. Meanwhile, the go- vernment should have power to repel foreign invasion and repress internal disturbances ; but the power of taxation which the bill would give was very dangerous ; and its exercise would throw the French Canadians into a flame. An additional tax, not heavy enough to break a fly's back, would break their hearts. There ought to be popular councils and municipal institutions ; and before a complete union were effected, the Legislative Councils of the two provinces might be brought into united action for a short period.

Sir ROBERT PEEL denied that he was in any way responsible for the delay which had occured in relation to Canadian affairs— At an curly period of the present session, he had asked Lord :John Russell whether he intended to proceed to legislate practically the the government of Canada this session ; and the noble lord answered that such was his intention. A few weeks after this, he again put the same question to the noble lord ; further asking him whether before Easter the House would have an opyortunity of seeing the legislative measure by which it was proposed to provide for the future government of Canada ; and lie received an assurance that it was intended to submit such a measure before Easter. He had at the some time intimated his strong opinion, that unless the proposed measure was in the hands of the House before Easter, the opportunity of legislating on the subject this session would be altogether lost, and the ses:don would pass over without any thing whatever harmg been done. ("Hear, lwar !") He had no hesitation in stating, that could he have foreseen that the i,itention of legislating for Canada would have been abandoned, he would have submitted to the House some proposition, in order to brin,q this question to some practical issue. ("Hear, hear, beau It was not, however, till a very advanced period of the session that he had understood from Government that they had abandoned all hopes of legislating on this subject.

He remarked that Sir William Molesworth himself had offered no explanation of what he proposed to do. if early legislation were ne- cessary, the House could commence the work at once, and he saw no necessity whatever for the preliminary pledge. He considered this Canadian question as the most difficult problem ever submitted to Par- liament. If the Canadians were not really attached to this country, all legislation would be hopeless; and the only way, now, in which the connexion could be preserved, would be by legislating in accordance

with the welffire and wishes of the Canadians. He was well assured that it was necessary to secure from oppression the French majority of Lower Canada, which would become a minority when the union of the two provinces should have taken place. Now, the religion of Lower Canada was the Roman Catholic. All the securities for the maintenance of that establishment must continue. Further, they must be perfectly certain, whatever might he the modification of the elective franchise in which the united government was to be founded, however property and numbers might be blended in the new representation, that effectual securities remained against any such preponderant influence as might counteract the intentions of the British Parliament. The Government having considered these points, must either propose some scheme of settlement, founded on extensive inquiries, and a knowledge of the feelings and wishes of the inhabitants of the colony, or Parliament must for the present abandon the task of legislation.

He wished to make some observations on the measure before the House ; of which, as its no sufficient explanation had been given.

First, with respect to its duration : he understood that the act of last year, which would expire on the 1st of November 1840, would not be renewed this session, but that, by the present bill, ordinances of the Governor and Special Council, which under the act of last year would be in force only till 1t442, would, under certain circumstances, be con- tiuucd for an indefinite period. • That was an important provision. The third clause gave very extended powers of taxation. The restrictions imposed upon this power by the act of last session were removed. The clause, in vague terms, authorized the Governor and Council to impose taxes tbr municipal purposes and internal improvements, under which every expense of a domestic nature might be included. He thought that the purposes for which this power was conferred ought to be dis- tinctly specified. He would not undertake to amend this clause, which was the duty of Government ; but as it stood, he should oppose it. The fourth clause gave most extensive power, but he could not exactly tell in what position it would place the Governor and Special Council. It authorized bins, however, to suspend or repeal acts of the Imperial Parliament : was an unlimited power thus given ? Let there be some explanation of this point ; and especially whether the law respecting tenures of land might he repealed or altered. It was said that it might be necessary to suspend the Habeas Corpus Act, which could not be

done in consequence of Sir William Follett's proviso. There eel, doubts on that point ; but let a distinct provision be inserted in the titi giving the authority to suspend the Habeas Corpus Act. His objecti4

was to confer vague and unlimited authority.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL recollected, that in December 1837, Sir 11^1 lima Molcsworth's and Mr. Leader's views went to the subversions British authority in Lower Canada ; and though they had sudden, changed their opinions on Canadian affairs, he was not so ready 4 change his opinion as to the best course to be pursued, in complianQ with Sir William Molesworth's demand, seeing how dangerous won{ have been the consequences of following his advice in 1837. Will respect to Sir Robert Peel's disclaimer of responsibility for delay it legislating for Canada, he must say, that without imputing to UN responsibility in any way, he could not give Sir Robert credit fo: urging on the Government. It was not to be inferred that because ln put questions, and repeated them, he was ready to legislate : on ex contrary, there was reason to suppose him averse to legislation. Nos Lord John, warned by what had occurred on the Jamaica Bill, Ira anxious to avoid another party struggle on Canadian affairs. that view, Government was anxious not to precipitate a decision ontht question. Lord John proceeded to repeat opinions he had formet expressed on the Canada question. He approved of the principle of union, and of the gradual substitution of British institutions for French ; bni there were very great difficulties in the way of effecting such a change, With respect to the clauses of the bill, he had received the valuabh assistance of the Attorney-General in framing them; but he would receive any improvement, not inconsistent with their object, whichtl Robert Peel could suggest.

