13 JULY 1850, Page 2

&huhu Ruh Vrurrehiugs iu Vartiamtut.


HOPSE OF LORDS. _Monday, July 8. Post-office Regulations ; Sunday Letter-send- ing—General Board of Health Bill, passed through Committee—Court of Chancery (Ireland) Bill, Factories Bill, County Courts Extension Bill, and Benefices in Plu- rality Bill, read a second time.

Tuesday, July 9. Death of the Duke of Cambridge; Addresses of Condolence to the Queen and the Dutchess of Cambridge—Parliamentary Voters (Ireland) Bill, re- ported—Electors (Ireland) Bill, and Inspection of Coal Mines Bill, read a second time—Metropolitan Interments Bill, considered in Committee—General Board of Health Bill, read a third time and passed. Thursday, July 11. Benefices in Plurality Bill, read a third time—Inspection of Coal Mines Bill, committed pro forma, to be reprinted with amendments—Larceny Summary Jurisdiction Bill, passed through Committee. Friday, July 12. Court of Char; ery Bill, Metropolitan Interments Bill, and Par- liamentary Voters (Ireland) Bill, read a third time and passed—County Courts Ex- tension Bill, referred to a Select Committee.

HORSE OP COMMONS. Monday, July 8. Mercantile Marine (No. 2) Bill; Amend- ment, to throw out on going into Committee, withdrawn; Amendment, to refer to a lgelect Committee, ;;,--2tived hr 120 to 34; Bill considered in Committee, and pro- gress Made—Show of Industr;--Ionian Islands—Ecelesiastical Commission Bill, considered in Committee ; progress reported—The Census 1811; Population Bill, passed through Committee—Home-made Spirits in Bond Bill ; second reading op- pbeed by Ministers, and negatived by 121 to 120—House counted out. Tuesday, July 9. (Morning sitting.) Mercantile Marine Bill, considered in Com- mittee, up to clause 24. (Afternoon sitting.) Death of the Duke of Cambridge; Addresses of Condolence to the Queen and the Dutchess of Cambridge—County Franchise; Mr. Locke King's Motion, negatived by 159 to 100—Coffee; Mr. An- stay's Motion fora Select Committee, negatived by 205 to 60—Sunday Labour in the Post-office; Mr. Locke's Motion debated; Amendment moved by Mr. A. Hope, and approved of by Lord John Russell, Carried by 233 tb 92.

Wednesday, July 10. Marriages Bill, read a third time.

Thursday. July 11. (Morning sitting.) Highways Bill, abandoned for this ses- sion by Sir George Grey—Convict Prisons Bill, read a third time and passed—Poor Relief Bill, passed through Committee. (Evening sitting.) Death Punishment; Mr. Meares Motion for leave to bring in a bill to abolish, negatived by 46 to 40— The People's Charter; Mr. Feargus O'Connor's Motion for leave to bring in a bill to enact, cut short by a "count-out." .Friday, July 12. (Morning sitting.) Medical Charities (Ireland) Bill, considered in Committee, and progress reported. (Afternoon sitting.) New Writs for Tam- Worth, Southampton, and Devonport—In Committee of Supply National Monument to Sir Robert Peel voted—Borneo Piracy: Mr. flume's Motion for a Commission of Inquiry, negatived by 169 to -29--Prinee Edward Island; Responsible Government demanded.



Mr. Locke's motion on Sunday labour in the Post-office coming on in its turn at about eleven o'clock on Tuesday evening, several Members objected to proceedat so late an hour—especially Mr. FORBES MAcemszre and Sir ROBERT INGLIS ; and a preliminary point of form was brought to issue, as it would seem in order to push the original question into a more hopelessly late position. Mr. M-scentszte., Sir ROBERT INGLIS, and Mr. LOCKE, were seen attempting to address the House,. but not a word was heard in the confusion. The Speaker put the question, "that Mr. Mackenzie do now speak" ; and the House determined in the negative. At last it was conceded by Members, that Mr. Locke had not transgressed any understanding ; and announced by the Speaker, that he had formal possession of the House. Mr. Lome accordingly proceeded. Ile imputed no blame to those Members who were absent from the late decision., for, as it happened, he was absent himself; the simple fact being that the House was taken by surprise. Attributing to Lord Ashley perfect sincerity of feeling, and granting that if the mere numbers of petitions are to decide he has a test in lib favour, Mr. Locke reminded him how easily petitions of this character aro got up, and warned him of the mischievous tendency of the agitation by which the petitioning excitement is fanned. He read a portion of a letter he had received in connexion with the subject of railway communication with Scotland on Sunday : this is a sample- " Do you want us to become agents for the Devil, because you are one? Do you think that you are aged yourself) Do you think that you will rule over us like the Pope of Rome? Do you want to turn the kingdom of God into a kingdom of devils'! It seems to me that you think all these. Oh, may God open your eyes and let you see your error, and make you wise (for indeed you don't appear W be wise enough when you take anything to do with the law of God.) Don't you hear God cryingtrom Heaven to you, saying, Oh, do not this abominable thing which I hate ? ' NoW, What it this aboininable thing that God says hero? It is your violating His kov. Db you think you are able to contend with God? You want to force people from God to setts Satan. 'You want to deprive them of their resting day. Art thou Mare just than God? You are oructi),Ing the Saviour a second time. You want to rob Min of his glory. Have you never read the book of the law of God ? Knowest thou notthat God worked six days Himself, and rested on the seventh day, and He commanded

The Lords.

Hoar of Hour of

Meeting. Adjournment.

Monday Shills, Tuesday Sh On Wednesday No Sitting.

Thursday Sh 30m Friday

Sittings this Week, 4; Time.11h 47m this Session, 79; —207h 9ra

The Commens.

Hour of Hour of Meeting. Adjournment.

