NEWS OF THE WEEK.

THE week has been prolific in interesting subjects of Parliamen- tary discussion, foreign and domestic.

Lord BROUGHAM put the Ministers in a most unpleasant plight, by a motion. on Tuesday, for the production of certain instruc- tions to the British naval officers serving off the coast of Spain to hinder neutral powers from aiding the Carlists with arms and warlike stores. He maintained, that according to the law of nations, no country might follow such a course unless when at actual war, and in the case of an efficient blockade of the coast to which access is denied. But England was not at war with Spain, and there was no blockade of the Spanish coast : therefore the orders were illegal. But they were also impolitic : for sup- pose that a Sardinian vessel attempted to land arms for the

Garlists, and was fired upon by the British vessels, would not Austria, the ally of Sardinia, call for satisfaction ? In this way, England might become involved in a serious quarrel with a

powerful nation, by acts in themselves utterly unjustifiable. The orders, too, were secret—they had not been notified to other

powers ; so that foreign vessels might have been lured into

the danger privily prepared for them. Against this statement Lord MELBOURNE had nothing to allege, except that it was

founded on mere rumour, and that the production of the bi-

structions would be detrimental to the public service. But the fact was, that a reply given some time back by Lord Mier° to Lord LYNDHURST, relative to these instructions, left no doubt of their existence. This reply Lord RIPON quoted, and it entirely destroyed the pretence that the motion was based

on idle rumour. The allegation of injury to the public service

might have served Lord MELBOURNE'S purpose, had not blunder- ing Lord It/TINTO endeavoured to defend himself by referring to the

Quadruple Treaty for proof that England had a right forcibly to

prevent other powers from aiding Don CARLOS ; which amounted to a declaration that she was bound to defend the existing Go-

vernment in Spain against the world. This gave the matter

a very serious aspect. The Duke of WELLINGTON denied that such was the true interpretation of the treaty ; but, since that ver-

sion was given by the First Lord of the Admiralty, he considered

it necessary to have the instructions, or at least further expla- nations from the Government. Here was a dilemma for poor Lord MELBOURNE! there was only one mode of escape, and that was to let Lord Mims) fall, and cline.b to the Duke. So the Premier de- clared, that he entirely differed from his First Itord of the Admi-

ralty and colleague in the Cabinet, and perfectly agreed in the Duke's interpretation of the treaty, that it only bound England to convey warlike stores from one part of the Spanish coast to another : and he repeated, that it would be injurious to the Government and the interests of the country to produce the Papers. The dread Duke was mollified; and, under these cir- cumstances, recommended his followers not to press Ministers

for the instructions. But murmurs ran along the Opposition benches; and Lord BROUGHAM, starting up, delivered a few sar- castic sentences on the Duke of WELLINGTON'S interference to save the Whigs; which seem to have had the intended effect ; for Lords HAREWOOD, MANSFIfiLD, and ELLENBOROUGH mutinied openly; and on the division which ensued, 56 Tories voted with Lord BROUGHAM, and only one, the Earl of MOUNTCASHEL, with Ministers : the Duke and Lord ABERDEEN left the House, with between thirty and forty Tories. The numbers were 57 and 57: in the House of Peers, where the Lord Chancellor votes with the others but has no casting-vote, this was equivalent to a rejection of the motion, inasmuch as it was not carried. The conduct of the Duke of WELLINGTON on this occasion, as on ethers when he has saved Ministers from crushing defeat, gave great dissatisfaction to many of his followers, wbo take no pains to conceal their anger. Much sage conjecture has been expended on the mystery ; and some, who do not understand or reflect on the Duke's real position, fancy that a Coalition Ministry is projected by him. But what could the Duke of WELLINGTON gain by a return to office, at the close of life? The state's highest offices, as its proudest honours and richest rewards, have already waited upon his world-renowned fame. His personal ambition, in the common acceptation of the thing, must be more than satiated: what remains to him further to enjoy ?—There remains to !lira that kind of authority which be probably loves to wield better than any other. He has substantial power without the responsi- bility and trouble of office. He nightly sees the Government of the country at his feet : he is the preserver and patron of a once formidable as well as hostile, but now feeble Ministry, which his breath could annihilate. This is to gratify his personal ambition in the highest conceivable degree; and to this pleasure he sacri- fices the office-seekers of his party. Then, as a leading Conservative, the Duke no doubt reflects, that, on the whole, Conservatism is in a prosperous state. The MELBOURNE Ministers are his instruments, for purposes which his own party, if in office, could not so well or easily, it' at all, accom- plish. They smooth down opposition in quarters where fierce hostility against an avowedly Tory Government would rage and triumph. Thus, while be gratifies himself in the highest degree as a powerful individual, he satisfies his conscience as a Conserva- tive patriot, that he is doing the best for " the cause!"

