IRELAND.
Our last Postscript indicated the tumult of excitement created among The people of Dublin by the intelligence of the judgment reversed by the House of Lords, which reached that city on the Thursday after- noon. Mr. O'Connell's rooms in Richmond Penitentiary were at once invaded by a crowd of noisy congratulators. He is said to have borne the intel igence "with the same calmness that it was manifest he would have shown had it been of an opposite nature." The Repeal Association held a special meeting to concert measures for giving éclat to the occa- sion; and it was resolved to escort Mr. O'Connell from gaol in proces- sion. It was then uncertain what day he would be discharged, but Saturday was fixed upon as the most probable.
The formal record of the reversal of judgment, however, was brought to Dublin on Friday evening, by one of the traversers' agents, and handed to the Sub-Sheriff ; on which the order of discharge was made ; and at seven o'clock Mr. O'Connell left the prison, privately and on foot, supported by his sons John and Daniel, and accompanied by Mr. Steele and some others. O'Connell was soon recognized ; and as he passed along, a crowd collected and followed him ; forming a great concourse when they all reached Merrion Square. Having gained his borne, he came out into the balcony, and made a short speech ; con- taining little besides an expression of thanks for the tranquillity which the people had maintained during his incarceration. On being dis- missed, the crowd quietly dispersed.
Although the Liberator had left the prison on the Friday evening, the good folks of Dublin were not to be disappointed of their procession ; and, that it might have all due effect, early on Saturday morning Mr. O'Connell went back to his prison I It has indeed been suggested that be went back "in order that he might finish one of the devotions of the Catholic Church, which, continuing for a certain number of days, terminated that day. This devotion, entitled the Novena,' it seems was effered up for the purpose of beseeching Heaven that justice might be done. In this devotion it seems that all the Catholic traversers had united." The hour of public departure was fixed for noon, but the very size of the procession caused a delay of two hours ; for although the head
orthe body reached the prison-gates at noon, and went past, it was two o'clock before the triumphal car drew up ; and words of impatience es- caped from the hero of the pageant. All the city seems to have been in motion, either marching in the line or standing to see it. The pro- cession comprised the trades of Dublin, each trade preceded by its band ; several Repeal Wardens, and private or political friends of O'Connell ; many members of the Corporation, and the Lord Mayor, in full costume; and then, preceded by wand-bearers, and "Tom Steele" with a branch in his hand, as Head Pacificator, came the car bearing the Liberator. This car was constructed for the chairing of Mr. O'Connell some years ago ; but out of Dublin its plan is probably unknown. It is a kind of platform, on which are three stages, rising one above the other like steps ; profusely decorated with purple velvet, gold fringe, gilt nails, and painting. Six splendid dappled greys slowly drew the cumbrous vehicle along. On the topmost stage, elevated some dozen feet above the crowd, and drawn to his full height, stood O'Connell. Although grown rather more portly since his confinement, and wearing that some- what anxious expression which has been often noticed of late, he looked well. His head, thrown proudly back, was covered with the green gold and velvet Repeal cap. He bowed incessantly to the cheering multitude. On the second stage was seated the Reverend Mr. Miley ; on the lowest were, Mr. Daniel O'Connell junior, two of Mr. O'Connell's grandsons, dressed in green velvet tunics and caps with white feathers, and a harper, in the ancient dress of his craft, inaudibly playing on his in- strument. Then followed the other traversers, some with their ladies, and a few friends, in three private carriages ; the subordinate Repeal martyrs, also bowing and smiling on all sides ; and finally, the lawyers in a coach, carrying the " monster-indictment." The procession tra- versed the greater part of Dublin, and did not reach Merrion Square until half-past five o'clock.
Having entered his own house, Mr. O'Connell mounted the balcony, and addressed the people. He began with This is a great day for Ireland—(Tremendous cheering)—a day of justice ! All that we ever desired was Justice; and we have got an instalment of it at any rate. Tee plans of the wicked and the conspiracy of the oppressor—the foul mismanagement of the Jury-panel—the base conspiracy against the lives, the liberties, and the constitutional rights of the public—have all, blessed be God, been defeated. Justice has thus far been attained ; and Ireland may, if she deserves it, be free. But do I doubt the people of Ireland deserving it ? If I did, I would be the most stupid as well as the most base of mankind. How could I doubt them?"
After a brief allusion to the monster meetings, he remarked that one meeting alone remained unassembled, that of Clontarf-
" Some of' the minions of power laid, I fear, a scheme to dye that day in gore—to deluge the soil with the blood of the people; but we disappointed them. I issued my counter-proclamation, and it was obeyed. The people did Dot put themselves in danger. But the law has since declared that we were acting illegally ? Oh, no, it dare not do that ; but it spelled out illegality out of a number of legal meetings. Our Clontarf meeting has not taken place as yet ; but it will be for the Repeal Association, which has the confidence of the Irish people, to determine whether it may not be necessary for the sake of pub- lic principle to decide whether that meeting may not be hereafter held. (Great cheering.) I hope they may arrive at the conclusion that it is not necessary to have that meeting; but if the cause of liberty requires it, we will all go there— peaceably and unarmed; and we shall return with an increased determination that Ireland shall be a nation. My own opinion is, that it will not be now necessary to hold the Clontarf meeting, because I think the principle which would call for it has been abundantly vindicated already. Even the trials vin- dicated it."
But if they did not take that step, what were they to do?— 'I We will do everything that can be necessary to procure Repeal. We will adopt no detail without being perfectly advised as to its propriety and legality. Why, they said that I was not a lawyer, or that 1 had grown old and forgotten all my law: but I am young enough in law and in fact for them yet. (Cheers.) They said that I, who had often boasted that no man who followed my advice had ever been brought into jeopardy, or found himself within the fangs of the law: and I often did make that boast: but they turned round upon me and said, Doctor, cure thyself.' They alleged that I, who had advised others well, had misadvised myself. They said I was guilty of a conspiracy. But I tell them they lie. (Cheers.) And I will tell you who says they lie—Lord Chief Justice Denman, in the House of Peers. (Great cheering.) If I wanted to indulge my vanity, and to have my legal skill tested, I could not have de- vised a better plan for having my object effected than that which has taken place throughout the entire of these proceedings."
He finished by promising to attend in the Conciliation Hall on Mon- day ; when he would announce all his future plans.