Monday Noon .... 3h Om 511 (se) ih 45m

Tuesday Noon .... 31, 15m

bh (n.) 2h 45m Wednesday Noon .... 611 Otri Thursday Noon .... ah 67m 5h 8h 45m Friday Noon ... . 3h Om 6h (nal lb lam

Sittings this Week, 9; Time. 40et 60m — this Session,113 ; --Sigh 13M His creatures to do the same? Not man alone Ile commands thus, but also the besets of the field that works for the man. Ile saw that they would need a day of rest, MidHe gave them a seventh portion of time to rest from all their earthly labours ; and He said unto them, ' Remember the Sabbath-day to keep it holy ' Your doings vexes my soul greatly, far I entirely disapprove of your bill. If you would send a bill before Parliament for to stop all railways running on Sunday in Great Britain, then I would not only be pleased at you, but would pray God for a blessing on your head: but, since you have acted quite the reverse, in trying to establish a carnal law against the spiritual law of Gad, my prayer will be for a curse on your head as long as you continue in your evil practices, and on every one else that is of the same mind as yourself." That letter might warn them against invoking the spirit of Puritanianr lin

this country ; which can only result, as it resulted before, in a violent rose- tion, accompanied by vices which none would desire to see renewed. The letter is a sample of numbers he had received in the same spirit : it shows the penalty that public men pay who venture to touch such subjects; and it shows by what description of persons this active agitation is earned on. Sufficient credit had not been given to her Majesty's -Gcrvernment for the efforts they were already making to reduce Sunday labour in the Post-office, when the House decided on a total suspension of Sunda' deliveries. It is a vain hope that the suspension thus resolved on will dispense with Sunday

labour. If it does not admit of mathematical demonstration, it can be shown to be almost certain that no Sunday labour will be saved at all, and that there will be only a shifting of the labour from one class of employds to another. Advertisements in the Manchester papers prove that an exten- sive organization has already been perfected for delivering the papers there on Sunday morning as usual. A Mr. Heywood advertises, that he has " a staff of boys, equal in number to the men employed by the Post-office," whom he will " cause to wear a particular badge that the public may know them, in the expectation that every facility will be given to them in the delivery of their orders." Another advertiser, a large news-agent, who for thirty years before " never sold a newspaper or so much as a sheet of post on a Sunday" is "forced to do the same thing" as the other newsmen, and have " ten or twelve newsmen at the least running about the town delivering and hawking papers " on Sunday. The walls are placarded, and there is scarcely an inn or a beerhouse in Manchester but has beeneanvassed to take a Sunday paper. At Liverpool, the great firm of Wilmer andSmith are to have " sixty mounted messengers" and a horde of foot-runners, to carry their circulation of papers through the Liverpool district. Here, then, is multiplication of labour by rival establishments, in lieu of the single operations of the Post-offiee. As to private messengers, who is to enumerate them, and their runnings to and fro from railway stations ? For already one great railway company carries news- papers on Saturday night to its stations, to be delivered to persons calling for them on Sunday ; and other lines will soon extensively follow their example. Without mathematical proof, no one eanentertitin a doubt that the division of labour by these competing systems will require a for larger number of per- sons to be employed than were required in the ordinary course by the Post- office.

The evil presses more exclusively on the poor. In eountry districts medi- cine is frequently sent by the postman : it is hard that after the week's toil the poor man should be prevented from taking his physic on a Sunday. The measure is a narrow, partial, and indefensible assertion of a far wider principle. Why does it not comprehend every public and every private de- partment? Because the country would not for an instant bear the entirety of its mischief. Mr. Locke moved,

" That, whilst this House acknowledges with satisfaction the dimihution in the amount of Sunday labour effected by-the recent arrangements in the Post-office, it cannot but be sensible of the great public inconvenience which has arisen from the total cessation of any delivery or collection of letters on Sundays ; and that an hum- ble address be thereftre presented to her Majesty, praying that she tllVbegraciously pleased to eanse aninquirrto be made whether thettmount of Sunday labour might not be reduced without completely putting an end to the collection and delivery of letters, 86c. on Sundays ; and that, pendWg such inquiry, her Majesty will be gra- cionsly pleased to gave orders that the coattibnanddeliVery of letters, kr. onffiun- days shall be continued as heretofore."

Mr. Romunia seconded the motion ; and in supporting it, separated the religious and the political questions, in order clearly and definitely to treat each b3r itself. With the religious question he at once broadly asserted that the House of Commons has no right to deal. The House of Commons has no right to thrust down the throat of any man any religious opinion whatever. The Dissenters assert that principle, and yet above all others have ordered their representatives to come forward and enforce what they call the observance of the Sabbath. "The 'Sabbath' is utterly unknown to the Christian reli- gion"—(" Hear, hear !")—and the Christian Sunday is so for different, that none of the Jewish curses directed against a -breach of the 'Sabbath could be fairly directed against acts performed on the Sunday. The greet fathers of the Church, from Luther and Calvin downwards, tell its that Sundayis a "feast-day" having nothing to do with the Judaical dispeneation, but Bet apart for human observance by human wisdom, for human purposes, on human grounds. He duret not meddle with another man's religion : would that the same humility would persuade all men to abstain from forcing their religious opinions on their fellows. He camette the political question with it full knowledge of the groat bene- fits to man from a day of rest. No men work with earnestness or consecutive- ness, by head or hands, to which such an institution is not grateful. But what is the arrangement in this ease? How do you distinguish the " work " of a man who walks a few miles with a letter-bag-at his back, from that of the servant who rises early, prepares the Sunday 'breakfast, gets ready the coach, takes to church his master, to offer his humble orisons to God and then ride back again, when the servant has other offices to perform? A healthy man requires a crust of bread and a glass of water for his food for the twelve hours t what man confines himself to the narrow "work of ne- cessity" which will suffice to satisfy those wants? To make good malt re- quires eight days; Sunday must be employed for that "work of necessity," or the public will not get good beer; so " Meux and Co." malt on Sunday. (Murmurs on behlf a of Sir Nenrylleux.) He was bet using a general il- lustration' and was not aware that " Meux. and Co." were Members of the House of Commons : but he was aware that there is much hypocrisy among people outside the House in regard to what are works of necessity, so long as the works don't touch themselves, and especially if they-concern money re- lations. (Cheers.) The true principle is to lessen the labour of the greatest number. The Post-office, by its cheap, easy machinery, calls for a small quantity of labour from the poor man; it contributes to his education, and in a multitude of ways to his mental and moral amelioration ; and much of its especial influence is exercised on his Sunday _of leisure.

