NEWS OF THE WEEK.

THE consequences--felt and foreseen—of the Lords' vote of last Saturday morning, have served to occupy the members of both Houses for nearly the whole of the week. On Monday, the grand question, whether, by the defeat of " the Bill," which they might and ought to have prevented, the Ministry had lost the confidence of their supporters, was answered in the negative, by a triumphant majority of the House of Commons. So far as Parliamentary in- fluence is concerned, therefore, Lord GREY is for the present safe in his seat. The most marked feature in the discussion of Mon- day, was the very subdued tone of the Opposition. Mr. CROKER recommended meekness, and practised the virtue which he praised ; and Sir CHARLES WETHERELL did not overstep the limits of ordi- nary extravagance. On Tuesday, the hootings of the mob on the previous evening seemed to have again roused the spirits of these gentlemen; and on Wednesday, an unlucky pebble directed against the head of the Marquis of LONDONDERRY, restored them to all their former vigour of resistance. The broken head of the Marquis; the letters of Lord ALTHORP and Lord JOHN RUSSELL to Mr. ATTWOOD of Birmingham, and the burning of Nottingham Castle, were discussed on Wednesday with a spirit that rivalled. the best days of the Committee on the Bill.

There have been what some may deem a feeling of penitence displayed by the Lords for their vote of Friday. We would rather see an act of amendment. Lord WHARNCLIFFE, on Tuesday, spoke of the decision on the Bill as " perhaps wrongly come to ;" and on Thursday Lord HARROWEY saw fit, for fear of misunder- standing, to explain what he considered to be a safe Reform,— namely, the enfranchisement of some few large towns, and the disfranchisement of an equal number of small ones. Tile Minis- ters talk a great deal about the plan of modified efficiency which they intend to bring forward, but they have not, like Lord HARROWBY, condescended in particulars. As an afterpiece to its more serious entertainments, the House of Commons has been engaged, during a great part of the week, in discussing Lord BROUGHAM'S bill for a new Bankruptcy Court. The progress of the bill has been contested with not much less per- tinacity than the Reform Bill was, and by nearly the same persons, —Sir EDWARD SUGDEN, Mr. KNIGHT, Sir CHARLES WETHER-

ELL, and Mr. HUNT. The Bankruptcy Court Bill was introduced, in respect of its principles and most of its details, by the Lord Chancellor, in the session which preceded the late dissolution ; it was brought forward in a substantial shape some three months ago ; it was argued at great length in the House of Lords, when it was attacked, but not opposed, by Lords ELDON, WYNFORD, and LYNDHURST ; it came down to the House of Commons the most thoroughly-sifted measure that perhaps ever was submitted to its consideration. It may be defined a bill for facilitating business, for insuring responSibility, for putting down patronage, for dimi- nishing expense—and it has been assailed as if its only object were delay, irregularity, jobbing, and extravagance. The Lord Chan- cellor gives up the gift of many offices to the bill—and he has been charged with introducing it solely to enable him to ap- point to offices: he gives up a large revenue to it—and he has been charged with introducing it in order to increase his income. The merchants of the City call for it loudly and earnestly—and Sir CHARLES WETHERELL declares that it " stinks in-the nostrils." We know not which is its best commen- dation, the approbation 'of 'men.of sense or the opposition of the learned jester. Last night the progessed considerably, and to-day it will likely be finished in Corridtittee. Ministers have shown themselves resolute, though mild; in *expect of this mea- sure; and the Opposition, whiciris contemptible in all things, but principally in numbers, has shrunk back, as they always do when properly met. The Chancellor last night defended himself and this his Great Measure, by an unnecessary explanation in the House of Lords.

Among the less talked of but not unimportant gains of the week, we may notice the passing of the Vestry Bill,—a great conquest over the stout advocates of antiquity ; and the Galway Franchise Bill. Among the losses, we must enumerate the Registry Bill, and the Liverpool Franchise Bill,—both of necessity postponed. The Law and the Gospel have not been much honoured in their servants in the course of the seven days' debates. The Lords have been called on to pass an act to redress the bungling of a judge ; and the Bench of Bishops, in the person of their pamphleteering brother Dr. PHILLPOTTS, have exhibited a picture of violence and exaggeration sadly at variance with long sleeves and short aprons.