Mr. Cu A IMES HULLER was inclined to concur in Sir Robert Peel's ob. jectioas to the fourth clause ; but he considered the power of taxation, conferred by the third, as absolutely necessary to carry on the govern. men t. Without that power, the authority to legislate was in many cans virtually annulled. Referring to Sir William Molesworth's resolution, Mr. Buller expressed his regret at the indisposition of the House and the Government to look Colonial difficulties fairly in the face. Be dreaded the effects of inaction on the Canadas particularl,y ; though be was glad that Lord John Russell, instead of sheltering himself behind Sir George Arthur's despatches or Mr. Hagerman's report, had fairly acknowledged that " the state of parties " formed the real impediment to legislation. Mr. Buller then explained and defended the principles of government for the colonies, laid down in Lord Durham's Report; and declared his conviction that it would become the text-book of every Colonial Reformer, till it became the manual of the Colonial Govern. meat of Great Britain.

Mr. LABOITHERE was anxious that the House should proceed to the real business of the night, and discuss the provisions of the bill in Coat. mittee. He contended that it was necessary to augment the powers d Sir John Colborne and his Council. By the continuance of the present state of timings, confidence in the stability of' property was shaken. It was neither wise nor politic to continue the present state of inaction. (Ironical chem.) He understood those cheers, and did not stand there to deny that it would have been desirable to have effected in the pre- sent session a permanent settlement of the Canadian question ; but he thought that enough had been said that evening to show the impolicyof final and precipitate legislation. Sir EDWARD Smiles objected to the mode in which it was proposed to tax the colouy- If over there were a question which ought to excite the sympathy of the British House of Commons, it was the question involved in the bill then be- fore them, enabling the Governor and Council to tax the people of Canada. There were two objections to this mode of taxation, which struck him as being most forcible, if not wholly insupportable,—tirst, that no people ought to be taxed, even for the promotion of their own comfort, except of their owe free will, or through the medium of n representative body ; second, that the taxation now about to be imposed upon the people of Canada was to be di- rected to the very purposes of which they had most loudly complained, and to which, whether right or wrong, they were most decidedly hostile. To that part of the bill he entertained the strongest objection.

Mr. Hum: said, that Sir Edward Sugden's was the best Radical speech that had been delivered in the House during the present session. He was himself strongly opposed to the bill, and did not see how it could possibly lead to a satisfactory adjustment of the affairs of the colony.

Mr. SMITH O'Baee*i attempted to address the House, but yielded to general cries of " Oh 1" and sat down. The House rejected Sir William Molesworth's amendment, by a di- vision of 223 to 28, and went into Committee. Mr. LAROUCHERE proposed to insert words in the first clause which would have the effect of making the number of Councillors "twenty."

Mr. Hu5IE, Mr. LEADER, and Mr. THOMAS BUNCOMBE wished a smaller number of Councillors to be appointed, with a view to concen- trate responsibility.

Mr. Labouchere's motion was carried, by 272 to 15 ; and the clause passed.

Mr. LABOUCHERE moved to alter the second clause, so as to provide that ordinances passed by the Governor and Council should be laid be- fore Parliament for thirty days before becoming permanent enactments. This clause, notwithstanding the proposed amendment, was strenuously opposed by Lord STANLEY, Mr. LEADER, Sir ROBERT PEEL, and Mr. Hums:. Lord STANLEY moved to omit it altogether. Sir Ro- BERT PEEL, referred to Sir John Colborne's despatches, to show that he did not require the extensive powers it was proposed to give Minn Sir John wished the Imperial Parliament to undertake the duty of perma- nent legislation, which it was intended to throw upon Sir John and his Council. Mr. CHARLES BULLER contended, that the powers proposed to be given were required, but he would limit them so as to prevent in- terference with the tenure of property and with religion. Lord Joint Rossmi, and Mr. LABOUCHERE contended for the necessity of the powers in question, if the peace of the colony was to be preserved.

The Committee adopted the clause, a vote of 174 to 156. The other clauses were agreed to, and the House "resumed.".

MISCELLANEOUS.