On the ground of religion there is nothing to stand upon ; en that of poli- tical exigency there never was a grosser blunder than the closing of the Post-office on 'Sunday.

Lord ASHLEY opposed the motion, on the special ground that the closing experiment has not had a full, fair, and sufficient trial. The measure has been buttwenty days in operatMu, and the Ministers have both refused togive facilities for carrying it out and havoexpressly suggested the tioning of the Rouse to reconsider its resolution. He advocated the sus- pension mainly on the ground of justice M the overworked and under- paid men employelf in the Post-office. Challenged by Sir ROBERT INGLIS to defend the measure which he had -advised her Majesty to :tarry into execution, Lord SOHN RUSSELL re- minded the House, both that the proposition did not meet with the sup- port of Ministers, and that the Ministers have no option but to present -tether biajeety an address of this description ; which is not like a simple resolution of the House, that may he erased or rescinded the next day.

lie would fairly say, however, that he could have wished the question had not come on so soon again for Conaideration. On the general question, he -owned that he could not get over this circumstance "—Here was a public department which was charged with the business of carrying the letters, and armed with the powers of the State to prevent other persons oarrying them —which took upon itself to be charged exclusively with this-duty—which conveyed a letter on the Saturday evening from London, informing a daughter that her father was so dan,gerously M that unless she set out im- mediately she might never see him again or receive his blessing; and that letter, arriving in a provincial town early on the Sunday morning, was there :detained twenty-four hours in the post-office, the daughter perhaps know- ing-of the father's; illness, and suffering all the agonies of protracted anxiety during those twenty-four hours. There was the case of the Dutchess of Suther- land, whose father was dying at Castle Howard ; it was generally thought a very barbarous thing that she was not permitted to enter the railway car- riage to arrive in time to see her father before his death. The circumstance attracted great attention owing to the rank of the two parties concerned; but that circumstance, which shocked a great many people—preventing a -daughter from seeing her dying parent—we might have repeated every Sun- day. There were poor families, families that could pay a penny for a letter, but could not send a telegraphic message or a parcel by the railway; and this might be occurring in fifty, or a hundred, or three hundred instances, every time we detained the lotto's.

Lord John proposed the omission of the last clause of the resolution, which-suggested a resumption of -deliveries 'sending the inquiry. Mr. GIAD.STONTE objected also to the recital in the resolution which pre- cedes the request of an inquiry : he should object to affirm the "great public inconvenience" there mentioned.

If it was objectionable to rewind a resolution of the House, how much more objectionable was it to take the course they were invited to take with respect to the authority of the Crown? When the address was moved, the noble Lord might have advised the Crown to take an intermeffiate course— to make inquiry, and to proceed with caution; but he had not done so, and had advised the Crown to give full and absolute effect to the address. No doubt, in their desire to give a boonto the Post-office servants, there must be a limit in public convenience • but the question involved here was one very much of degree. They mud' balance the evils against the advantages of the step they had taken ; and he trusted the House would recollect, that if they valued their consistency and character and the relations of the House to the Crown, and if:they wished topreserve to the Crown the dignity which belonged to it in the face of the country, this was not the time when they could with justice reopen the question.

Lord Joner RUSSELL concurred with Mr. Gladstone as to the further emission; and Mr. ALEXANDER.Horz moved the emission of all the words following the first word "'That," in Mr. Locke's motion, in order to re- model it in this amended form-

e That an humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying that she will be graciously pleased to cause an inquiry to be made whether the amount of Sunday

labour inightnot be-reduced without eampletely,putting an is the collestion and delivery •of letters, the. on Sundays."

Sir THOMAS DYKE Acistrin and Mr. CARDWELL supported the amended resolution. The preliminary question. was first put, to leave out the sub- stance of -the original motion ; and this was carried, by 233 to 92. A Motion by Mr. FORBIN MACKENZIE, to adjourn the debate, was negatived by 195 to 112. The modification suggested by Lord John Russell and moved by Mr. Hope was then -put as an original motion, and adopted without division.


Mr. Issexelinso, in moving for leave to bring ma bill to give a county vote to tenspound occupiers, made a brief speech, chiefly insisting on the fitness and safety of :giving the franchise to the class in counties who already enjoy the qualification in boroughs ; and challenging the Protee- fionists-to show the sincerity of their impression that the great body of the people to Protection, by giving them the opportunity to vote for that cozwietion.n.se Mr. ilium briefiy seconded the motion. Reminding Istrellolus P 11 af his admission that he is prepared to go beyond the Reform Bill of 1832, he asked him in whatdirection rather than this could he make the advance with-less risk? Sir Da LACY EVANS had.given notice to move as an amendment, that the franchise be extended on the triple lassie of a low (nullification by payment of ineome-tax, by being rated to the poor, arid by the owning of a-savings-bank deposit ; but on Mr. Hunte's suggestion that 'he would peril the original motion by dividing on his amendment, he withdrew it The motion was .supported by Mr. Ozonise THOMPSON ; who stated that his opportunities of testing the opinion of the people have convinced him that the feeling of the country is fiwour- able to giving the franchise to the labouring classes. Mr. 1"ftUMMOND separated himself from the gentlemen who would establish electoral divi- sions, and schemes of that sort; for electoral divisions would give all power to the shopkeepers, who are the most numerous class : he sup- ported the motion because he has already .adomiated its ,plan in his own mudy no often before.