The delay occasioned by the Bankruptcy Bill will probably lengthen out the session, which was to have terminated this week, until Wednesday. The length of the prorogation is variously esti- mated; but the general opinion is, that it will be long enough to enable the Lords to reconsider their opposition to the Minister, and the People to reconsider their confidence in him.

1. THE MINISTRY. The House of Commons was called over on Monday, with the view to procure an ample attendance of members at the discussion of Lord Ebrington's motion. The call was very generally attended to ; for, notwithstanding the late pe- riod of the session, there were, as the subsequent division showed, not less than 530 members present. Lord EBRINGTON moved the following resolution.

" That, while this House deeply laments the present fate of a Bill for amending the Representation of the People in England and Wales, in favour of which the opinion of the country stands unequivocally pro- nounced, and which has been matured by discussions the most anxious and laborious, it feels itself called upon to reassert its firm adherence to the principle and leading provisions of that great measure; and to ex- press its unabated confidence in the integrity, perseverance, and ability of those Ministers who, in introducing and conducting it, have so well consulted the best interests of the country."

In introducing this resolution to the notice of the House, Lord Ebrington said lie depended not on his own power of conviction or persuasion, but on the power of those by whom he was certain to

be supported, and whose aid he specially invoked, —namely, the members of counties and large and populous towns, who had carefully read the signs of the times, and were most intimately acquainted with the feelings and wishes of the people. What lie proposed to the House was, in fact, but an echo of the sentiments it had already expressed. He had no doubt that the House would- maintain its consistency—it was pledged to Reform, and the coun- try looked for a redemption of the pledge. He proceeded to specify the particular claims to the support of the House and the Country which the present Ministers possessed. They found the country in a state approaching to anarchy, and they restored peace to it, without any extraordinary measure of coercion or the addi- tion of one penal enactment to the statute-book.

And how did Ministers restore content to the minds of the middle classes ?—Simply by pledging themselves in their official capacity to bring forward a measure of Parliamentary Reform. That pledge they had nobly redeemed ; and it only depended upon that House to enable them to carry their patriotic works into full completion.

The Ministry had relieved the poor from the Coal and Candle taxes ; they had put an end to the longeomplained of abominations of the Game-laws :

And last, but not least, had the suitors of Chancery gained nothing by the gigantic efforts of the great man who now, fortunately for the coun- try, presided over that court, and who had recently made a display of superhuman eloquence, which he need not stop to expatiate upon as above all praise?

He spoke of the private as well as public claims of the Cabinet-

- He knew them to be men of honour and of enlightened patriotism ; and an intimate friendship, public and private, of a quarter of a century, with his noble friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, induced him to place the most implicit reliance on his high-minded integrity.

He noticed also their failings and faults,—the disappointment which they bad caused to their friends by the absurd, however amiable, attempt at conciliating their enemies ; an error of which the experience of the last two days, he thought, must have dis- abused them.

Yes, he trusted that his noble friend would see his error ; and that, if he continued to preside at the head of affairs,—as he trusted in God their vote that night would enable him to do,—he would wholly abandon the

too temporizing policy, which had no other result t 1 log his Ad- ministration. (Loud cheers.) He once more adverted to the labours of for the purpose of holding up to special ad new Bankruptcy Court of that noble person. observed, not only consented to forego his ations he proposed, but be effected a yearl the'. posed att ellor, ion Lord 'Brow am, he pcby the alter- ,..ofiki001, to

the public, while he refused an augmentation to his retiring salary, and that at a time when the office he held was especially precarious, in its tenure. From all these facts, Lord Ebrington came to the conclusion, that

