BOOKS.
THE CHINESE REVOLUTION.} Teti Chinese Revolution was a complete success in so far as the attainment of its original object was concerned. It destroyed the Mantchu dynasty, which, according to a well- informed writer in the Asiatic Review, Yuan Shi-kai would have preferred to maintain. The principle of an hereditary monarchy, which had lasted for five thousand years, foundered * The Day of St. Vitus. t Through the vhingso Revolution. By Professor Fernand Farjenel. Trans. fated from tho French by Dr. Margaret Vivian. London: Duckworth and Co. 17a. ed. net.] in the struggle. There is something pathetic in the abject terms in which the young Emperor Pon-y, who, in anticipation of coming events, had received the almost ironical title of Hiuen-T'ong, or "the granted charter," descended from the throne of his ancestors and transmitted his Royal power and prerogatives to his masterful Dictator. "Since Heaven and the people," he declared in his final Edict, "desire a Republican Government, how could we be so contumacious as to retain our throne against the will of our subjects P . . .
We hand over our authority to Yuan Shi-kai." But if the destructive policy of the revolutionists was a success, their constructive policy was wholly unsuccessful, Qualified local critics held that the attempt to found a Republic was foredoomed to failure. Mr. Bland, who spoke with a very full knowledge of Chinese affairs, pointed out that the canker which was gnawing at the heart of China was not political but economic, that Young China was as corrupt as Old China, and that to the mass of the people "the word ' Republic' meant no more than the blessed word ' Mesopotamia.'" Outside critics, speaking without Mr. Bland's local know- ledge, but reasoning on historical analogy and a general acquaintance with Eastern politics, arrived at a similar con- clusion. Looking to the broad features of the situation, to the suddenness of the attempted transition from absolutism to complete liberty, to the habits ingrained by long centuries of corruption and maladministration, to the lack of practical experience on the part of the idealists who promoted the Revolution, to the rivalry of the Western Powers who were interested in Chinese affairs, and to the fact that bank- ruptcy could not be avoided without recourse to foreign capital, which would not be forthcoming unless under con- ditions highly distasteful to Nationalist sentiment, political observers, however sympathetic to Chinese aspirations, held from the first that history would probably repeat itself, and that the ultimate result of the Revolution would be to establish a new despotism under another. name, and perhaps of a somewhat improved type, in place of that which formerly existed. This, in fact, is what actually occurred. Yuan Shi-kai became Emperor in everything but in name, and, according to the most recent reports from China, it would appear that the question of his assuming the Imperial title has now been mooted. He climbed to power by methods which, though differing in detail, were in all essential matters identical with those adopted in past times on the banks of the Tiber, on those of the Seine, and elsewhere.
There are, however, always at least two aides to every question, particularly to every Revolution, and perhaps very particularly to every Eastern Revolution. It will be as well, therefore, to hear what there is to be said on the subject by an intelligent European who was present during the crisis, who warmly sympathized with the Revolution, who thinks it deserved to succeed, who holds that there was no adequate reason why it should not have succeeded, who appears to be of opinion, although on this latter point his utterances are somewhat ambiguous, that its failure is even now far from being complete and final, and whose warm sympathies with everything Chinese led him, when a sufferer from lumbago, to apply a plaster to his back recommended by the Chinese faculty, and consisting of "a mixture of calcined• tiger's bones, bear's grease, resin, and human hair cut into tiny parts." This latter remedy, he says, " did him a great deal of good," so much so that, in anticipation of further attacks of lumbago, lie took with him a supply to " the icy regions of Siberia and Russia through which he proposed to travel." Professer Farjenel is an ardent French patriot, and it is manifest that his views are coloured by the consideration, of the truth of which there can be no doubt, that the main principles advocated by the leading Chinese Revolutionists hailed from Paris, albeit they were tinged with a strong element of latter-day Socialism. Socialist doctrines were, indeed, to be enforced by measures as drastic as those adopted by the most despotic of absolutist rulers. Thus, in the original summary of the aims of the reformers, published in 1904, it was laid down that " monopolists, being a grave menace to the life of the people, shall be outlawed." The temporary prominence given to the feminist movement also in some degree differentiates the Chinese Revolution from its French prototype. Women were organized into battalions and were drilled as soldiers. They were "fired with a fanatical desire to fight to the death for the Revolutionary cause." The examples of Queen Victoria, who was a, strong anti-suffragist, and of the "Old Buddha," who with her dying breath deprecated the bestowal of political power on women, were adduced as evidence in favour of feminism I In the end, however, " the Canton Assembly failed to be led astray by the wiles of their lady colleagues," and absolutely declined to associate themselves with the feminist movement. But Professor Farjenel is not discouraged. "It seems," he says, "quite likely that China will be one of the first countries in which women will obtain seats in political assemblies, thus accomplishing in a moment the social evolution of several thousand years."