Lord Joins Ressent condemned the bringing forward of questions so large and important in July : the merely admitting bills to be laid-on the table, with no intention of going on with them, is unworthy of' the House and unfair to the people. observing that the speeehes had been little relevant-to the bill before the House, he'himself went into discursive criticism of the.generel schemes of the Parliamentary Reformers; particiderly dealing with the proposal to have electoral districts, and calling on Mr. Thompson and his party tit'Some prepared-next time to show tbatthe changesthey advocate are consistent With the maintenance Of the Monarchy, the House of Lords, and the Rouse of COMEDDIS, which are fundamental parts of our constitution, enjoying the thorough attachment of the people of this country. Mr. Thompson had told him that Government would lose the confidence of his party if they do not come forward with a plan of Parliamentary reform next session.; that .they must he quick about it, or his party will gain the votes Government will

lose, if the Government lose the confidence of the louse—if the -Heusi think a change of Government should take place, "let it take place"* the House Will then see the plans of those in whom, they are to Place their confidence; and that will be a fairer way than telling the Governffieut they Must being forwardn.plan, whether they think.it good or bad, "in'Order to conciliate-the honourable Member for-the Tower Hamlets." (ilitghter'and cries of" Hear!")

Mr. BRIGHT marked the joking querulousness of'LordJelnesiiteursive criticisms; and told him that the Parliamentary Reformers are not so tools ish as not to know that what is possible in our Colonies or in a new country may not be possible or even desirable in the circumstances of this country : they ask that -the glaring inequalities of representation should be diminish- ed, and the just grounds of complaint greatly mitigated, if not removed. Mr. Loma Kum regarded Lord John's backwardness as only an inviting retirement to the willow grove ; a refusal of first overtures in order to yield to stronger embraces. Between the far-going reformers and the short-going ones he sits, like Captain Macheath, singing,

" How happy could I be with either,

Were Vother dear charmer away ;

But while you both tease me together,

To neither a word will I say." Mr. Gruerraw made an Irish application of the subject; and MT. The- Rama made that the excuse for launchino° a general dissertation, after-thee

debate was supposed to have been closed by the mover's reply. On a division, the motion was negatived by 169 to 100, majority 69 ; a result which was announced amidst cheers.


On the motion to go into Committee on the Home-made Spirits in Bond Bill, the offspring of a late Ministerial defeat, the CHANCELLOR of tbe EXCHEQUER !Roved that the House go into Committee that day win months ; and on a division, carried his point tmil threw out the bill, by 121 votes to 120 votes—majority ono. Colonel SIETHORP demanded to know if the Government dared, after such a division, to attempt to carry on the government of the country ? The House laughed.

Mom:ammo MARINE.

Some opposition was renewed to the principle of the Mercantile Marine Bill, on the stage of going into Committee, by Mr. Mormerr ; who moved that the House go into Committee that day six months. He reviewed the general difficulties of British shipping ; reminded Ministers that when they repealed the Navigation-law they promised they would re- move those difficulties ; and laboured to show that those promises have not been fulfilled. Nothing has been done to relieve shipping of the bur- dens of light-dues and pilotage-dues, nor to cure the evils of the present system of manning the Navy ; and the proposed machinery of registry will give greater annoyance than the existing machinery. Some Mem- bers who originally opposed the bill tome to the aid of Ministers, on the ground that the measure has been so much improved as to remove their objections. Mr. Moentor withdrew his amendment Lord Joins MAN- NERS moved that the bill be referred to a Select Committee : negatived by 120 to 34. The House went into Committee, and progress was im- mediately reported. ECCLESIASTICAL COMMISSION.

In Committee on the Ecclesiastical Commission Bill, Mr. Iloasstios moved an amendment to the first clause, with the object of remodelling the Commission upon the exclusively lay basis which he advocates. Ite supported his amendment by a brief recapitulation of that matter which he has brought forward in former speeches, to show the inefficient and injurious working of the present Ecclesiastical basis. Among his details was the statement, that if the Committee had been granted which he asked some time ago, he should be able to demonstrate, from authentic and most -competent sources, that the Bishop of London is now in the receipt of an income of 60,0001. a year. Sir BENJAMIN HALL supported the amendment, in a speech of the same staple with Mr. Horsman's ; accumulating evidences that the Ecclesiastical Commission has sacrificed the general interests of the Church to favour the Prelatical element which is so enormously preponderant in the CODIMiSSiOR. The amendment was opposed by Lord Joao RIJENELL, as being directly at variance with the report of the Committee of the House ; and on a divi- sion it was negatived by 60 to 22. Mr. EVELYN DENISON who was Chairman a the Committee of the House, moved as an amendment, that the three Church Estates Commissioners should receive a salary ; but, having been opposed by Sir Gamete GREY awl Lord JOHN RUSSELL, he withdrew the :intendment Considerable debate was raised when lead Joon RUSSELL moved, without any speech, the substitution in clause 13 of words which will unite the Episcopal bind and the Common fund, and make the joint fund available for all the purposes that each has served, with e.onte additional purposes, such as the endowment of new bishoprics. Mr. GLA:DSTONE complained of the cavalier manner in which the amend- ment of the House of Lords was thrown over; a,nd charged Lord John with a latent and covert intention to abandon the pledge he gave a few years ago, to found three new bishopric*. If the two funds are blended, the ability to fulfil that pledge will be abandoned, He would propose a clause to enable the Queen in Council to appoint new bishop- ties, at fixed 'salaries of not more than 1,6001.a year, in any district where 30,000/. is raised by voluntary contribution for endowing them. Lord Joust RUSSELL admitted, that from time to time it might be necessary to make new bishoprics ; his amendment will not prevent but aid that vision : but he looked with alarm at Mr. Gladstone's scheme, thanking that a separate order of Bishops—of Bishops altogether unconnected with the Static, (having no seats in the House of Peers,) would gofer to endan- ger the constitaition both of Church and State. The Archbishop of Can- terbury, and other high authorities, are of opinion that for the present the whole of the funds of the Commission ehotild ge in aid of paroehiel neces- sities. Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT said, you may talk to the people to the end of time about the episcopal succession ; what they want to see is the in- 'earnation Of the Episcopate in a Prelate performing the real duties of his office anti:9,g the laity as well as among the clergy, and with less of the interventiers se those Deans and Rural Deans who interpose in too great numbers between the Bishops and the people. He opposed the fusion of the twa 'leads. Mrs HENLRY Sit WHOMAS DYKE ACIANI), and Mr. Pans Wows -supported Lord John Russell's amendment ; soul it was car-

ried, by 163 to 111. Peogress was then reported. . SMALL Bseremens TN PLURALITY. • . .