Ministers were fully entitled to the confidence of Parliament and the 'Country for their general policy ; and they had won, and would, he

trusted, retain the confidence of both. They had the confidence of the country at large with respect to the Great Measure, which he confidently hoped—indeed was certain,—would not—could not—should not be long rlelayed being carried into a law. (Loud cheprs.) "Ministers," continued Lord Ebrington, " have only to persist firmly in the discharge of their duty, for they have the country unalterably on their side. The Bill shall not, I repeat, be long delayed ; and its effects will soon be seen, if the peo- ple only continue orderly and quiet, and public opinion consistent, and Ministers firm and persevering in the extension and consolidation of all the blessings which the British constitution tends to bestow upon a happy and united people. It is to impart to Ministers the confidence which only this House can well impart, that I bring forward this motion ; to encou- rage them in the good cause, and to support them against the designing enemies who beset them in holes and in corners, and hardly anywhere else." (Great cheering.)

Mr. C. DUNDAS seconded Lord Ebrington's motion.

• Mr. GOULBURN rested his opposition to the motion on the duty he owed to his constituents of Cambridge—on the effect of the

motion, if carried, to stultify all the proceedings of the Opposi- tion in respect of the Reform Bill. He denied, after so recent an expression of its opinion, the necessity of the present vote to vin- dicate the consistency of the Hone. He thought such a proceed- ing must occasion, not prevent, • a collision between the two branches of the Legislature. He alluded to the particular topics of praise assumed by Lord Ebrington. He denied that the people had received relief from the removal of the Coal-tax at all propor- tionate to the damage done to the revenue ; of the repeal of the Candle-tax no judgment could be formed, for the tax was still in operation. Before the alterations in the Game-laws received his approbation, he wished to see them working. Lord Brougham's Chancery judgments he equally wished to reserve for future criticism.

If, after the lapse of fifty years, the decisions of the noble Lord should meet with the same respect as those of another noble and learned Lord, who had occupied the woolsack for nearly that time,—if, at the end of that time, the noble and learned Lord should appeal to him for his appro- bation, then he would be prepared to say to the noble Lord, and the

country would be prepared to say with him, "We will now give you that rneed of approbation which we withhold from you in this the first year of your holding office."

[This announcement of the judgment on Lord Brougham. which Mr. Goulburn was to pass, in his one hundred and tenth year, preduced much laughter.] He concluded by strongly deprecating the advice of Lord Ebrington to the Minister to bestow his patron- age on Reformers rather titan Anti-Reformers,—which, if acted on, he said, " would not only deprive the Government of the con- fidence which it enjoyed at present, but would involve the country in consequences most disastrous to its prosperity and glory."

Mr. MACAULEY said, the defence of the financial measures of the Ministry was no difficult task, if he were disposed to enter on

it. When the opponents of Ministers spoke of their defeat on the Timber-duties, they would do well to recollect how and by 'whom it had been brought about. If the present Ministers, when not in office, had been influenced by similar motives to those of their predecessors, where would the Beer-bill, the only great finan- cial measure of Mr. Gouliewn—have been ? where their plan for reducing the Sugar-duties in 1830? He vindicated the right of the Commons to a reassertion of their opinion respecting Reform. He noticed the amount of the majority by which the Bill had been sent up—it was nearly as numerous as the whole minority ; and the individuals of which it was made up—any one of the members for Yorkshire had as many constituents as all the members of all the rotten boroughs in the kingdom added one to another. He noticed the fact, that for the last fifty years, the ranks of the Howe of Lords had been almost exclusively recruited from the Tories ; and that the Bench of Bishops had been selected on the same principle. He argued from this the unsoundness of the as- sertion that the real Aristocracy of England were opposed to the

Bid. He spoke of the probable consequences of the rejection of the Bill. He feared no violence—

What he did fear was, that the people might enter into a silent, strenu- ous, and determined war against the laws of the land, and the machinery

by which those laws were brought into operation : a war in Great Britain similar to that which had been already waged in Ireland three years be- fore, when Government was powerful enough to be hated, and not suffi- ciently powerful to be obeyed. He ridiculed the dictum that the law would vindicate itself in pulling down these or similar disorders ; and proceeded to prove,

by along and eloquent induction, that in all cases where the gene- ral current of public opinion ran strongly against any enactment, (such as the libel-law of 1819), that enactment had invariably, -after a lapse of a few years, become a dead letter. The only re- medy, he contended, for such a condition of society as he had contemplated, was—not laws, which no one would execute, but the removal of the causes in which it originated; and this could only be done, in the present case, by a determined support of the

