14 JULY 1832, Page 1

NEWS OF THE WEEK.

THE great Parliamentary question of the week was that debated on Thursday—whether Ministers acted right or wrong in continu- ing the payments of the Russian Dutch loan. The same question was discussed in January, when the Ministerial majority was 238, the minority being 214: on Thursday, the numbers were—for Ministers 243, against them 197. The case, as far as the people of England are concerned, stands thus—either they must pay to Russia what remains of the debt [1,800,0001.] which England took upon itself in 1814, or encounter the consequences of the refusal, whatever these May be. There can be no doubt that the condition of the payment was the conjunction of Belgium with Holland ; there can be as little doubt.that the object of that con- junction was to prevent the occupation of the former by France. Belgium is now separated from Holland, and so far the treaty in letter is at an end ; it is still disjoined from France, and so far the treaty in spirit is still existing. The junction of Belgium' and Holland, iirthe first_irmtance,- was accomplished by England mid the other Great- YOWers, Russia consenting; the separation was cOmpleted by England and the Great Powers, Russia, at the in- stance of Great Britain, consenting. For the consent and, assistance of Russia. in lEi84', Great Britain agreed to pay a certain portion of the Russian Dtitch loan—can England refuse to pay what still remains due, after asking and obtaining the consent and assistance of Russia in 1832? If England had declined to interfere in any way with the Belgian question, Russia might have compelled Belgium tore-enter Under the denainionof Holland. If she had succeeded, unquestionably the payment must have been Made. If France had opposed her, the consequence must have heen.a general war; by which, eertainly,England might have get rid of her obligations, at the probable-cost of twentytimes their amount. Itis. notvery pleasant, we admit, to pay money to such a power as Russia; but it will hardly be contended that the character of the creditor cancels the debt. At all eVe,rits, it cannot cancel our debt; for the same treaty that bound us tb pay it, bound us not to intermit our pay- Merits even in the event of a war with Russia. No*, let Russia act ever so badly, it is plain we could not do more than go to war with her; and this extreme case was foreseen andprovided for.

On the plain rule, then, of common honesty, which .says _that no man is entitled to take- advantage of his own wrong in order to void an obligation, it appears that we cannot refuse to _pay. to Russia the money we promised; and, putting honesty out of the question, : we think every principle ofprudence counsel's the• payment. For even granting that no war should ensue from our refusal—that Russia should "pocket the injury,"—consider what would be the consequences of such an abandonment of national character as our refusal would indicate. We must he content, in all future arrange- ments with the-Governments of the Old and New World, to be looked on as a nation whom nothing but the mere letter of an obligation can bind: and would not. this general and merited sus- picion operate to our disadvantage infinitely more than the paltry saving by_ which it was earned eould'Operate to our profit? - Thus much for the Nation—with the Faction the case is different. They propose no saving ; they are as ready. as 'Lord ALTHORP is to pay the money due to the Emperor;' their whole argument is founded on the assumed neglect of a point of :forth. It is worse • than farcical to .hear the members for Worcester, who vote so regularly, on the wrong side, that,- were, it not for their strong: professions, no one ever imagine that they belonged to the right side,-4o liedilVff;Rokansoi+1.antl .106l'obe1 DATIES talk of economy,' in supporting HERRIE-S'S amendthent. The only, economy meant, or Pretended by Mr. Hitialia and his friends, is a change- of the paymaster. Whether the bond be liquidated by Ilmtaws or by Lord ALTHORP, may, even as a matter of eco- nomy, be important to Mr. HERRIES ; but how the substitution is to affect the publie purse, we must leave the gallant opponent of the 10/. franchise to explain to his constituents. The other principal subject of debate was the quw*tio mink of Irish tithes; on which the Ministry last night contrived to obtain leave to introduce their modification bill. The number who voted. against it was only 32: such a minority affords a proof, that the debate, like the battle, is not always with the strong. A tithe on the era-, tory of Ireland Would be eminently productive. From the way in which the bill is fought, we hardly think Ministers will get through with it, unless by lengthening out the session much more than is desirable.

The Scotch Reform Bill has passed the ordeal of the Lords, - The Earl of HADDINGTON is to have permission to protest against . it till Monday: he may do so, for any thing the people of Scotjand care, till Monday twelve months—no one is obliged to read the protests. The Irish Reform Bill was reported last night, without remark; it will be read nthird time on Monday.

The English Boundaries Bill, with a few slight amendments, • has passed the Lords, and been concurred in by the Commons. Some discussion took place last night on the date for paying the poor-rates as fixed. by the English Reform Act, on the presenta- tion of a petition from Marylebone ; but, from the obscurity of the- - report-in the newspapers this morning, we are unable to guess at - Lord ALTHORP'S explanation of the clause. . The same difficulty was started in the House of Lords on Thursday: We have al- luded to it elsewhere. Lord ALTHORP means to bring forward his Budget—or rather, to make a statement on the finances—next week.