In Committee 'oir the Benefices in Plurality Bill, the Archbishop of CANTERBURY. and Lord Lyrrereorr moved amendments, the combined ef-

fect of which is to permit the holding of two benefices togetherwhatever theiejOirrt value, when the churches are withih three miles of each othef, and the minim' Value of one of the living!" does not amount to IOU These 'amendments were agreed to.

Pnoursrreo Manartoss.

The third- rea. ding of Mr. Stuart Worthy's Marriages 11.111-wier opposed imy Mr. WALPOLE; who moved-that the hill be read a third time that day -iirinths, and enforced his motion by a.epeeek_recapitulating the ease against the proposed legislation. He also urged, that if the measure

• %,

ought to have been brought forward at all, it should have been brought forward in the other House, where it might have been referred to a Select Oommittee_of theologians and divines to pronounce with something like authority' whether this class of marriages was or was not prohibited by the Levitical law. Quite satisfied in his own mind, he would yet put it as matter of doubt ; for in such a conflict and variety of opinion he did not feel entitled to put it on any higher ground : but in a matter of doubt the safest course is the wisest ; he thereforethe House to avoid the risk of running counter to the Divine law. WORTLEY took up the concession of the doubt, and replied, that the safest course will be to leave the doubts to be solved by individual conscience. Mr. DUNCAN M`Nrixt and Mr. Fox Mauzz supported the amendment ; Colonel THOMPSON and Mr. ANSTEY supported the bilL The latter Member was approaching

usly near to the hour of six, when a friend reminded him of the dangerously he sat down. The House divided on the question whether

the word "now" should be left out, for the purpose of inserting the words "this day three months " : the division was 144 to 134—majority 10 for retaining the word " now" • so the bill was read a third time. A clause exempting Scotland was thrown out on the motion to read it a second time, by 137 to 130. It was now six o'clock, and the House ad- journed without passing the bill.


At the third reading of the Convict Prisons Bill, Sir GEORGE GREY stated, that the ticket-of-leave system is undergoing a modification, with a view to its assimilation to the assignment system apart from the evils connected with that system. In the home discipline of convicts, it is found impracticable to maintain the necessary degree of subordination in the hulks, and therefore it is determined to appropriate two old barracks at Portsmouth for the reception of convicts and their subjection to rigid discipline. When the experiment has been fairly tied, the result will be communicated to Parliament. Upwards of 1,200 convicts, in that stage of their punishment which would make them good servants and labourers, were received into New South Wales last year ; and the result was so be- neficial as to induce a hope that the colony will continue to receive them. North Australia will be peopled chiefly by exiles and emancipista from Van Diemen's Land. The bill was read a third time, and passed.


In handling his yearly theme, Mr. }WART on this occasion avoided the

repetition of statistical tedium, and addressed himself principally to the proof that the present system is inconsistent with what Beccaria and Blackstone lay down as the most important preventive element of punish- ment—its certainty of infliction. There is so large a predominance of acquittals on the charges of murder, as

to make it impossible to doubt that the jurors are restrained from honest ver- dicts by their insuperable objections to the punishment of death. This ten- dency is affirmed by judges who condemn capital punishment—an increasing number; and it is aclmowledged even by those who still adhere to it. The fre- quent conflicts of opinion in courts of justice between judges and medical men on the point of insanity—especially on the moot point, whether there may not be moral insanity as well as mental insanity--justify the hesitation and doubt of juries, and increase the uncertainty of their verdicts. Appealing from "the letter which ldlleth to the spirit which giveth life,' and declaring that the Gospel in its whole tenour condemns the spirit of revenge and encourages the spirit of repentance, Mr. Ewrut declared his faith that public opinion has so advanced on this subject, that the knell of this last vestige of barbaric punishment is now sounding through- out the land. He moved for leave to bring in a bill to abolish the punish- ment of death.

• Mr. Humz seconded the motion ; and stated, that between 1840 and

1844 the acquittals of persona charged with murder were 23, whereas be- tween 1845 and 1849 they were no fewer than 48. Sir GEORGE GREY re- sisted the motion with the regular arguments ; maintaining that there is more uncertainty in any secondary punishment than in capital punish- ment; and asserting that public opinion is so far from being in favour of abolition that if it were likely to be carried great dread and terror would spread through the country. Mr. BRIGHT called on Sir George Grey to come prepared with fresher objections—to give some particulars, as to whether in Tuscany, Belgium, and Prussia, countries where the punish- ment of death has been abolished, the security of life or property has been diminished by the abolition ; to answer the argument that hanging in it- self familiarizes with crime, and suggests it.

When the first execution took place at Nenagh, sixty persons in the crowd

fainted ; when the second execution took place, some few fainted, but the number was far under sixty : now the sight is witnessed without a shudder. Rest assured, that if you would have others reverence human life, you must yourself reverence it, by imitating the great rule of the good parson in Uiauccr-

" But Cristo& lore, and his Apostles twelve, He taught ; but first he follwed it himselve."

Your error is irremediable in ease of punishment by death ; and neverthe- less, error is an element so constant n its recurrence, that an undoubted percentage of those who suffer death die innocent men. He rejoiced that the people are beginning to refuse verdicts of guilty. (Ironical chars.)

He did not rejoice that men appointed to perform certain duties should abandon those dutietthe regretted it, as he regretted their being placed in the temptation to it; but it was manifest that, in the utter impossibility of otherwise operating upon the official and Parliamentary mind, the people out of doors had no other resource than to take up the matter themselves. It was not until jury after jury had declared upon their oaths that a ten-pound note was not worth forty shillings, that the official and Parliamentary mind was applied to a previous stage of this matter ; and so the machinery of judicial death would not be arrested until the people out of doors refuse to work it.

Mr. SHAFT° Amin was satisfied that perpetual exile, without chance of commutation, would, when once generally understood, perfectly sup- ply the voifi occasioned by the abolition of capital punishment.

On a division, the motion was negatived, by a slender minority in a thin House : the votes were 46 to 40—a majority of 6 with Sir George Grey.