Ministers, who were prepared to uphcl I the Reform Bill. The selection of. a. Ministry from among the enemies of Reform,

could only be the result of the. indolence or irresolution of those who were much better entitled to the trust. It would be an illuss tration of the Hebrew. parable of the trees choosing a king, when, after the olive and the fig-tree and the vine had declined the honour, they had recourse. to the bramble, and were told—" if in truth ye anoint me king over you, then come and put your trust in my shadow, and if not, let fire come out of the bramble and devour the cedars of Lebanon."

Sir CHARLES WETHERELL spoke of Mr. Macauley's remarks on the inefficacy of the law where opposed to public opinion. as

an encouragement of that part of the press which had within three weeks advised the Army to mutinyand the People not to pay taxes, and which was daily occupied in attacks on the privileges of

both Houses of Parliament. The creation of thirty Peers would be as unconstitutional an act as the imprisonment of the five members by Charles the First was. He ridiculed Lord Brougham's preternatural speech, and the "ventilation" of it in the streets for a penny. He wished the Attorney-General to know that there were publications abroad that called for most vigilant attention. Sir Charles at length came to the motion ; of which he declared, in a word, his disapprobation. He reverted to the Lord Chancellor's speech, in order to contrast it with the letter of 1821, alluded to by Lord Lyndhurst. [He was proceeding to comment on the speech, when he was called; to order by Lord EBRINGTON.] Sir Charles turned to the Cabinet, which he said consisted in part of those who had formed Mr. Canning's Cabinet, and were as such averse from all Reform. He adverted in the same terms as Mr. Goulburn had dyne to the Coal and Candle duties—to the destruction of the Belgian fortresses—the policy of Ministers towards Greece and Portugal, and their remissness in permitting the French to colonize Algiers. If Ministers meant to renew the Bill, the resolution was unnecessary, and in respect of their general policy it was unmerited.

Mr. SHELL observed, that Tory Reform might be summed up in one word—" East Retford"—that measure was the test of the sincerity of their attachment to Reform. He remarked on the successive objections to the Bill,—first, that the people were in- different to it, which was disproved by the elections ; next, that its supporters were taken bound to maintain it, as it' its opponents were not more bound by a much stronger obligation to destroy it ; then, that it was an innovation, though in point of fact it was the same measure even in detail as that introduced by Earl Grey thirty-four years before, which included disfranchisement of rotten boroughs, household qualification, an addition to the agricultural members, and even the division of counties. What was the

Minister to do under present circumstances ?

In the first place, he owed it to himself, as he was in the gaze of the world, and had the eyes of posterity bent upon him, to stand true to his trust. The next policy he would suggest to the Minister would he, no longer to lavish his patronage on his enemies, but to bestow it on those who would make some better return for it than 'perfidy and hostility. Above all, let not the mitre rest on one Iscariot brow. (CI iesof "Hear 1" and" Oh, oh !") He knew not what recollections that phrase revived in the minds of those gentlemen who sent out a muttering negative. He was himself innocent of any unpleasant reminiscences. The last advice he would give to the Minister was this—let him be true to the people, and the people would not be false to him.

Sir GEORGE MURRAY followed Mr. Goulburn's line of argu- ment. He noticed the fact that Lord Althorp, in his Budget, had introduced a measure which practical men considered to be a violation of faith to the public creditor, as an additional reason why he could not concur in the motion. Mr. STRICKLAND thought.that the retirement of Ministers, at such a conjuncture as the present, would be the greatest calamity that could befal the nation.

Mr. LITTLETON thought it of paramount importance that the House should set itself in front of the nation, and give to it that example of confidence and hope which alone could prevent the commission of acts of violence; and to prove by their resolutions, that, were Ministers to retire, no Administration could possibly be formed out of the Anti-Reformers. Mr. Littleton noticed Sir Charles Wetherell's argument founded on Lord Brougham's letter of 1810 ; and commented on the absurdity of Supposing that a Minister in the year 1831 was, with this feelings and circumstances of the nation totally changed, to entertain the same sentiments on Reform that lie did twenty years before, when out of office and without the means of carrying any measure of Reform however

slight.

