TOPICS OF THE DAY.
LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S ART OF SINKING.
TEE general public, including Lord John Russell's friends and ad- mirers with few exceptions, supposed that his Lordship had ex- hausted his ingenuity in political bathos last January, when, in a sudden overwhelming fit of patriotism, pique, or party-spirit, he upset Lord Aberdeen's Cabinet for the feebleness of its war ad- ministration, to which he had himself very mainly contributed, and immediately after joined the debris of that Ministry, with un- altered political programme, and a War Minister whose first step was to announce that he should tread as closely as possible in the path of his predecessor. The public power of imagination was, however, feebler than Lord John's power of performance : and, though the present is no time for applying the microscope to the errors and weaknesses of our political leaders—though the country needs and must thankfully accept the services of any men of ability and character who can steer us to triumph through a great war and its consequent negotiations—such proceedings as those confessed to the House of Commons last Friday night cannot be passed over in silence by a press which would not abdicate its most useful functions.
The case may be stated in very few words. Lord John went to Vienna to induce Russia to agree to a check upon her preponder- ance in the Black Sea, and received definite instructions from the Government at home as to the special modes of enforcing that general principle. After much unavailing discussion, it became evident that neither would Russia consent to any terms which would honestly enforce the principle, nor would Austria con- sent to join France and England to obtain such terms by mili- tary means. The negotiation was in both its objects a palpable failure. How far Lord John Russell's want of diplomatic skill is answerable for this non-result, we are not now concerned to examine ; though it cannot be forgotten that Prince Gortscha- koff eagerly seized upon a declaration of the English Minister to limit the concessions that could possibly be asked from Russia or granted by her. But Lord John managed to con- vert what would otherwise have been a purely negative re- sult into a result positively and deeply disadvantageous to his own country in her negotiations with her enemies and the neutral Powers, and to the Cabinet of which he was a member in its conflict with opposing parties in Parliament. He gave his pri- vate approval to a proposition of the Austrian Minister, which, at the same time, he declared was in contradiction to his instructions, and he promised to support it in the Cabinet at home. That propo- sition was finally rejected by the English and French Govern- ments ; Lord John Russell, who had been so frank towards the Austrian Minister, maintains a close reserve towards the English House of Commons; remains a member of the Cabinet which listened to his pleading on behalf of what he considered to be a practicable peace, only to overrule it ; and signalizes his return to his place in Parliament by one of the most warlike and exciting speeches delivered during the whole session. Well might Prince Gortschakoff say, if he did say it, that it would be ludicrous, were not the consequences so melancholy, to see the sort of men in whose hands the destinies of nations are placed. We are quite aware that no rigid rule can be laid down as to the limits within which individuals may and ought to give up their private and special opinions for the sake of political combinations. But the same man cannot apply his own rule, whatever that may be, within a few months, in total disregard to the appearances of consistency before the public. Here is a man, among the first class of English statesmen, who in January abruptly abandons a Ministry with which he has no difference of principle, because he considers its conduct of a great war inefficient ; abandons it without one de- termined effort to render its administration more vigorous, and with every appearance of being strongly actuated by personal and, factious motives. Four months afterwards, he retains office in a Cabinet from the majority of which he con- scientiously differs on no less a question than the possibility of putting an end to that war which is the fundamental object of the Cabinet's existence. In the one case, he cannot so far act a part in the House of Commons as to defend himself and his col- leagues against a charge of want of vigour which he thinks all of a sudden to be well-founded. In the other, he can get up in the House of Commons and act the part of one convinced from his heart of hearts that the course of his colleagues is just ; that it would have been impossible to restore peace to Europe on terms which he had just been advocating in the Cabinet Councils, and approving in the bureau of the Austrian Prime Minister. If morally consistent with himself, Lord John is politically inconsistent with everything around him; if sincere before his conscience, he has made sincerity itself doublefaced. The only defence against the inconsistency is one which throws a blacker hue over both transactions. In January a Coalition Go- vernment, of which the Peelites formed an important section both from numbers and talent, ruled in England. In June a pure Whig Government occupies the offices. Was Lord John's motive in each case the same at bottom—a desire in the one case to establish, in the other to maintain a Whig Government in office ? We do not believe that consciously this was his motive in either case, though party-spirit may have such possession of the man as tO actuate him under more specious disguises. We believe rather, that having in January acted on impulse, and been severely blamed for so doing, he has now acted on the oppo- site impulse ; that having rashly overthrown a Government before from an uneasy feeling of personal responsibility, he has now sup- pressed a deliberate conviction in order to avoid the recurrence of the like charge. Or his approval of the Austrian proposal may have been impulsive and momentary. His nature is so impressible, his sensibility so acute, his subjection to personal influences so strong, that a change of place and circumstance, a fuller discus- sion with more powerful minds, may have really altered the opin- ion hastily taken up. It is, we believe, simply his misfortune that he applied the ordinary rule of conduct for English statesmen more than strictly to a Ministry formed on a broader basis than his own special party, and with unusual laxity to the Ministry composed entirely of his own political friends. It is none the less a misfor- tune for his reputation.
But Lord John's reputation is after all a minor concern, and chiefly though not solely interesting to himself and his friends. His practical influence on the councils of the nation in the conduct of the war is the thing to be considered. His presence there is a sign of division to our enemies, a sign of weakness and hesitation to those who desire a vigorous prosecution of the war and satisfac- tory terms of peace. We have no wish to strengthen the Peace party in Parliament by driving a powerful Minister out of office, but in truth the practical mischief has been done. So far as Lord John Russell is an accession of strength, the Peace party has gained all possible advantage from him. Russia knows that he is not heartily against her ; Austria appeals to his authority to justify her non-fulfilment of treaty obligations ; France and England know that he is either more unstable than water, or that his influence is pledged to prevent them from insisting on safe and -honourable terms of peace. He might have failed fifty times more than he has done as a negotiator, and yet have served his country, as a Cabinet Minister and a Parliamentary orator.
say. nothing in Parliament that would stir the heart,,..
without exposing himself to the charge of hypocrisy ranting, and his mere presence in the Cabinet, however vr.
advice, irreparably weakens it in the confidence of the natty, For the present we see no clear path for Lord John, but the way of Barrington the pickpocket, who "left his country for his coun- try's good ": Lord John cannot serve Lord Palmerston's Cabinet better than by relieving it of his presence. t.
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