On moving that the House of Lords should go into Committee upon the Inspection of Coal Mines Bill, the Earl of CARLISLE stated that no in- terferenee with the management of mines is intended. The bill merely enacts that the Sitretary of State shall appoint inspectors, who shall exa- mine the mines and the works and machinery belonging to them have power to summon the agent and point out things considered dangerous,

an report to the Secretary of State if dangerous a9f The inspectors may call for a map and plan of

the mine, or have one made. The owners of mines are to be at no ex- pense; and it is not intended to interfere with their management., but to leave the responsibility of conducting their mines still with themselves. The Earl of LOMBDALE said he would welcome the measure if he thought it would at all tend to save life ; but it promised no such advantage. The Government inspection in Belgium does "not operate as a guard against accidents, nor even to an improved mode of working the mines." The bill will be useless, though injurious in practice and dangerous in princi- ple. He moved to go into Committee that day three months. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY repeated these objections with more develop- ment, and observed that the expenses of inspection will fall on the pro- prietors. Lord WHARNCLIFFE thought his noble friends had miscon- ceived the objects and provisions of the bill ; to the spirit of which the coal-owners in the North of England and the coal-trade of the Midland districts are friendly. It was agreed to go into Committee pro forma, that the bill may be reprinted and time given to consider amendments.

Tim Omura OF 1851.

In Committee on the Population Bill, Mr. COBNEWALL Lzwis stated, that the day for taking the census in 1851 will be the 31st of March, and not a day in June, on account of the influx of foreigners at the time of the Show of Industry. The Registrar-General has prepared a scheme for digesting the census, with a view to avoiding an error by which some ad- vantage was given in number to the manufacturers ; but the scheme can- not be enacted in the bilL Thrum( ISLANDS.

In reply to Colonel Duzmz, it was stated by Mr. HAWES, that the Lord High Commissioner of the Ionian Islands has prorogued the Assembly, thinking it would conduce to more moderate proceedings; as the violence of party feeling had prevented any good from being done during the late session.


In both Houses of Parliament, the death of the Duke of Cambridge has been the subject of addresses of condolence to the Queen and the Dutchess of Cambridge, moved by the leading members of the Cabinet, with cordial expressions of feeling on all sides, far beyond the mere formal proceeding. In the House of Lords, the Marquis of LONDONDERRY was desirous that the House should adjourn, in token of affectionate respect ; but the ac- customed course was adhered to. In speaking on the address of condo- lence to her Majesty, Lord BROUGHAM told the House, that he could say of the Duke of Cambridge what he had never been able to say of any other public man—that he never heard a single individual speak of him in other than kindly terms. In the House of Commons, Lord JOHN RUSSELL pronounced a eulogy which awakened sympathy on all sides of the Rouse: "No man ever was more free from anything like bitterness of spirit, or more entirely impressed with the spirit of charity, than his Royal Highness." The Marquis of GRANBY added the warm tribute of one who had lost a kind, an amiable, and affectionate Mend. Mr. Disit.szu declared, that the people have


taken a pride in the late Duke's career of active virtue, and in his manly and cordial character. The bereavement of the illustrious lady vri whom they condoled might be alleviated by the remembrance th4 h, r husband's honours have devolved upon a son to whom this country kis long been accustomed to look with interest and fondness, and in the sacie,c1 memory that she closed the eyes of that life whose happiness she crented by the tenderness of her devotion.


[On the morning of Sir Robert Peel's last appearance in Parliament, our pages were already full, and it was impossible to do justice to his speech. Uttered in the most important debate of the session, it was de- livered with the solemn and earnest manner of a man who feels the truth of what he is saying and the weight of a great responsibility; the very want of art in its structure—the absence of ornament, the homely plainness, and the reiterations—show how much more the speaker was absorbed in the matter of it than in the fashion. The following selection of its more important passages is made for those readers who would like to have on their file the last words which the statesman now so univer- sally lamented gave to the public.)

Grounds of the Vote. "The honourable and learned gentleman the Mem- ber of Southampton (Mr. Cockburn) has demanded a full explanation of the circumstances under which the vote will be given. He shall have that ex- planation : I have no reserve. He has stated that there is some dishonour- able conspiracy formed against her Majesty's Government. A more unfounded charge never was preferred. He presumes that there has been some base compromise between gentlemen on this side of the House maintaining differ- ent opinionson matters of vital interest. He is wholly and entirely mistaken ; there has been no such compromise. The honourable and learned gentleman talks of there being three distinct courses of action—three combinations by which office might be attained : he says, I require you to state which of those three courses you contemplate at present.' Is it not possible to imagine that there may be a fourth course Is it not possible for him to speculate upon the possibility that men in this House may intend to give their votes without reference to political combinations ? does he exclude the possibility of that fourth course of action, which arises from a conscientious conviction as to the truth ? "

General Support of Ministers. "I will not forget, and I need not re- mind the House, that I have given, or attempted to give, to her Majesty's Government my support—I will say my cordial support—during the last four years. In utter oblivion of the circumstances under which they succeeded to power, I have felt it my duty to give them, not an ostentatious, but ba- cause it was not ostentatious, a not the less effective support. I have not the honour and advantage of possessing their personal friendship ; I have never been in political connexion with them. I have held no communica- tion with them, during the last four years, which may not be had by any Member of this House, who may be the most independent and the most un- connected with their policy. I have given them my support, because I cor-

dially approved of the in which they carried into domestic affairs. I think that their policy in domestic affairs has been a liberal and conservative policy:. I have agreed with them, and I repeat it now, with respect to the principle of commercial freedom. So far from a base compromise having taken place between myself and the gentlemen who sit near me' and whose confidence I have had the misfortune to forfeit, every day that passes con- vinces me more and more, that upon the cordial adoption, and the unequivo- cal adhesion to those principles of commercial policy, the peace and true in- terests of this country depend. I have said enough, I hope, to prove to the honourable Member, that for myself as I know, and for others as I believe, there has been none of that base compromise that he supposes has dictated our unanimity upon this occasion. I feel as grateful to her Majesty's Ge-

vernment as one public man can feel to others for the maintenance of those principles which regulate the monetary affairs of this country. I concur with them as to their Irish policy. I have not forgotten the declaration I made with respect to Ireland on the day upon which I quitted office, and I retain the opinion which I then expressed, that your true policy towards Ire- lend is to maintain civil equality as the privilege of all her Majesty's sub- jects, and not to permit religious differences of opinion to constitute a dis- qualification for the favour of the Crown."