Mr. HUME noticed the argument that Ministers had excited the People: he said the very contrary was the fact—the People ex- cited the Ministers. The only difficulty he had experienced was. to keep down the excitement of the people ; he had hardly inter- fered at all unless to control their eagerness. He regretted the Lords' vote, not because it could possibly injure the cause of • Reform, but because it might very possibly injure themselves. It was a most unreasonable thing to suppose that a paltry division should stand up against the rest of the nation—that two hundred men should oppose twenty millions. He was sorry that a member of one of the Universities should be chosen to move the amend- ment— " I do not wish the respect of the country for these learned and vene- rable institutions to be too much lowered ; and therefore I regret that on so many occasions their representatives in this House have stood in the way of measures calculated to promote the welfare of the people. I did not, I must at the same time confess, expect that the right honourable gentleman or any of his party would repose confidence in the present Ministry ; for they have shown a constant wish that neither the House, nor the people should he satisfied with any part of their conduct. But I can tell the right honourable gentleman, that if the Ministers have not his confidence, they have the confidence of the country." Mr. T. DUNCOMBE said, the question before them was not a question of Timber-duties, or Game-bills, or Bankruptcy Courts, or13n4gets Oa year old, or letters of twenty years old— The question for that House now was—and the question in every man's

mouth throughout the country was—" What will the Comments do?" He would not attempt to tell them what they would do ; he would not endea-

vour to describe what they would not do; but would at lemt tell them what they ought not to do. They ought not to let the measure of Reform now fall to the ground; they ought not to suffer it to be treated as if it were a mere turnpike bill, without expressing any wish for its reconsi- deration, or any desire for its ultimate adoption.

He asked What \vas the character of the majority of the Peers which had rejected the Bill, composed of.

If the majority were analysed—("Order!")--he did not mean to say that he would anal}se it, but if it were analysed, he was sure it would he found that most of those Peers who voted against the Bill received their honours in eonsequeoee of their connexion with borough property.

{Cheers ! am the At bcnehev, and eri('N " Order ! " ..f)t ni the Op- position.) If he were not permitted to allude to the 11101111er in which Peers were now made, he would refer to the subject as matter of history. Old Daniel De Foe—tiott entertaining, liberal, and enlightened writer— speaking of the Peerage c t his time, about a century and a half ago, said, " weafth, tiyvele: pin, in Iiiijiana surely makes Lord: of gentlemen or rakes; Antivity end birtil are li,dess here.

'Tis impudence and inoil..!y makes the Per I"

., He remarked on the apparently unnecessary haste which the

Lords had shown in despatching the Bill.

He had asked several nohle Lords, " Why did you not allow our Bill to be read a second time, and to go into Committee for alteration and im- provement? If-you had dour: this, you might afterwards have been jos- titled iu rejecting the measure." The answer of one and all was, "What you have said is most true; but we were told, that if we took such a de- liberative course, we could not have kept our majority together." " What! not keep their majority together, to defeat a bill so revolutionary as this —a bill so utterly democratic—a bill which threatened to overthrow all

the venerable inst itotims if the country "Oh !"answered they, "what we say is very true, for all that. The majority would not attend. They bad more important duties to perform. Many of them had to go into the country ; some had partridtes and pheasants to shoot; others were oc- cupied in lookiatt after their tenants, especially in discharging those who happened to have attended rett,vm meetings, or who had expressed them- selves in favour of reform 1:matures. All these things, von know, must be attended to." By such considerations (continued Mr. Duncombe) it ap-

peared that these

" most potent, grave, and reverend Signors, Our ray noireandapproved gond masters,

were induced, with so very little ceremony, to reject the Bill."

Mr. FANE said a few words against, and Mr. Heywoon in favour of the resolution.

Mr. OFFLEY spoke warmly in commendation of Ministers, who had acted boldly, vet sae.,:y and wisely, in taking on at once a po- salon which joincel the whole nation in their support.