On Sunday, the liberation was celebrated by a high religious cere- mony in the "Metropolitan Church" of the Irish Catholics, that of the Conception, in Marlborough Street. The structure is of hewn stone, on the model of a Greek temple, of the Doric order ; divided within, by fifty columns, into three parallel aisles ; the high altar, which rises at some distance from the East end of the church, after the manner of cathedrals on the Continent, is composed, with the "tabernacle," of white sculptured marble ; the "sanctuary," or space round the altar, being railed in. On the left side of this space was a lofty throne, with crimson canopy ; on which, gorgeously robed and mitred, sat Dr. Mur- ray, the Roman Catholic Archbishop of Dublin. At the altar stood Dr. Laphen, the officiating priest, with assistant priests in attendance, and boys in scarlet robes bearing tapers and censers. On the opposite side, beneath the pulpit, were "chairs of state," on which sat Mr. O'Connell and his companions of "the Captivity." Several members of the Dublin Corporation were present ; and the church of course was crowded. In that state was offered "pontifical high mass," with "a solemn Te Deum, in thanksgiving to Almighty God for the deliver- ance of the beloved Liberator of his country, and of his fellow-martyrs, from their unjust captivity." A sermon was preached by the Reverend Dr. Miley ; whose discourse was full of allusions to Repeal politics, and to Divine interposition in favour of O'Connell, at the instance of the Virgin Mary ! After the service, O'Connell was followed on his return home by a crowd, hurraing.
The Conciliation Hall was perhaps never so crowded as it was on Monday estimated to hold 4,000, the people were packed so close together, that, says one writer, a pin could not have dropped between them ; and a still greater crowd remained outside, unable to squeeze into the building ; the doors of which were closed at eleven o'clock. About one o'clock, the leaders began to enter ; each loudly cheered: Mr. Steele was the first of the "martyrs "—Mr. Barrett—Dr. Gray— and then Mr. O'Connell, with his son John, and a body of friends. A hurricane of cheers and felicitations, iu Irish and English, saluted them, with immense waving of hats and handkerchiefs : and here a little scene was performed, which is thus described-
" For nearly ten minutes, cheering and applause, which was not surpassed in intensity either at Tara or Mullaghmast, continued to peal through the halL Mr. O'Connell acknowledged it by repeatedly bowing around him, kissing his hands to the ladies in the gallery, and placing the crown of his bat on his heart. As he was thus engaged, Mr. Smith O'Brien rushed to the front of the platform, causing if possible an increase in the clamour ; and. seizing Mr. O'Con- nell's hand, shook it vigorously for some moments. Mr. O'Connell then caught Mr. S. O'Brien's hand, and placed it on his heart; whereat the very building trembled and quaked beneath the redoubled cheering and stamping."
At length the tumult was bushed ; and, on the motion of Mr. O'Con- nell, the Lord Mayor was called to the chair. Mr. Thomas Mathew Ray's appearance was the signal for renewed applause : in acknowledging which, he declared that "it was with the most thrilling delight that he resumed the honourable office of Secretary for Ireland." The next business was to admit some new members, whose presence and enrol- ment were hailed with loud gratification,—Mr. Somerset Butler, M.P. for Kilkenny ; the Honourable George Hely Hutchinson, brother of Lord Donoughmore ; and Captain Mockler, described as being an Orangeman, but dismissed from the commission of the peace for de- claring against the Union.
Mr. O'Connell rose to hand in some money, and thus began his great speech for the day ; perpetually interrupted, as usual, by responsive cheers- " As I am upon my legs, I believe I may as well proceed at once to address you. It would be utterly impossible for me to find language adequate to de- scribe the sensations of delight with which I once again appear before this as- sembly. I had imagined that my voice was to have been suspended at least until the month of May next ; but the 'merry month of May' has come upon us eight months too soon, and we can now rejoice as merry as May-birds. (Cheers and laughter.) But, seriously speaking, we have the most important reasons for rejoicing. A victory was never yet more worthily woo, a triumph was never yet more honestly earned. We have had a triumph over combina- tion and foul conspiracy. We have had a triumph over the crime of packing of juries. We have had a triumph of the constitution ; and we are therefore entitled to enjoy the pleasure and satisfaction of that triumph. The words of the hymn readily suggest themselves to our minds in our present position- ' Sit laus plena, sit sonora, sit jucunda, sit decors, mends jubilatio.' Yea, i is a moment in which the jubilation of the mind should, with proper decorum but with entire fervour, rejoice in the flood of our triumph and in the victory that we have obtained. 1 am, as I have stated, utterly unable to describe the sensations that overpower my mind. The first thing that comes upon me with all the force of an absolute certainty is, that the Repeal must be carried—that nothing can impede the Repeal bat misconduct on our parts—that recent events prove that the Repeal is in its progress, too awful and too im- portant to be retarded by any means but by our own misconduct alone. It is not by man's effort that we have achieved this victory over fraud, and conspiracy, and injustice. It is not by man's means that so greats change has taken place in one week. Last week everything was triumphant on the part of the prosecutor and the oppressor—he had been until then allowed to enjoy his triumph ; but the shout of exultation is now on our side. (Cheers.) No, it was not man who did it. We were defeated in every part of the pro- gress of our case. The Judges refused everything that we demanded for con- ducting our defence. Every motion that was made on our part was sure to be negatived by the Bench. Every attempt that we made for our defence was counteracted by the Judges. Every right given to us to insure an acquittal was taken away by the selected Jury. (Groans.) We appealed to the House of Lords ; but even there we found the same unfavourable auspices. We found seven out of the nine English Judges giving the most astoundingly absurd opinions that ever were pronounced by mortal man ; but they were not the less against us for being absurd. If I ever entertained any hope—and really I did not—it bad been long since banished away ; and when the account came to me of the decision in our favour, though the attornies rushed into my presence, and one of them did me the honour of embracing me, still, notwithstanding that kiss and the words that accompanied it, and with the full knowledge that it was so or the attornies would not be there, yet for a full half-hour afterwards I did not believe it. Yes, I repeat, it is not the work of man. It is a blessing bestowed by Providence on the faithful people of Ireland. There is no super- stition in representing it as the gift of Providence, no submission in bowing before the throne of God and accepting it as His act. I would not introduce such a topic here if it were contrary to the principles or doctrine of any reli- gious sect represented here. But it is not. It is the doctrine of the Protestant church as well as of the Catholic church, that God interferes with the concerns of man. As Christians they all believe that ; and the Book of Common Prayer contains in every part proofs that it is one of the tenets of Protes- tantism, for it contains prayers for rain in time of drought, and for other varia- tions in the seasons, as well as for every temporal advantage. I cannot, therefore,hurt an individual prejudice by referring to this subject ; and I would not do so if it were possible that any such prejudice could exist. What I Lave been describing is clearly the doctrine of the Catholic church also. And let us recollect, that millions of the faithful people of Ireland had lifted up their hands to God—that the priests of God offered up the holy sacrifice of tip. IOUs—that the holy secluded Sisters of Charity united their prayers with those of the priests at the altars. The Catholics of England joined with us on the occasion. The entire Catholic population of Belgium offered up similar prayers ; and along the shores of the Rhine the same voice of supplication has been heard. Oh yes, it has been heard, and we stand free before you, thankful to God, and blessing all good men." (Loud cheers.) The cause of the defendant Repeaters, he said, was identified with the great principles of the British constitution and the interests of liberty, as involving the right to meet in great numbers—the only method of bringing public opinion to bear upon redress of grievances. And what chance would there have been for the Repeal movement if the law-proceedings had been armed?-