Qualified Support of their .Foreign Policy. "There have been occasions on which I have supported the foreign policy of her Majesty's Government. I supported it with respect to Portugal I did not concur in the vote of cen- sure with regard to the policy of her Majesty's Government in Spain, be- came I thought it would be unjust to Sir Henry Bulwer, and would be too severe a visitation for any offence which her Majesty's Government and the noble Lord (Palmerston) had committed. But I took the occasion of ex- pressing my regret that the tone assumed by the noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs in Spain was not calculated to conciliate the good-will of the people of that country. The most important point in the foreign policy of her Majesty's Government I concurred in : I agreed with them in the re- cognition of the French Republic, and as to the policy of recognizing the Government which appeared to be most comformable to the will of the French people. I go further, and say that I think such a recognition ought not to be a cold reluctant acquiescence in an unavoidable necessity. I be- lieve that, without reference to the constitution of the government, the true policy is to maintain friendly relations with that great people on the other aide of the Channel—to cultivate a good understanding with them—to show a disposition to place confidence in them. And it is because 'concur in that Policy—because Jam favourable to the cultivation of a good understanding with France, that I now ask you, the Government, to give an account of your French relations, and to tell me how it is that such a correspondence has taken place as that which is laid upon the table of the House, and why it is that you have had these altercations with the people of France, who have shown a disposition to place in you a cordial and unlimited confidence." The Greek Quarrel. "The resolution of the honourable gentleman em- braces two objects,—the protection of the Government ; and the declaration of the public principles he calls upon you to affirm, namely, that the course pursued by the Government is one calculated to maintain the dignity and honour of England. I wish I could give it my support. It would be more agreeable to my private feelings. It would be more in consistency with my disposition to support her Majesty's Government if I could do so. But to speak of that particular affair which led to the vote of the House of Lords, the conduct of Government in reference to the Grecian affair, I cannot, con- fidently with my conscientious convictions, declare that I think the course which the Government has pursued is the course best calculated to maintain the honour and dignity of this country, or to maintain peace with foreign nations I will admit that you had just claims upon Greece. I will admit that the birth or religion of Don Pacifico constitutes no reason why he should not have the same title to indemnity as the highest noble, or a Bri- tish subject of the highest rank. I admit that the meanness of the resi- dence is not to be cited as a reason for withholding from him commiseration or redress. But I conceive there Was an obvious mode of settling his claims without offending France, and without provoking a rebuke from Russia. My belief is, that, without any compromise of your own dignity, you might have got the whole money you demanded, and avoided the difficulties in which you have involved yourselves with those powers. With regard to Russia, you had just asserted the authority of England by remon- strating with her for attempting to expel the refugees from Turkey— she acquiesced in your demands; and with every regard to France, you had all but the certainty of obtaining her cordial sympathy and good feeling. There never was a period in which it was more the interest of this country to conciliate the good feeling of Russia and France. France was weak, and the prey of intestine divisions ; you could have made concessions to her then without incurring any suspicion of weakness on your part ; and depend upon it, that conciliatory conduct towards France in the hour of her weakness, arising from intestine divisions, would have been rewarded with her permanent gratitude in the day of her strength. What necessity was there for provoking that feeling which we find expressed in this correspond- ence? I do not ask you to abandon any just claim ; but why could you not, when it was so important that you shouldmaintain a good understanding with Russia and France in respect to the affairs of Northern Germany—why could you not say, We have claims on Greeee; you are co-guaranteeing powers: the law of nations would justify us in proceeding summarily for redress; but we will not send there five or six sail of the line, and stop the commerce of the country, until we have invoked your good offices.' Why could you not have said, There may be limits to delay ; and should this arbitration fail, as it may, we will not abandon our claims. Insult has been given, which demands apology : that apology we will have; but we will not enforce our other claims without an appeal to your good offices.' You may, I know, quote the case of the United States, of France, and of other powers, which have demanded summarily redress; but the true policy of England should be to set an example of a different course of action, so far as you can do so with- out compromising your honour. I admit that you had the right, and I be- lieve that you had the authority to obtain your right by force : but if every country were to enforce its rights by force, there would be no security for the peace of Europe for a single day. I do not deny your right ; but I say that every consideration of policy in the peculiar circumstances in which you stand with regard to France and Russia—Russia having acquiesed in your demands for the withdrawal of her requisition for the expulsion of the Hun- garian refugees from Turkey, and France having shown every disposition to confide in you and act cordially with you, there was every motive at that time why you should have exerted every effort to settle the matter through their good offices before you resorted to force. You did not object to the good offices of France—you accepted them when they were tendered ; but why not invite them ? Why not ask the good offices of France to assist in the adjustment of the affair ? My belief is, that you would have effected that adjustment, have gained the good-will of Russia and France, and have avoided giving offence to Greece : above all, you would have avoided those rebukes which were administered to you by Russia and France, and which I cannot read without pain; and having read which, I cannot vote for a resolution which declares that the course which you have pursued in your foreign policy is calculated to maintain the honour and dignity of this country." Ungenerous and Impolitic Treatment of _France. "I don't blame you for your ultimate concessions to France, or for your not having resisted the de- mand made of you by France; but don't ask mete concur in a vote of posi- tive approbation of the course you have pursued. But I do blame you for your conduct towards France after you had accepted their good offices. I see no reason whatsoever for the course you pursued ; and I think it was easy to foresee that it would involve you in the difficulty which it has done. I read the letters of M. Drouyn de Lhuys and General Lahitte, and I never saw letters containing more positive evidence of what were the real wishes and intentions of France in tendering to you her 'good offices.' There is something touching in the appeal which that great power made to you. She reproaches you for having resorted to force, and says to you, 'You have alarmed every other country in Europe by sending fifteen sail of the line to the Pirmua to insist upon these demands. Accept our good offices; by your

doing so you will assist us in our internal affairs.' . . . . I am not willing to provoke any censure, but I do really feel that it is utterly impossible, with any regard for the truth, to express any positive approbation of your policy, and declare that the course you- have been taking is consistent with the maintenance of the honour and dignity of this country."