THE ELECTIONS PETITIONS TRIAL BILL was read a third time, ana passed the Commons, on Monday. COPYRIGHT. Mr. Sergeant TALFOURD said, that after a conference with the friends with whom he had the honour and happiness of acting in the conduct of the Copyright Bill, he had decided not to press that measure, for there was no reasonable hope of carrying it through the Commons at a period which would entitle him to ask the Lords to enter upon its consideration. He was convinced that Mr. Warburton's oppo- sition had been conducted with singleness and honesty of purpose ; but he hoped next year again to bring forward a measure supported by so many great names and with a happier result. He moved to defer the further consideration of the bill for three months. Mr. WARBURTON said he should be happy to meet Mr. Talfourd at a future period with the same opposition— Ana he, too, could appeal to great names of men tvito at a former time, many years ago, opposed the principle of a bill similar to that of the honourable gentleman. Ile meant Lord Camden and Charles James Fox, iv.ho had met the principle of a perpetual copyright with the same inflexible opposition which he had given to the present bill.

Motion agreed to.

JAMAICA. On Tuesday, Lord JOHN Russimt called the attention of the Commons to the Lords' alterations in the Jamaica 13ill. He pro- posed to rectify a formal blunder in one of the amendments, and that the House should concur in the others. The blunder consisted in the omission of the words " Island of Jamaica" in the preamble, which had been altered, so that it did not appear to what island or colony the bill related. Sir ROBERT PEEL, of course, would not object to the motion for curing this mistake ; and he rose chiefly to express his strong hope that the Jamaica Assembly would not only resume its functions, but resume them in a temper and spirit which would raise them in public estima- tion in this country.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S motions were agreed to.

RIOTS IN 13rasusranaiii. In reply to questions from Sir Roma' PEEL, Lord Joust RUSSELL gave a short history of the disturbances in Birmingham, and the means employed to suppress them. lie eulogized the conduct of the military and police ; and expressed a desire to see a good police force more generally established throughout the country. On Wednesday, Mr. THOMAS DUNCONIIE referred to an account in the Morning Chronicle of the means taken to prevent the assemblage of people in Birmingham on Monday ; which account described the conduct of time military and police as unnecessarily violent : they were said to have wounded and severely hurt many persons. Lord Jim's; RUSSELL, entirely disbelieved this account. He had that morning re- ceived a letter from the Mayor of Birmingham, giving a very different account of the affair. Mr. WILLIAM WILLIAMS asked Lord John Rus- sell to state the account of the affair which the Mayor of Birmingham had given. Lord JOHN replied— The account which he had received stated, that on Monday evening large bodies of persons were congregated together in the streets of Birminghtun, and were armed with bludgeons, and that; great inducements had been held out to the colliers in the neighbourhood of that place to join them. The result was, that the police were called upon to disperse the hordes of persons thus assem- bled together; which they did with some difficulty.

MEraopotrrast POLICE. The Commons went into Committee on the Metropolitan Police Bill, on Wednesday. Clause 13th was opposed by Mr. Hymn ; who objected to allow the Lords of the Treasury to pay the salaries of the Police force out of the Consolidated Fund, instead of by an annual vote. Clause carried, by 107 to 23. Clause 29th fixes the salaries of the Police Magistrates at 1,200/. a year. Mr. WARLEY considered 8001. a year enough. Clause carried, by 87 to 7. The 53d clause imposes a penalty on persons selling spirituous liquors to per- sons under fourteen years of age. Mr. THOMAS DUNCOMBE opposed the clause, as vexatious, and not likely to effect its purpose. Mr. Fox M.tutE amended the clause, by substituting " exciseable " for " spirituous," and " sixteen " for " fourteen." Carried, as amended, by 29 to 20. Clause 54th, imposing a penalty upon licensed victuallers allowing prostitutes to assemble in their houses, was struck out, by 34 to 23. The discussion on various clauses was continued to a quarter past two ; but no material alteration was effected in the bill.

CARLOW ELECTION. On Thursday, Mr. GROTE reported from the Carlow Election Committee, that Mr. Bruen was not duly elected, and that Mr. Gisborne was duly elected, and ought to have been returned for the borough of Carlow ; also that the Committee had amended the poll by striking off certain names and adding one thereto.

THE ECCLESIASTICAL APPOINTMENTS SUSPENSION BILL was read a second time by the Commons, on Thursday.

BANK OP IRELAND. Mr. HUME said he had waited three months for an opportunity to bring on his motion respecting the Bank of Ireland, and if an opportunity were not given him by the Government before Thursday next, he should bring it on the first Supply night thereafter. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said it would be more regular in Mr. Hume to give notice of motion. Mr. Hum; said that Ministers had taken away all the motion-nights.

THE LONDON AND BLACKWALT. RAILWAY BILL, opposed by the Duke of WELLINGTON, the Bishop of LONDON, Lord ASHBURTON, and Lord Fal.mouru, and supported by the Marquis of SALISBURY, Lord BROUGHAM, Lord WHARNCLIPPE, Earl FITZWILLIAM, and the Earl of WICKLOW, was read a second time, on Tuesday, by a majority of 33 to 26.