" There is no impediment now in the way of the peaceable and triumphant termination of the Repeal movement. There is nothing to prevent us, by keeping ourselves within the law, from meeting, and resolving, and organizing, and fortifying ourselves by the increase of our strength at the registry, and by every other legal means—to bring petitions before the Legislature until we make the table of the House of Commons rock beneath the load of the col- lected complaints of the people of Ireland. The constitutional right is free —the guarantee of trial by jury is secured, and will protect us • and, standing on one and on the other, I here announce, that the universal feeling of the Irish people, from the Giant's Causeway to Cape Clear, and from Connemara to the Hill of Howth, is in favour of the great national cause of Repeal, and must to any man of common sense and common honesty appear too strong to render any amount of resistance to it permanently successful. He proceeded with a long argument, to prove that the decision of the House of Lords was not a crotchety decision upon technicalities, but one founded on the merits-
" The sixth and seventh counts charged us with holding public meetings for the purpose of intimidating. These were held by all the Judges here, including even Judge Perrin, to be good counts ; and the judgment of the Court was given upon them. The Judges of the Irish Court of Queen's Bench gave their judgment on these counts, declaring that they contained charges or offences of a most criminal nature. Judge Burton, in passing the sentence of the Court, used the words on these counts' in allusion to me expressly, and to the other traversers also, but he directed himself expressly to me in that part of his ad- dress. He referred directly to these counts as being good counts ; and yet all the English Judges have, without an exception, declared them to be bad counts.' [Here Mr. O'Connell digressed, to tell how the Irish Judges had consulted on the term of imprisonment : Judge Perrin was for six months; Judge Burton for twelve; Judge Crampton and Chief Justice Pennefather for two years; Judge Perrin, finding that he could not do better, joined with Judge Burton and the Court passed a sentence of twelve months. He then returned to the legal fiction about the bad counts.] " It was as clear as the sun at noonday that the judgment had been pronounced against us on the bad counts; but the seven wiseacres of Judges in England presumed otherwise, and decided against us on that presumption. Their decision is, in fact, founded on a lie. (Cheers.) There is no other way of calling it. They call it a presumption of law. I will not waste so much of my breath as to describe it in so roundabout a manner. It was a lie, and I will call it so. It was known to be a lie : and yet the judgment so founded was sought to be supported by Lord Lyndhurst and that indescribable wretch Brougharn—( Groans)—on this footing, that the lie was supposed to be true, and that we were to be punished against the fact, and in contradiction of the record itself; for the sentence was set forth in the record, for the offences aforesaid.' That, of course, included all the offences charged, and, of course, the two bad counts among the rest : so that the record told the truth, but Lords Brougham and Lyndhurst said it told a lie. But then, blessed be Heaven I there were found three men honest enough to speak the truth ; and therefore it is that I call upon you to rejoice, because judgment has been given in our favour on the merits, and the technicalities were on the other side. They attempted to confound truth with a fiction of law, or a lie ; but truth and justice and the record were with us, and we can make them a compliment of the lie for their portion."
He made atonement to the Whigs, a set of men whom he had often and deservedly assailed- " After all, how infinitely superior are they to the Tory party I The prin- ciple of Toryism is double : it takes away as much of public right from each individual as it can, and it amalgamates all together for the benefit of the aris- tocracy; but where Toryism is most terrific, is in its anxiity to do the great injustice of putting partisans upon the bench of justice. The opinion forced upon us from history is, that in ninety-nine cases out of a hundred the most prejudiced men have been made Judges by the Tory party ; and though in England, during the last thirty or forty years, we have seen but little of party- spirit approaching the bench, we all know that in this country the spirit of Toryism remained in full life. I ask you, if the support that I gave the Whigs could have been effective for one year more, whether a very different state of things would not now be observable on the bench in this country ? Should we not have Chief Baron Brady at this moment the Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench, with Mr. Pigot the Chief Baron, and Mr. Moore and Mr. Monaghan in the room of Jackson and Lefroy Now, I ask any man who alight be inclined to blame me for having supported the Whigs, whether he
thinks if Chief Baron Brady had been the Chief Justice of the Queen's Bench would we have ever heard of this prosecution ? (Cheers.) I am satis- fied that we never should have heard of this prosecution if we had bad Mr. Monaghan, Mr. Moore, and Mr. Hatchell sitting on the bench, instead of the Littons, the Lefroys, and the Jacksons, with the present Chief Baron of the Exchequer occupying the station now filled by Chief Justice Penne- father. You have this distinction, that the Whigs gave good Judges, whereas the Tories were anxious to give partisan Judges. In former times I was for this reason anxious to support the Whigs ; but I never gave them a vote inconsistent with my public principle. I defy the Tory press of England to point out one single instance in which I gave a vote inconsistent with public principle. All I did was to attend at my place in the House to assist in creating a majority by my vote in cases not inconsistent with public principle : and I now tender my gratitude to them for the Judges that have been appointed by them." [He eulogized Lord Cottenham, Lord Denman, and Lord Campbell, as Ju ges made by the Whigs ; triumphantly repeating Lord Deuman's saying about trial by jury becoming " a mockery, a delusion, and a snare." He went On with his " atonement."] " We owe a debt of gratitude to the Whigs for such appointments ; and it will be hard to get me to abuse them again. (Laughter.) We owe them that debt for the principle by which they have been actuated in their selection of Judges ; and if they had selected bad Judges, they would find me assailing them as readily as I now tender them my praise. Lord Denman had been labouring for many years as a barrister in the Queen's Bench, and if the Tories had continued in power he never would have been a Judge to the present hour; Lord Cottenham would never have been a Judge ; and Lord Campbell would never have been elevated to the bench. It is owing to the ex- clusion of the Tories fora time from power that we have acquired the glory, the honour, and I will add, the security of the administration of justice, arising from having such distinguished personages on the bench."
