We are naturally sympathetic towards anything which will extinguish, not
merely the land war as it still exists in Ireland, but also towards anything which will serve to put out the last embers of the Land League conflict. But though we would stretch a good many points to accomplish these results, we cannot say that we agree with those who seem to think that an Irish evicted tenant must necessarily be an object for State help. It is impossible to forget that the majority of the present evicted tenants were men who could have paid their rent perfectly well, and who had the whole tremendous machinery of the various Land Acts to protect them from any possibility of oppression on the part of the landlord. In most cases they refused to pay, and forced the landlord to use —always unwillingly—the last and extremely expensive instru- ment of eviction as an act of political warfare. They were assured that their political leaders would see that they did not suffer, but rather would gain, by their heroic action. It is very difficult to see any reason why such persons should not pay the penalty for breaking the law, as he certainly breaks it who could carry out a contract but refuses to do so. But though we find these strong objections to the Bill, we do not suppose that there is any chance of its being defeated or materially altered in the House of Commons. That it will turn out in the end a very expensive measure to the British taxpayer we have no doubt. But this enforces the arguments against it. In our opinion, whatever money can be spared for Ireland at the present moment should be devoted to making the Land Purchase Act work smoothly and rapidly. That is the point upon which to concentrate our efforts.
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