The Irish Poor Bill, in its last stage, was discussed by the

Lords on Monday. Even to that worn-out subject Lord BROUGHAM roused attention, and gave weight to an opposition, which, in the hands of Lords RODEN and MCUNTCASHEL, con- sisted merely of vehement denunciations and prophecies of mis- chief, unsupported by argument or fact. The Irish landlords with one voice protested against the bill, and on this occasion pro- fessed to represent the entire body of their countrymen—persons of all ranks, religions, and parties. Lord BROUGHAM resisted the bill mainly on the ground that Parliament possessed no cer- tain information of the real state of Ireland, and was therefore incompetent to pass a measure which must have an important in- fluence upon, and effect considerable change in, the social rela- tions of that country. He referred to the contradictory representa- tions of Mr. O'CONNELL and others respecting the condition of Ireland. When it was desirable to exalt the vaAp of Lord NOR.. SIANBY'S Administration, then the people were LTIlicribed as peace- ful, happy, and confiding in the Government ; but when other purposes were to be gained—a Poor Bill or Tithe Bill to be resisted, or a million to be pouched—then all at once this tranquillity be- came a mask for deadly designs, and Ireland one vast volanco of rebellion ! The real question, however, apart from rhetorical ex- aggeration and embellishment, was, whether the bill would alle- viate the misery which in Ireland, as elsewhere, produces crime. One thing is quite certain, that be the wretchedness of the popu- lation greater or less than is represented—the disposition to tur- bulence increased or diminished—there is an enormous mass of suffering, which the Legislature ought to mitigate at the expense of the owners of property, seeing that the latter, though in a great measure the cause of that suffering, will do nothing effectual of themselves, Lord MELBOURNE bid indeed reason to doubt the truth of the assertion that the Irish paupers were indignant at the proposal to relieve them at the cost of their landlords. The more rational fear is, that the means of relief offered under the bill will fall far short of the necessities of the case, and that a more extensive measure will be required—not that the proffered aid will be rejected. The bill passed by a majority of 93 to 31. Lord LYNDHURST has taken the Irish Corporation Bill under his especial care. In a speech that may be called even beautiful for its lucid completeness, unalloyed by extraneous Or superflu- ous matter, he announced the alterations he bad resolved to ia troduce. Eleven of the largest towns only, those comprised in schedule A, are to have corporations absolutely, without consult- ing the wishes of the inhabitants. The other towns, in the secoi.d schedule, B, may have corporations on the application of the ma- jority of the inhabitants, rated under the Poor-law ; the alterna- tive being, the management of their local affairs by Commissioners, elected by a ten-pJund constituency. The franchise, Lord LYND• HURST proposed, should be conferred on the occupants of premises whose rated value, together with the sums added for landlords'..re- pairs and insurance, is ten pounds a year. The machinery of the Poor-law will furnish the means of ascertaining the separate sums. These amendments were carried, after a very feeble opposi- tion from Lord MELBOURNE: the first without a division, the second by a vote of 96 to 36. Rxtensive changes, having references° bona. daries, charities, and other matters, remain to lOtitniducedi. but their cosideration has been postponed to TuesdauttOi *WA, report on the bill is to be brought up. The helplessness of Ministers—the resignation with which they submit to the dicta- tion of Lord LYNDHURST—contrasts strongly with the brist- ling of offended dignity, the bold talk, and braggart air, with which, two years ago, Lords MELBOURNE and LANSDOWNE en- countered the Tory Ex-Chancellor, when be spoke of the "aliens in language, blood, and religion." But their words and actions now are of the same character : it is no longer of any use to simu- late bravery. The third Irish bill, that for the commutation of Tithes, has been before the House of Commons. It is not to be a measure simply for converting tithe-commutation into a rent-charge. An important addition is to be engrafted on the bill : the million loan is to be changed into a gift. Of this sum, 640,0001. has been already lent to persons unable to collect their tithes. After de- ducting the expenses of the commission, 307,000/. will remain out of the million ; and Sir ROBERT PEEL has made a proposition, well received by Ministers, that this balance shall be put in the bands of Commissioners, with instructions to buy up, on the best terms they can obtain, the claims of tithe-owners to arrears which have accrued since the million was voted. So, at any rate, the people of England and Scotland may look upon their million as 4' clean gone." Not a penny of it will ever find its way back into the public treasury. It must be added to the long score already charged against the Protestant Church of the minority in Ireland. Now, when the relinquishment of the million was part of the arrangement by which a surplus of 50,000/. a year was to be taken from the Church for the general education of the people, and a system of internal reform was to be introduced into the Church itself, apportioning pay to duty, there was little reluctance on the part of the honest English and Scotch Liberals to give up the money. They said, " We shall get something like an equivalent in the instruction to be given to the people, and in a sort of ap- proximation towards the reform of the Church in Ireland." The case is now altered : there is no equivalent — no Appropriation principle—no Church reform : it is not even pretended that Ire- land will be tranquillized by the sacrifice. But Tories, Whigs, and Irish Members, all spring forward to lay hold of the money ; and the people of England and Scotland are plundered. There is no ground for astonishment at this proceeding, consi- dering who are the parties to it. But the English Radicals may profit by the lesson it teaches—to distrust not only the false -Whigs, but the Irish Members pretending to be Reformers and Radicals. These gentlemen, with very few exceptions, look steadily to two objects, in the pursuit of which they seem utterly to disregard principle or political honesty. They col- lect and grasp all they can get "for Ireland;" and think it no sin to retain a large share of the sum total for distribution among themselves and their friends. They probably conceive that a vast debt is due from this country to theirs on the score of past oppression; and that it is patriotic to clutch all within reach, in part payment thereof. And truly it is not worth while to quarrel with them on this account: but let it be henceforth understood, that their cooperation in any work which seems to militate against the immediate accomplishment of ex- clusively Irish ends, though with an object of far greater national importance, is not to be looked for. On the contrary, they may be expected to adhere to any Ministry which thinks it prudent or finds it necessary to purchase their patriotic support. They may be regarded as Janissaries, who for high pay and profitable privileges will turn their weapons in any direction—" for the good of Ireland." It was not perhaps always thus; but it is so flow.