Although he had attributed their delivery to Providence, still he said it should be remembered that Providence acts in all its decrees by means of agents : a remark which led to a large expression of thanks and praise for the aid which the Repeaters had received from the Morning Chronicle. His beloved friend Shell had been spoken of a little too hard by another excellent friend, for seeming to ask the clemency of Government ; and Mr. O'Connell now atoned in that quarter also, with a eulogy on the orator's talents and services- " I confess I was angry at his asking a request for me from Peel that looked like requiring a favour ; and he ought to have known me better than to think I could possibly receive anything having the appearance of a boon from such hands. No; I would rather have rotted in the gaol than owe my liberation to the pretended clemency of Peel. (Loud cheers.) From this spot I told you, before entering the prison, that there should be no compromise or shrinking ; and there has been none. (Renewed cheering.) The entire of us would perish in gaol rather than receive as a favour the slightest concession from the present Ministers. (Cheers.) My friend Richard Shell was wrong in that ; but he is one of those men who can afford to be once wrong in their lives. His country owes him a deep debt of gratitude. He ornamented and made interesting by his eloquence the struggle for Emancipation. When I was going on with my dull speeches, wearying the public mind with my tiresome repetitions, Richard Sheil burst upon the public view with the brilliancy of some sudden and re- fulgent star, by the coruscations of his genius, and the majestic ebullitions of his powerful mind. But in the very speech for which he is blamed, Mr &mil elicited from Sir Robert Peel a statement which must damn him in the minds of every honest man,—namely, the assertion that we had had a fair trial. That assertion is, as I shall show you presently, worth much ; and from this spot I thank Mr. Shell for having drawn it forth."
Having succeeded by the merits of their case, and by the merits and prayers of faithful Christians, the question arose, how they were now to conduct themselves ?—
" It is of the utmost importance that we should act discreetly ; it is abso- lutely necessary that we should act firmly. We ought to act in the full spirit of conciliation. We ought to endeavour to succeed in augmenting our num- bers by every becoming means. We ought to struggle with renewed energy for the Repeal cause by such means ; and that struggle should either end in our graves or in having an Irish Parliament once more in College Green. We ought to be encouraged by what has passed; and we are encouraged. The Anti-Irish party—I will not call them the Orange party any longer—should look with hope on our efforts, and no longer absent themselves from our rauks. They should look with forgetfulness on bygone views, and unite with us now for the good of our common country. But how shall we act in future ? Con- ciliation should be our first duty ; and I think the best way of our insuring it is by asking those who absent themselves from us, to look to the manner in which we have acted up to this period. Have we in this struggle injured a single human being ? Has a single assault been committed? Llas the least violence been done to any person ? No! miraculous to speak it, million, have met and assembled together, and yet not even an accident has occurred. Such is the spitit of forbearance towards each other that has been exhi- bited by the Irish people, that that moral miracle has been w itnessed, of countless multitudes meeting together without a single act of violence, with- out a single accident occurring to man, woman, or child. I now turn to my Protestant fellow-countrymen—those among them who have not yet had the spirit of manliness evinced by the gentlemen near me to unite with their Catholic countrymen for their common interests. And I ask them, are they timid, or doubtful of our integrity, after all that has hitherto teen done by us to show them our real feelings ? Oh, if we were strong enough to shout, ought we not to be strong enough to do some violence ? or rather, what but the re- animating spirit of affection and conciliation towards each other could have brought them together without some violence taking place ? Nay, more, were we not in the midst of our strength, with more power than any Monarch in Europe possesses in his hands? How did I acquire that power ? My Lord Mayor, I never could attain that power without the assistance of the Catholic clergy; and they would not have given that assistance to me if they had not known the use which I would make of it. Oh, my Protestant fellow-country- men, listen to this—they knew that I was the first apostle of that political sect that proclaims the possibility of effecting all great changes by moral means alone, and that there is no human revolution worth the shedding of a single drop of human blood to obtain. • * • The Catholic clergy saw these were our principles, and that there was no danger of the laws either of God or man being violated by those who united with us. Protestants of Ireland, what objection can you have to our principles? and why not seek to carry them Out? "
An allusion to his son John's imprisonment ushered in a fierce attack on the Government and Mr. Attorney-General Smith for "the con- spiracy hatched in the purlieus of the Castle "—
" mild it not have been punishment enough for my beloved John to see me imprisoned, without being himself sentenced to captivity? Oh, malignant vinegar-cruet on two legs—(Cheers and laughter)—it was John O'Cunnell's opposition to you at Youghal—his defeat of you at Youghal —his opposition to you before the Committee, and his overthrow of you there, that caused hien to be placed in the indictment 1 I saw that he had reasonable grounds for his animosity to me. I had impeached his father, and I succeeded in one stage of that impeachment : I respect his filial piety—(Great taughter)—that made him persecute me; but the very spirit that would animate such enmity should make him leave out my son. But could there be anything more unstatesman- like than the conduct of the Government throughout? They knew their
danger, and they crowded troops over here; but they doubted that they were even then sufficient to keep the country ; so they boxed the troops up in bar- racks, and put loop-holes in the walls, every one of which appeared to possess
a tongue telling them that they were not able to keep the country, and that they required something to keep themselves. But could anything be more
foolish than the expressions that fell from the Minister on the occasion ? Think you that they had no effect on the old diplomatist Louis Philippe ? or that if they had not been used, and if the weakness of England with regard to Ireland
were not known in France, that Tangier would not have remained untouched— that Mogador would not still be uninjured—and that the plains of Ouchda would not be untainted with Moorish blood ?"
The people had acted admirably, especially in relinquishing the only vice that prevailed in Ireland; and he had conclusive evidence that his Protestant brethren were beginning to think the Irish people fit to govern themselves- " Look, here is Mr. Grey Porter's pamphlet ; the work of a high Protestant gentleman—High Sheriff of a Protestant county. What does this book say ? I will give you three sentences—' The Union of 1801, the 41st of George III. cap. 47, (all on one side,) does, and always will, draw away from Ireland her men of skill, genius, capital, and rank—all who raise its strength and distin- guish a nation.' 'A Federal (the only fair) Union between Great Britain and Ireland inevitable, and most desirable for both islands.' These are the princi- ples on which this gentleman sets out. The first shows the evils of the Union, the second advocates its Repeal. I want to know, will Sugden, that cursed contumelious little English dog—(Cheers and haughter)—will that currish, con- tumelious little gentleman, I ask, venture to supersede Mr. Grey Porter? I call him a cur, because he barked at us when be dared not bite. He has not the courage to supersede Mr. Porter. He won't venture to act towards a gentle- man of that high station as he has done towards some poor county Magistrates. I admire this pamphlet; for, though mistaken in some of its facts, it contains the genuine principle of nationality—that spirit which I wish to pervade the people, and which seeks Ireland for the Irish. I invite that gentleman to join us; and I tell him that he will get that leading place among us which his ta- lent, rank, and patriotism deserve. Nay, more, I undertake to dissolve the Association if he does not approve of our conduct, or can detect us committing
one single act affecting our loyalty or allegiance. From this place I cull upon him to join us. Perhaps he may hear me yet ; and though be may think the present time too soon, I think the day will come. This, then, is the time for conciliation. By it you may gain such men as Mr. Porter; and is he not worth conciliating? What would I not do to persuade him ! Would I not give a portion of my heart's blood to gain him over ! I say, that the man is not honest who does not wish to see Grey Porter at the head of this national struggle. As for myself, I do not want to be a leader; I am willing to work in the team ; and I will cheerfully resign to Grey Porter the reins and guid- ance of the whole."