Mr. CROKER declared, that he could see no utility in the mo- tion ; it had no tendency to still the agitation of the people, but rather to increase the iullition of the already boiling-over caul- dron. He denied that the people were either cordial or unanimous in their support of the Bill : he thought Mr. Hunt's description of their feelings was much more to be relied on than any other that had been given to the House—namely, that nobody cared about the Bill but those who were to be voters under it. Mr. Croker went on to argue, that a simple declaration from Lord Aithorp, of his intentions, would effect all that the resolution could; which would merely repeat the vote of the House on the Reform Bill, t a period when the repetition must produce renewed irritation. He objected yet more to the comment of Mr. Macauley than to Lord Ebrington's motion. The argument of Mr. Macaulev, by which he went to place public opinion above the law, might be used to -defend the breaking open of shops and plundering of arms. He particularly complained that this question, and the division which it necessarily involvtd, had been tore.ed en him and his friends.

Mr. A. SANDFORD was not at all disposed to shrink from the risk of suppoeting Lord Ebrington's motion ; which he looked on as calculated and meant to tranquillize, not to excite the people.

Mr. O'CONNELL observed on the complaint of Mr. Croker, of a division being forced upon hint and his fiends— "Why, Sir, that is our very intention ; our object is to force them to a division. Sir, we want to show the right honourable gentleman that this 'House has been packed by the unanimous voice of the people; and in order to do that, we must have forced divisions till the people's measure is carried. Why does the Held honourable gentleman complain ? It is his own friends—it is the decision of the House of Lords, that has forced this division to-night ; and that decision being weak and foolish (I will not call it wicked!, it is the business of the strength and wisdom of the House of Commons to show that the rights of the people cannot be long withheld, and that there is such a majority is this House as can support those Ministers who are alone able to produce that reform which the people require."

. He had been so unfortunate as not to hear Sir Charles Wetherell's reasons for no longer reposing confidence in . Ministers.

" I hardly know,".said ?dr. O'Connell, " whether I ought to regret it, more especially as I had the pleasure of hearing him speak seventy-five times on the Bill itself ; unless, indeed; he have-found some new terms and phrases—new, I mean, to himself ; for he had exhausted all the voca- bularies with which my limited knowledge is conversant long ago."

He noticed the conduct of the Lords in respect of the Catholic question ; they rejected it three times, but it was carried notwith- standing. He asked if the Tories wished for the same story over - again, or did they-look on the English as less firm than the Irish ?

• They had been told that the decision in the House of Lords ought to gave the country a new Cabinet. " I should like to see them," said Mr. O'Connell, s" march into the House ; I should like to hear their first motion." The probable effect of the Lords' vote would be to make the people inquire into the value of hereditary legislation. With respect to creating Peers, Mr. Pitt created 100 in the first five years of his administration: who- Would' blame Lord Grey if he did the-same? If there- was a majoritrof 41 against the People, it was but sending up 82, and that would:be 41 the other way. When Mr. O'Connell sat down, Sir lloasurr PEEL and Colonel EVANS rose together ; there was same confusion and calls for bath, but at length the Speaker narnine; Colonel Evans, Sir Robert gave way. Colonel EvANS spoke a few words, which, in the noise that prevailed, were lost to the Gallery ; when Sir CHARLES WETHERELL, rose to order : lee moved that the Colonel's words should be taken down.

The SPEAKER, after a brief pause, asked Colonel Evans to ex- plain.

Colonel E AN'S said, the words he had used were—that if the Government of the sword \\-ere established in this conntry—a cir- cumstance which he did not t'iiek possible,—he mould be the first man to raise a sword against it.