A scheme for renewing the Licensing system, and repealing the Beer Act passed under the Duke of WELLINGTON'S Administra- tion, is noticed in a separate article. A question likely to be productive of much litigation between the landowners and the clergy, is involved in a bill introduced by Mr. LABOUCHERE, to amend a measure passed to regulate paro- chial rating. A clause foisted into that bill by the Archbishop of CANTERBURY, for the first time exempted clerical tithes from rates ; and by a recent decision in Westminster Hall, farmers are de- Oared liable to be rated on the amount of their profits, over and above the value of their premises. Mr. LABOUCHERE'S bill is in- tended to restore the law in both respects to its original state, by exempting farmers' profits from rates, and making clerical tithes liable to them. Of course the clergy are very indignant ; and it is amusing to observe how jesuitically they represent their tithe income as merely salary and wages of labour—not property. But if it is proposed to touch a penny of their tithes, then they ex- claim against the sacrilege: tithes, then, are property, and the most sacred description of property.* It is uncertain how this conflict will end ; but the landowners have apparently a large majority in the House of Commons; the second reading of Mr. LABOUCHERE'S bill having been carried by 104 to 92. For the remainder of the Parliamentary business, which is of a very miscellaneous character, but does not require especial no- tice, we refer the reader to our analysis of the debates.

• This was well noticed in an able article of the Sun, the other evening.