He now grappled with the question—" What are we to do ?" consi- dering it in three parts, respectively concerning the expediency of holding the Clontarf meeting, the assemblage of three hundred gentle- men as a Preservative Society, and the impeachment of the J udges- " The Clontarf meeting was called legally ; it was illegally suppressed. We are bound to adhere to principles; and it is now to be considered whether that rule extends so far, or whether it has been sufficiently vindicated without calling the meeting. For some time I did think that it was absolutely ne- cessary to call it, to vindicate a great principle; but on reflecting deeply on what has occurred in the House of Lords, and the vindication of its legality piton eternal record by Denman, Cottenham, and Campbell, I began to doubt that it was necessary. It might create ill feeling, and be construed into a wish to insult ; and it might alienate friends. What I mean to do is, upon this day week to propose that it be referred to a select committee whether or not it is necessary to hold the Clontatf meeting. I do not wish to prejudice their decision, but I must say that my opinion is against the calling of that meeting. "The next point I wish to lay before you is with reference to a plan which I frequently proposed last year. I mean the collection of the Preservative So- ciety for Ireland, consisting of a body of three hundred gentlemen sitting in Dublin. This point is surrounded by legal difficulties, and must be approached with serious considerations, which we were last year prevented from applying to it by the proclamation and subsequent proceedings. My plan, which I have deeply considered, is shortly this—that three hundred gentlemen from the va- rious counties in Ireland should meet on a certain day in Dublin, and that their title to meet should be the handing in of 1001. each; that they should have a treasurer of their own, and have the working of their own funds. I do not in- tend that they shall initiate anything, but that they shall control everything ; and that the Repeal Association shall be completely governed by them, and not venture upon any act without their previous sanction. A body of this kind would comprise so many of the wealthy and influential of Ireland, that it would be an effectual check to any rash revolutionary outbreak, and would be a steady drag upon the wheel of the movement. It would be of that beariug on society and high station that it could enter into treaty with Government. It could arrange its own plans with Ministers, and stipulate terms ; no hand-over- hand work, but steady, deliberate agreement. And here let me say, that I quite agree in making the experiment of a Federal Parliament. I want any Parliament which will protect Ireland, and ask for no more. If we arrive at the period of Repeal without some body of this description, Government may dictate a plan to you perhaps, which may fall short of justice though it satisfy someof you. They can never do so with this Preservative Society of three hundred. The terms of any treaty must be well considered—financial as well as political ; and it seems to me that we shall here have the workmen to build up the palace of justice to Ireland. I will this day week move for a select committee to con- sider the possibility of such an assemblage, and to prepare cases to have laid before the most eminent lawyers of England and Ireland. We will take care not to bring a single individual within the power of the law ; and we will see whether we chunot get a second managing body for the people—not a House of Lords, indeed, but a body possessing more power, as representing the whole Irish people. Three hundred wealthy Irish gentlemen would make such a body as would bring about the repeal of the Union with the greatest ease. I am not a person of overweening confidence in my own judgment, but I have so matured this plan in my own mind, whilst in prison, that I rely strongly on it, although prepared to abandon it on the instant if found to be at all dangerous or impracticable, whilst it must be embraced if found calculated to bring back oar Parliament to College Green. I have addressed you at great length, but I owed you for three months' rent. (Much cheering and laughter.) i am now, like an honest man, paying my debts.
"And now I come to my third plan, and it is one to which I am greatly at- tached. I want to procure impeachments of the Judges of the Court of Queen's Bench and of her Majesty's Attorney-General in this country ; on these grounds—( Great applause for some moments)—on these grounds which I shall set before you as briefly as I can consistently with clearness, grounds, first ground is that of the monster indictment which was preferred against me— thirty-six yards of an indictment I Lord Denman has well described it as a document calculated to prevent a man from defending himself. Such an in- dictment no mar man could escape from. We were backed by the Repeal rent ; but if such an indictment were preferred against a poor man, WWI* could he get a brief of it for his counsel ? Why, it would cost him ten times
More money than ever he saw to do so. My excellent friend Richard O'Gor.
man (the dissentient Grand Juror) ought to be a proud man this day. Be alone was right as to this unjust indictment, and had the manliness and honesty to
maintain his opinions in open court. He said, We have spent five days over this bill, and not one of us can understand it' To be sure they did not on much for that. (Groans.) They found it a true bill. lam much obliged to them. Now, this is no idle act of the Attorney-General. Sugden planned it; Peel has adopted it. (Groans and hisses.) Impeachment, I say then, is our only re- medy. (Loud cheers.) No man is safe from such a monster indictment. What ought the Court to have done with it ? I say, an honest court should have quashed it again and again, if necessary; and have said to the Attorney. General, in the words of Lord Denman, Pick out your counts, and do not suffocate them beneath the number of your accusations.' The Judges of the
Court of Queen's Bench did not refuse to receive it : nay, more, they counte- nanced it; and, proceeding as they commenced, refused us copies of the wit-
nesses' names, the caption of the indictment, and other privileges which we should have received ab a matter of course in England. By their conduct they made this monster indictment a babe of their own luck; and I say there is no use whatever in the doctrine of impeachments if we have not the Judges of the Queen's Bench brought before a proper tribunal to answer for their conduct, assert this, and I shall be able to prove it by competent witnesses, that the Lord Chief Justice had the air of a counsel for the prosecution throughout the
trials, and might have been taken for such but for the place he occupied. It may be said I am rash in taking this up. Ah! I do not fear their prisons. (Tremendous cheering.) I am a free-born British subject, standing in this place defending my rights ; and I do accuse those men of injustice. I am here to call upon the people of England to aid me in impeaching those men." (Cheering.) [Other grounds stated by Mr. O'Connell for the impeachment
were—that the Chief Justice had borrowed the Attorney-General's brief to make his charge from ; that that charge was factious and indecent, unjust and one-sided; that newspapers had been admitted as evidence; and that the Jury
bad been fraudulently packed. He proceeded.] "I know a man who was offered to have his fortune made if he would give some particular information. The information did not exist, and therefore he could not give it : but I shall be able to prove that the expression Your fortune shall be made' was used on the occasion in question, and that by a witness of the first credit and re- spectability. Again, I say that if that Jury had been left to itself, it never could have returned such a verdict. I say it emphatically, that some one
helped them in making up this verdict. (Cheers and groans.) I do not wish now to detain you in this place, but I may remind you that Judges, if not ac-
cessible to bribes, are not superior to favour. Well, the Lord Chief Justice's nephew has got a place in the Castle of Dublin. (Sensation.) Young Penne- father has been placed, and it is said Lord Heytesbury is to do more for him.