The main inspiration of the Revolutionary movement, how- ever, came from France. Sun Yatsen was "the incarnate spirit of the Revolution." His studies of Rousseau's works had made him " the confirmed foe of the privileges of the rich and of hereditary government." Young Chinese students were "enthusiastic admirers of the French terrorists and idolized Robespierre." Clhenn Kimei, a daring journalist and orator, indeed earned for himself the name of " the Chinese Robe- epierre." He would not, Professor Farjenel avers, " hesitate to sacrifice a hundred thousand lives if be deemed it essential to the ultimate success of his cause. He combines the fanaticism of the West with an Eastern disregard for human life." What may be called the top-hamper of the French Revolution was sedulously copied. The old calendar, which dated from the time of the Emperor Houengtai, who reigned more than two thousand years before the birth of Christ, was abolished. The new calendar was made to begin on January 1st, 1912, the first year of the Chinese Republica. A Chinese "Marseillaise" was composed. Patriotic songs were sung in which the name of the great American patriot " Hwa-eherig- toon" was somewhat incongruously associated with that of " Na-po-loon," both being described as "Sons of Liberty." Sun ratsen, Revolutionary writers declared, " was the Washington of the Revolution and Hoang Hung was its Napoleon." Children were taught to extol the courage of the heroes who died while throwing bombs," one of which, it may be remarked, "pul- verized" an unfortunate Tartar Marshal at Canton, " leaving nothing of him but his boots." Dress and personal habits under- went a great change. Every patriot out off his pigtail, which was regarded as a mark of servitude. A few Conservatives hid their pigtails under their collars, but in those places where the Revolution took the deepest root "there was scarcely a pigtail to be seen." Toothbrushes, which were regarded "as a sign of superior civilization," were introduced, and Professor Farjenel testifies to the fact that on board a boat on which he travelled the sailors passed the same toothbrush in tern from mouth to mouth." Amidst all these.otriking changes, it is almost a consolation to learn that the ancient Chinese custom of beginning dinner with dessert and ending it with soup was preserved. ,
As regards the Constitution, the model followed was both Revolutionary and Napoleonic. Count Roederer, who, as Lord Rosebery truly remarks, tells us more of Napoleon's thoughts than any other contemporary writer, relates that when Napoleon ordered him to prepare a draft Constitution, be remarked that " a Constitution should be short and—." He was about to add the word "clear," but Napoleon cut him short and said: "Yes, short and obscure." The most important clause in the Chinese Constitution reproduces the Revolu- tionary prinbiptes of 1789, and is conceived in the true spirit of doctrinaire Jacobiniam. At the same time it fully realizes the Napoleonic conception of obscurity. " In the Chinese Republic," it is said, " the supreme power belongs to the whole nation." The phrase is elastic, Yuan Shi-kai had no hesitation in accepting it. He bound himself by oath "to make every effort to promulgate the spirit of democracy, to disperse the evils of despotism, and faithfully to obey the Constitution and the wishes of the people."
There can be no doubt that the -vast majority of Europeans in China hold opinions diametrically opposed to those of Professor Farjenel. " They are convinced that the Chinese are totally incapable of successfully establishing a Republican form of government." To this Professor Farjenel replies that the Europeans are prejudiced and ignorant, and, more- over, that they are wholly concerned in making money out of China. He states, on the authority of some of hie own country- men, that out of thirteen thousand foreigners resident in China " there are barely ten who can speak the language with any fluency." Moreover, alluding to Chinese excitability, he says that many of the foreign residents think that "every Chirmman is a potential madman." Ile palliates the excesses committed during the Revolution. "These are troubles inseparable from a Revolution. Repine always flourishes in 'lease of anarchy." He adds the philosophical reflection that "matters might have been much worse." He does no more than justice to the Revolutionists when lie praises them for abstaining from those general onslaughts on " foreign devils" which had formerly disgraced the annals of China. How far this abstention was due to real feelings of humanity and toleration, or how far it was dictated by a politic desire to give the Western Powers no excuse for interference, is perhaps somewhat doubtful. The general animosity against foreigners does not seem to have been mitigated after the fall of the Mantchn dynasty. Those who were employed by the Chinese Government occupied, in Professor Farjenel'e opinion, sinecures. They did not take, the trouble to make any reports, as they knew that anything they said "would be consigned to the wastepaper-basket." Professor Farjenel also alludes to the fact that many of the French missionaries in China strongly sympathized with the Revolution. It is natural that they should have done so, as it afforded some promise that a reign of religious toleration would be inaugurated. Their testimony is of course valuable, but it stands alone in support of Professor Farjenel's views, For the rest, all he does is to fall back on the usual common- places of ultra-Liberals. His work is therefore, on the whole, somewhat disappointing. It shows that be is a generous and warm-hearted enthusiast, but it affords no reason for holding that sentimental enthusiasm can be made a substitute for real statesmanship. Neither does it afford any ground for reversing the verdict which has generally been delivered by the European world: that, for the time being at all events, the establishment of a real Republican Government in China is an idealist dream which cannot be realised. In the mean- while, it may be observed that, although no very full account of Chinese affairs has recently enibmatod from any authori- tative source, the power of Yuan Shi-kai appears to have been
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