Sir ROBERT PEEL, altar (1.0':iTt.l.dillg such hypothetical cases, whose tendency was to ieritsee instead of soothing the punt: mind, went loin a long a:eminent to show the inexpediency of the I loose pledging itself, one petty to suplimt, and tomflier to reeet the l!ill which had }men thrown out ae it took away !he possmittiy al the two Houses coneurrine. ill the fehna ion of a III.J:IsHrs: out its exceptioeable parts, miela coelaio all that \vas really valu- able in the rejected Bill. Hedeprecated the weltinglanguage of Mr. i\lacauley and Mr. O'Coioil. Miiiisters, he presumed, were still to remain in eifice, and still enjoy the confidence of their Sovereign: Now, whilst they proclaimed their adherence to the Bill, they ought to he cautious of infiaming the passions of the people : that was the duty of them all. They ought not to represent to the people that it was a :light matter to refuse the payment of hems, nor to exaggerate the numbers of popular meetings. They ought to im sere, when they talked cf 1:9,otm at this place, and 40,000 at that, that they were con ect as to the fact ; for the mention of numbers added coaddeuce. They oualit to tell those who were Lager to defy the law, and to refuse the payment of tastes, that they were paralyzing industry, and acting as the hitterest enemies or the lower classes. They ought to tell them tints the peivileges of the House of Lords were not private privileges, granted for the gretification of mere personal feeling; but that they existed for the benefit of the people.

Lord ALTHORP, after a few words on the domestic and fereign policy of 'Ministers, stated the intentions which, as a Minister, he entertained— Unless lie felt a reasonable hope that a MCZ'C ,hue as efficient as the Bill that had been lost could be prod ht forward and carried, he would not consent to remain in office a single hour. 'Whenever that hope ceased to exist, he would leave office. Ile and his colleagues owed much to their Sovereign; he had treated them with great kindness and condescension, and truth and sincerity ; it tvauld be the height of ingratitude in them to desert the service of their gracious King, so long as he should think lit to retain them in his service, or they could he useful to him. But they could not be useful if they once sacrificed. their own characters. Whatever might be the consequences of retiring, it was their duty, as public men, to refuse to sacrifice their characters. They owed much to the people, who had so nobly supported them, and the people too had a right to 'demand that the Mini-`tors should not desert them so long as their cent in OM:: caul,' conduce to their inte- rests. He would further state, that he would not be a party to the pro- posal of any measure less efficient than the one which had been carried by that House. He did not meant to say that, after discussion, modifications might .not be made which, Without diminishing the efficiency of the mea- sure, might make it more perfect. But he woald not be a party to any measure, which he did not in his conscience believe would give a full, fair, and free representation of the people io Parliament. He would not be a party to any measure which would not effect all the objects which would have been effected by the Bill. Having said this, he need not say that Governmeut did not con!emplate making ally other proposition to the House. The opponents of Reform had eertaioly gained a triumph, and might rejoice in it ; not that he thought that any great triumph would eventually be gained, for he was confident that the measure was only postponed. If the people of England remained firm and determined, and peaceable, he hoped and believed that there was no doubt of their altimate, their speedy success.

Mr. Huxa spoke against the motion, the Bill', and the Ministers. The House, though its patience was intimetet1 for him by Mr. CRON.ER, was very restless und.:r Mr. Hunt's speech. The question being loudly called for, after a short reply by Lord EaatazGroar, the House divided : for the resolution, 329 ; against it, 198 ; majority, 131.

2. Tun BISHOPS AND THE GOVl,'"NlIENT. The House of Lords was on Tuesday the scene of a warm altercation, in which Dr- PLULLPOTTS, the new Bishop of Exeter, took a prominent part.

Lord Kix°, having to present a petition from a parish in Suf- folk, complaining of the unjust exaction of tithes by the Dean and Chapter of Ely, took occasion to observe, that the clergy, though on all occasions where abuses were to be reformed, they-were the sturdy supporters of things as they were, had yet no objections, where their own interests were ever so little concerned, to disturb any order, however long established.

Lord ELLENBOROLIGH called Lord Kin:, to order, for this at- tack on the Church ; but his Lordship persisted.

Lord SUFFIELD adverted to the recent vole of the Bishops, as justifying in a great measure Lord Kings censures, which, on some former occasions, he had been inclined to complain of. He at one time thought the chief fault of the Bishops was their ready adhe- rence to the Ministry of the day ; but he now perceived, that while they would stick to any Cabinet as long as it was despotic in principle and oppressive in practice, no sooner did a Minister propose any measure for the benefit of the people at large, than he was sure to be opposed by the whole Bench.