Now I say that there should be no suspicion in such a matter, and that the
Chief Justice ought to have seen his nephew provided for in some other way. He should have taken care that no inference—and here I declare I believe that inference, however natural, to be untrue—should be drawn from the judgment
of the Judge and the promotion of the nephew. I do only protest against the example set by a public man, and the insecurity of public opinion in a public officer, consequent upon such conduct. There is also some story of a relation of Mr. Justice Crampton's having been provided for; but it is not sufficiently authenticated for me to dwell upon it."
In some desultory remarks on his three months' imprisonment, (which he said had not passed unpleasantly,) he charged the Attor- ney-General with not assenting to Judge Crampton's proposal that the defendants should remain out of prison until the writ of error had been decided. He announced an agitation in England- " From this spot I call on England to join me. I mean to propose that a select committee be formed, of which I shall cheerfully make one, to go
through all the principal towns of England about two months before the meet-
ing of Parliament, to obtain an answer to this appeal. We will say, Here in injustice done; a packed jury, an unjust judgment, sentence inflicted before its right is ascertained, and innocent men imprisoned. Englishmen, I will test you ; I will see whether you will join me, one and all.' If not, I will come back, and say to my countrymen, 'Look no more to the pretences of John Bull; look alone to your Parliament in College Green.' If they did not approve of this, I will go at any rate. Curiosity to see the lion who had been caged for three months would bring many together, and collect crowds , around me; and I look forward to success. But here I ask you, are the Mi- nisters to escape? (Groans and yells.) Is Sir James Graham to escape ? (Loud cries of "No, no ! " and groaning and hissing.) He who had the
unparalleled impudence in the absence of two Members of the House to
call them convicted conspirators. (.4 voice, " He's a liar ! ") Why, you seem to be as uncivil as Sir James himself. (Laughter.) I do not call him that, but I do term him a foul.mouthed letter-breaker. (Shouts of applause and laughter.) I come to what Shell did in the House. He produced Sir Robert Peel's declaration before his face. He had that paper before his eyes ; and yet he had the power of face, the audacity, the intensity of false- hood, to say, according to newspaper reports, that he had a fair trial. (Several voices, "lie's a liar! ") To be sure he is. (Great cheering, and loud laughter.) There's a British Minister for you—the Premier of the first country in the world. (Groans and laughter.) With a packed jury, a one-sided Chief- Justice, the exclusion of jurors and evidence of justice, he ventured to say we had a fair trial! Oh, a very fair trial, sweet Sir Robert! (Groans.) Ah, my good man, you were wrong to call him a liar. He thinks what we got was a very fair trial for an Irish Catholic. (Cheering and groans.) That foul false- hood, however, identified him with the whole of the proceedings here; and the Union is but a mockery indeed, if the English people do not join us in hurling Peel from office, and sending him adrift as the monster liar in Parliament."
Mr. O'Connell finished with the usual " Old Ireland for ever ! Hur- rah for Repeal!"
The meeting was also briefly addressed by Mr. John O'Connell, Mr. Steele, Mr. Smith O'Brien, (who bestowed the thanks of the Association for the prisoners' noble bearing in confinement,) Mr. Bar- rett, and Dr. Gray. Mr. Duffy was absent on account of illness.
The rent for the week was 575/.
At Cork, Mr. O'Connell's constituent city, there were similar tokens of exultation at the news from London as in the capital. The news reached the place about noon- " It soon spread through the city, and drew vast crowds to the front of the Exchange-room and the newspaper-offices. Some of the streets were ILO densely crammed with people that it was not possible to pass along. The whole place was alive with excitement; and before the news had been half an hour in town, processions of people were formed, parading the streets with green boughs and music. Many houses were decorated with boughs; and, as if by magic, all the poorer class of the population contrived to supply themselves with boughs, even to the little children. The utmost good-humour prevailed."
So it was also in the country districts-
" Along the mail-coach road to Dublin there were similar demonstrations. Every little cabin had its decoration of green, and its knot of inhabitants! shouting for O'Connell. The villages and towns were crowded with people, all attracted from the country round, as the news spread far and wide. At, night, the whole country was illuminated. The lighting of bonfires on the hills is a customary mode of expressing satisfaction or conveying intelligence with the Irish people. On this occasion they indulged themselves to the ut- most. The whole horizon seemed on fire whichever way you looked. These fires were kept up during the greater part of the night. The villages on the different roads in the South were all filled with crowds of people, and lit with bonfires, sometimes on the highway itself, to the imminent danger of passengers. The towns, and even the larger villages, were illuminated. Fermoy was one blaze of light; as was indeed every town or considerable village in the Southern districts. At Thurles there was an enormous collection of people, and a mon- ster bonfire ; at Cashel the same ; and so on throughout the principal routes to the metropolis. At a place called Cabir, about eight miles from Cashel, a serious accident occurred, owing to the negligence of the persons engaged in the illuminations : four houses were burnt to the ground; happily, however, no lives were lost."
Similar accounts are brought from Limerick, Drogheda, and every part Dr. Murray's participation in the ovation of last Sunday, after dis- countenancing any prostitution of his religion to the secular purposes of Repeal, has been a subject of remark. The correspondent of the Times does not presume to account for it ; but in juxtaposition with that fact he pats some other facts-
" Some time about the year 1831, this very same Dr. Murray felt so incensed at the course of agitation Mr. O'Connell was then pursuing, that he perempto- rily forbade the collection of the ' tribute' in any of the chapels in his dio- cese. The tribute was, nevertheless, collected ; not, indeed, actually in but at the chapels, as the collectors took their stand at the doors outside, and levied the tear on the congregations with quite as much success in the open air as if they had been accommodated within-doors. Dr. Murray well recollects the result of his contumacy. A general refusal by the parishioners to pay the dues' and other assessments required for the maintenance of the Roman Catholic church at the ensuing Easter, furnished a beautiful illustration of the advan- tages of the voluntary over the compulsory system : and so admirably was the principle worked out, that it was deemed advisable, on the very next occasion that offered, to tacitly sanction the levy of ' national' impost in all the cha- pels of the metropolis. Whether there was to have been another trial of the passive resistance' this year, induced by his Grace's conduct with regard to the day of humiliation,' is, of course, a mystery : but it may be observed, that there is at present in course of erection at the North side of the city an extensive chapel, to he called after St. Lawrence O'Toole,' for the building of which a large sum of money has been long since collected ; latterly, how- ever, and for some unexplained reasons, there has been a general disinclina- tion, amounting in ton many instances to positive refusals, to contribute any further donations towards perpetuating the memory of ' St. Lawrence O'Toole.' This seems significant."