Principles Roebuck and the National Convention. "The principle for which I contend, antagonistic to that [laid down in Mr. Roebuck's speech,] is the principle for which every statesman of eminence in this country for the last fifty years has contended, namely, non-interference in the airs of other countries, without some clear and undeniable necessity, affecting your own immediate peace and the interests of your own country.. That is the antagonistic principle for which I contend. I say this, that the honourable and learned gentleman is calling upon me to affirm that principle which was contended against by Mr. Fox when it was employed in favour of arbitrary government; which was resisted by Mr. Canning and resisted by Lord Castlereagh at the Congress of Vienna, when the oombined Sovereigns attempted by force to check the progress of constitutional government. What is the honourable gentleman's resolution—that which the House of Commons is to proclaim ? That we are favourable to those efforts of man by which he endeavours to raise himself in the scale of nations, and, by his own enlightenment and a confidence in his own powers, to govern himself, and resist that. tyranny which, under the name of legitimacy, has ever sought to crush in him all those powers which we as Englishmen consider to be the very birthright that Nature has given us.' What was the declaration of the Convention of 1792? The National Convention declare, in the name of the French nation that they will grant fraternity and as- sistance to all those people who Wish to procure liberty; and they charge the executive powers to send orders to their generals to give assistance to such people as have suffered or are now suffering in the cause of liberty.' The National Convention, on the 13th April 1793, seeing the universal in- dignation excited by that proclamation declared in the name of the French people, That it will not mtermeddle '(qu'elle ne s'immiscera pas) in any manner in the government of other countries, but that it will rather bury itself under its own ruins than suffer any other power to intermeddle in the interior administration of the Republic, or influence the form of constitution which France wishes to establish for herself.' They withdrew the objectionable declaration of the 19th of November, - because they found it excited against the French Government the indignation of all independent nations. It was upon this principle that Mr. Fox denounced the declaration of the Duke of Brunswick and of France. Mr. Fox quoted Tattel ; he said he found V attel out of fa- vour, but he valued all those writers who had collected together the experi- ence of ages ; and it was upon the principle laid down by Vattel of non-in- tervention in the affairs of other countries that he denounced the iniquitous manifesto of the Duke of Brunswick. Then what are we to declare ? That we will relinquish the principle of non-interference and declare in favour of the principle of self-government—that we will declare in favour of that peo- ple that resists, under the name of legitimacy, that tyranny which has ever sought to crush in him all those powers which we as Englishmen consider to be the very birthright that Nature has given us' ? It is a most serious un- dertaking on the part of this House. If you do claim that right, you must give a correlative right to other powers. Self-government—who shall con- strue what is the basis of self-government ? We are living in the neighbour- hood of a great republic—and a republic that may be prosperous and may consolidate its power—which maintains the doctrine that legitimacy, that monarchy, is inconsistent with self-government. If I claim the right to in- troduce my notions of self-government into independent nations, can I deny the right of those nations to introduce their notions of self-government in the countries opposed to them ? Recollect our manifold relations with other emu- tries in every quarter of the globe. Recollect our position in North America. Recollect our Monarchical Colonies in close contact with Republican America. American notions of self-government differ from ours. American notions of self-government go to the extent that there ought to be universal salvia, and that all classes should have the right to exercise a vote in the govern- ment of the country. If I impose my ideas of monarchical government on despotic countries, what right have I to remonstrate against the United States for introducing into the Colonies of Great Britain her political notions of what constitutes self-government ? Does this right of self-government. extend beyond Europe ? We govern millions in India. Are we to admit the right of other powers to circulate the doctrine of self-government among them ? Which would be the wiser policy, to attempt to interfere with the con- stitutions of other countries, or to hold the doctrine which was maintained by Mr. Fox, .by in Grenville, by Mr. Canning, and Lord Caatlereagh—of non- intervenion in their affairs ? Are these principles to be limited to Europe, and can we so limit them because it is convement to do so ? Shall we m- struct Dr. Bowring to read lectures on political economy to the Chinese ? There is no self-government there, and we have there a gentleman well ver- sed in political economy ; and shall we invite him to instruct China in the duties of self-government ? " Conclusion. "Is it not wiser to live in peace with other countries—to let their institutions alone and remain on terms of perfect amity with them ? That would be the wisest course—the course best calculated to preserve fiiendly relations, to give prosperity to our commerce, and to prevent all jealousy betwixt us and those nations with whom we are connected by commercial intercourse. It is also my belief that you will not advance the cause of constitutional government by dictation to other nations. If you do, your intentions will be mistaken, and you will rouse hostility ; and the time will come when, alarmed by the consequences, you,will withdraw your countenance from those whose expectations you have excited, and leave them only the bitter recollection that you have betrayed them. If you succeed, I doubt whether the institutions that take root under your patronage will be lasting. Constitutional liberty will be but worked out by those who aspire to freedom by their own efforts. You will only overload it by your help, by your principle of interference against which I remonstrate—against which I enter my protest—to which 'I tonight will be no party. You are departing from the established policy of England ; you are involving yourselves in dif- ficulties the extent of which you can hardly conceive ; you are bestowing no aid on the cause of constitutional freedom, but are encouraging its advocates to look to you for aid, instead of those efforts which can alone establish it, and upon the successful exertion of which alone it can be useful. For all these reasons, I give my dissent, my reluctant dissent, from the motion of the honourable gentleman. I am determined to take upon this occasion the course which I have taken upon every other. I will not evade the difficulty by silence or absence : I will state the grounds upon which I protest against the resolution—the carrying of which I believe will give a false impression with respect to the dignity and honour of this country, and will establish a principle which you cannot carry into execution without imminent danger to the best interests of the country."