The sermon preached before O'Connell on Sunday, by the Reverend Dr. Miley, was very curious. Having received the Archbishop's bene- diction, the preacher read the Gospel for the Sunday (the fifteenth after Pentecost) from St. Luke, chap. vii. v. 11, 16—
" And it came to pass after this, that Jesus went into a city called Naim ; and there went with him his disciples and a great multitude. And when he came nigh to the gate of the city, behold, a dead man was carried out, the only son of his mother, and she was a widow ; and much people of the city was with her. And when the Lord saw her he had compassion on her, and said to her, Weep not. And he came near and touched the bier, and they that carried it stood still. And he said, Young man, I say to thee, arise. And he that was dead sat up and began to speak. And he delivered him to his mother. And there came a fear on them all ; and they glorified God, saying, that a great prophet has risen up among us, and God bath visited his people."
It would not, Dr. Miley said, be thought improper if, in the exposition which it was customary to give of the Gospel, he were on this occasion en- tirety to consecrate his discourse" to celebrate the privileges, the celestial benignity, and the praise of the Virgin Mother of our Lord"; because that day was " the feast of her ever-glorious and memorable Nativity." He went on to argue, that, considering the high functions of the Virgin, as brought into direct communion with God, and as identified in her life- blood with Him whom she bore, the Catholics could not regard her with other sentiments than they do ; that her mediation cannot be re- tarded as incompatible with the doctrine of the Atonement ; and that in fact she had been declared by the Archangel to have found grace with God : "from these broad principles, it follows as an inevitable consequence, that the efficacy of the Virgin Mother's intercession must transcend that of any saint or angel, or all of them united, before the Mercy-seat."
"But," continued the preacher, "in enforcing the efficacy of the Blessed Virgin's prayers, would it be pardonable to pass by unheeded the evidence in favour of it which is, I may say, forced upon us by the very triumph itself for which we are assembled to give thanks and praise to the Almighty within this His glorious temple Men, I know, will say to me that it is puerile and superstitious to look in this event for the hand of Heaven, much less for the intercession of the Virgin Mary : but did not the Pharisees say something very similar when the man who was born blind stood before them restored to sight ? Give glory to God (they cried ) ; we know that this man is a sin- ner, (the blasphemous hypocrites alluded to our Redeemer !) He (that is, the blind man) said then to them, If he be a sinner I know not : one thing I know, that whereas I was blind now I see.' And may not we in like manner appeal against these cavillers to the evidence of the fact ? Is not he, that man whom his opponents triumphed over but the other day, as if they held him irretrievably in his dungeon, as manifestly, and may I not almost say as miraculously, restored to liberty as was the blind man restored to sight ? Is he not now surrounded with the light and fragrance of the sanctuary at the foot of that altar he set free, who had no prospect a few days ago before him but to pine out the dreary winter as a captive in a prison's gloom ? To dispute that he is there before us with his fellow-martyrs, not only liberated but triumphant, and exalted on a pedestal of renown more colossal and imperishable than any on which he ever stood before, would be scarcely a broader absurdity than to maintain that it was a thing to be expected that he should be so, or that it can be attributed to anything short of an interposition from on high. As for my own part, I have conversed with hundreds upon the subject—many of them veterans, hardened by the keenest realities of every.day life; and among them all I have not encountered one who did not attribute it to the hand of God." [ Here Dr. Miley told an anecdote, about one of the agents for the defence, who declared that although he had heard the judgment reversed in the House of Lords, had brought the news to Ireland, and had witnessed its effects in the joy of the people, still he was almost inclined to disbelieve his senses.] "And why, in short, should it he surprising that such should have been his sentiments, considering our experience of what bad happened since those pro- ceedings commenced, which have been already registered on the page of history as 'a mockery, a delusion, and a snare '? Were not all the first principles of law set at nought, and the most solemn guarantees of the constitution trampled upon ? It was to no purpose that advocates the most gifted pleaded in his favour, and that he himself demonstrated his own innocence of a foal con- spiracy, and the injustice that was done to him. Appeal after appeal, though, now admitted to be just, was slighted. The verdict was secured : his enemies were as if beside themselves for having, as they vainly imagined, wrested front him the wand of his infallibility in the law. He was consigned as a convict to a prison-oell. It is true the constitution still left him one, but it was mani- festly a forlorn hope ; for who could have expected that antecedents so marked by injustice would have eventuated in impartiality ? And in fact, up to the very last moment, was not everything so opposed to the slightest hope of an equitable issue, that nothing of the kind could have been anticipated by the most sharpsighted statesman ? Was it not a cause so desperate as that even a gambler durst not risk a wager on the issue? Yet, to apply the expressions of the blind man in the Gospel. If it he a miracle I know not : one thing I know—that whereas but the other day he was a captive in a bridewell, he is here today, rejoicing in that liberty with which Christ, at the prayer of his Virgin Mother, has made him free. Not a convicted conspirator, but a hero, a patriot, and a benefactor to his country—to the whole human race ; who, as by his power he is on a par with Monarchs, is lifted even above Emperors by the moral sublimity with which his exertions and his wrongs in the cause of his country and of humanity have invested him.
"Again and again I take up the expression of the Gospel, If it be a miracle I know not : one thing I know, that what I have stated already, and am about to state, are facts. It was at a juncture when no cloud of adversity even, threatened him that he first placed himself and his great cause under the pro- tection of the Blessed Virgin. It was on the 15th of August in the year of Redemption 1843, that be performed this solemn act. On that day he stood on Tara of the Kings, surrounded by myriads of devoted men, and not less brightly smiled upon by prosperity than by the sun of Heaven that poured its meridian splendours upon his head. I find from the report of what he said, that it was in that hour he made the following declaration= This is a holy festival in the Catholic Church ; it is the anniversary of the blessed day when the Mother of our Redeemer ascended from earth to meet her Son, and reign with him for ever. Oh! I hope I am under her protection ; I hope that oar sacred cause has her prayers for its success. The Church, within the last year, offered prayers throughout the Christian world for the cause of religion in Spain, and against the sacrilegious plunderers of the Church in that country ; and what happened ? The minion of these plunderers has fallen from power; and nobody can tell how ! He made no effort to return ; and no- body can tell why ! It seems as if he had been bewildered in his course from on high, and the tyrant of Spain has fallen from his power and his palmy state.' Was this a mere outburst of enthusiasm inspired by the solemnity of the day and the scene around him ? or did this devotion, so fervid in the hour of success, give way, or even wax doubtful, under the chilling influence of ad- versity? So far from it, that it was exactly in proportion as all human hope of deliverance seemed to expire, that he and his devoted friends applied themselves with redoubled fervour to propitiate the intercession of the Blessed Virgin. They joined from day to day in devotions, with this special object, assisting at the holy sacrifice; participating in the di- vine communion, distributing alms, and applying as far as was within their power to the spiritual and corporal works of mercy. He himself, this man so renowned in the world and exalted by the station to which his virtues have raised him, refused to have those devotions—of the No- vena especially—performed in his private chapel ; but, from a spirit of humilia- tion, in the hope of benefiting the hapless inmates of the prison, whom we are tempted to despise and forget as the outcasts of society, he insisted upon going to the prison-chapel, and having them to join in those prayers. Ile antici- pated, no doubt, that their supplications might prove perhaps of all others the most efficacious with Him who came to save that which was lost '—who left the ninety-nine to seek that one who strayed in the wilderness. He hoped that He who had received the prodigal with such mercy, and condemned the arro- gance of the Pharisee while He received the prayer of him whom that Pharisee so despised, might hear some one among them. This proceeding could hardly fail to attract the favour of that Being who is ever ready to receive the sacri- fice of an humble and contrite heart. It must elevate him more than ever in the esteem of every enlightened Christian. In fine, the prayers of all were fer- vently united. Still the horizon darkened; but, nevertheless, there was among them all a kind of mysterious presentiment as to the result of the Novena ; and, that I may hasten to a conclusion, it was not until the first vespers of' the fes- tival which we are now celebrating, and in honour of which those devotions had been undertaken, that the official order for the liberation of the captives arrived. The Liberator, the instant he had received it, withdrew from his unjust imprison- ment to his own honest home ; but still did not fail to return next morning to join in the concluding solemnities of the Novena; audit was after having done so that he ascended the car of triumph. As I have before asserted, I am not making of ordinary events a miracle, but I am reasoning upon recorded facts." .Dr. Miley concluded his sermon with this address to the Virgin- " Hail! Holy Queen, Mother of Mercy, our life, our sweetness, and our hope! to thee do we cry, poor banished sons of Eve ; to thee do we send up our sighs, mourning and weeping in this valley of tears. Turn, then, most gracious advo- cate, thine eyes of mercy towards us; and after this our exile is ended, shove unto us the blessed fruit of thy womb, Jesus. 0 most clement, most pious, most sweet Virgin Mary, pray for us 1 0 Holy Mother of God, that we may be made worthy of the promises of Christ! Amen."
Some anecdotes are told of Mr. O'Connell's last days in prison. The reporter of the Morning Chronicle, who writes in a super-serious inten- sity of excitement, records an incident that happened while Mr. O'Con-, nell was at dinner with some of his congratulating friends, on the Thursday- " It was during the time that Mr. O'Connell, with his son, and the families of the traversers, with some of his most attached friends, such as Mr. Staunton of the Register, Mr. Bianconi, whose name and enterprise are so well known in Ireland, with Mr. R. V. Fitzpatrick, Mr. Cuan, and others, were dining, that a gentleman was seen hurrying into the room, evidently much excited, and say- ing, Good God! can it be true ? ' I observed that every eye was turned to- wards him, and I was struck at the deep feeling of respect and veneration that was painted on the features of all : but a cry was raised by some of the ladies. They had observed this gentleman to stagger as he was advancing towards Mr.. O'Connell. He fell exhausted into a chair, and it was some time before he recovered. When he had done so, he was merely able to say, or rather to sob forth, as he grasped the hand of Mr. O'Connell, I come, Sir, to congratulate you on what I heard.' This gentleman, I have been assured, was an Orangeman, is a high Tory, an ardent supporter of the Peel Administration." [The re- porter hesitates to mention the name, lest it should prejudice the gentleman with the Government ; but, after a good deal of dallying, discloses that it was Mr. Pardon, the Governor of the Penitentiary.] A very different incident, on the Friday, is related by the correspond- ent of the Times- " On the arrival of Mr. Gartlan, who was accompanied by a troop of Mr. O'Connell's admirers, at the Penitentiary, a most unseemly scene of bacchana- lian disorder is said to have taken place. Thirsty with joy at the intelligence about to be announced to the liberated Liberator, a furious and indiscriminate onslaught was made by the strangers on the contents of the well-supplied sideboard of wines which graced the gloomy cells of the martyrs. Fingers were made before forks,' or corkscrews either ; and accordingly, necks of bottles were mercilessly smashed, and the vinous juice poured down the parched throats of the patriots, either through cups, saucers glasses, or the bottles themselves, when nothing more convenient cculd be found. Nor could the exclamation of 'This is really beastly !' from the lips of the leader, restrain his and Bacchus's ardent votaries from the full indulgence of their pleasure ; until at Jeligth the exhausted sideboard could yield no more, when order was restored." Vertu- "lately for the credit of Father Mathew's influence, this story has been given up as fabulous.]
The last anecdote is more creditable to the Liberator, and appropriate to his name. Before he left the gaol on Saturday, he gave instructions that all persons of good character who were imprisoned by reason of not paying fines should have the amounts paid for them, so that they might be free.
One of the first acts of Mr. O'Connell on leaving the Richmond Penitentiary was to forward his own subscription of 51. to the Dun- combe Testimonial ; the regulations of that prison having prevented him from doing so earlier.—Globe. [The Repeal Association have also 1Vnt 25/.j T." he Times mentions, "as one of the signs of the times, that there is a very influential section of the Irish Conservative party favourable to the abolition of the mock pageantry of an Irish Court, and who would gladly see the office of Lord-Lieutenant dispensed with, on the condition of stated periodical Royal visits, for the purposes of holding occasional sittings of the Imperial Parliament in Dublin."
The Morning Chronicle mentions tokens of increasing the military force in Ireland—the " erection " of large guns at Cork, and the en- largement of Rock Barrack at Bally.shannon ; adding," Some regiments are daily expected, and the military force is to be increased beyond its amount during the State trials. Some detachments had been drafted off since that time, but their places are to be supplied."
A grand banquet was given to Sir Robert Sale in the Corporation Rail of Londonderry, on Friday week. Lady Sale was present, and the proposal of her health called forth the most hearty cheering.