He saw no irregularity in stating a fact. Besides, the conduct of any Peer of Parliament was assuredly open to comment in the House or out of it ; and " the Bishops surely knew that their con- duct could stand a scrutiny."

The idea of imputing to the right reverend Prelates any thing like self-interest in their conduct in that House, would be the very last that would occur to any objector. It might be true that they had recently de- parted from their habitual course of supporting all Administrations ; it might be true that they had opposed the Government in a great national measure ; it might be true that they had thought of tripping up his Ma- jesty's Government.

Lord ELLENROROUGH again called for order ; and Earl GREY deprecated the introduction of such topics—he said he thought Lord Suffield had gone rather too far.

Lord SUFFIELD said he could merely repeat the fact he had al- ready stated. On his Lordship threatening to repeat a fact, he was called to order by Lord WYNFORD.

The Bishop of LONDON &Ili:A that the Bishops had the slightest desire to trip up the Administration. As far as the interests of the Church were concerned, they had no occasion to blame the Admi- nistration.

The Bishop of LANDAFF said, he approved of some Reform but he saw it to be impossi1A to amend the Bill lately thrown out, without destroying it; and he was therefore compelled to vote against the second reading.

The Bishop of EXETER complained, with great vehemence of tone and manner, of the liberty to censure the body of Bishops which had been assumed by those who, from their office and sta- tion, were bound to sustain the institutions of the country.

He defied any noble Lord to state a single instance in the history of the country, when any members of that House had been so vilified and in- sulted as the Bishops had been within the last year ; and that, too, by a man of the highest station in his Majesty's councils. He would not apo- logize for his warmth ; for he should be ashamed of himself if he could be cool upon such a subject. Had the attack upon the Bench of Bishops been made at a moment of excitement, to that excitement he would have submitted : but upon the mere presentation of a petition, and that a po- tion of no consequence, a noble Lord had abused the Church as the great arch-disturber of all order ; and another noble Lord had charged the Bishops with being bound together in a conspiracy against the liberties of the country, and against all that could constitute the welfare and hap - piness of the people. These were the notions that were propagated every- where against the Bench of Bishops ; and now, in addition, a noble Lord had spoken against them in that House, in a tone of sarcasm, if not of

direct and positive censure, as a body actuated solely by self-interest, and at variance with the public good.

Earl GREY'S first sentence of reply, which was vehemently cheered, was unfortunately lost, by its being directly addressed to the reverend Bishop. The Earl went on—

What the right reverend Prelate had uttered was the most unprovoked the most intemperate, and the most unfounded insinuation that he hails ever heard from any member of that House. Whether the right reverend Prelate had meant him, he knew not ; but whomsoever he might mean, Lord Grey could never suffer such an insinuation to pass unnoticed or without reprobation. The right reverend Prelate had said that every man who had spoken from that side of the House had spoken in a tone of sarcasm or reprobation of the recent conduct of the Bishops; Lord Grey asked if such an observation were true,—if, above all, it could with truth be applied to the very few words which had fallen from him ?

The pugnacious Bishop here attempted to interrupt the Pre- mier; but was silenced with universal cries of " Down, down!"

Earl GREY appealed for the correctness of this statement to the House: he asked if it had ever been his custom to say any thing offensive of the Church, or to speak at all of the Church unless in its support? The right reverend Prelate said he had heard from a person holding the highest situation of Government, frequent attempts to degrade, insult, and vilify the Church. Whether the right reverend Prelate alluded to him or his noble friend on the woolsack, Lord Grey kne.v not; but of this he was perfectly sure, that against neither could the statement be made with any justice or with any truth. The right reverend Prelate was not content with this want of truth, but he had uttered it with all the appearance of a spirit that but little became the garment that he wore. It was the grossest injustice he had ever heard. But the right reverend Prelate had even gone much farther : he had said that those who ought to be charged with the care of the public peace, and were bound to support the institu- tions of the country, had actually been the instigators of a mob to insult the Bench of Bishops. Lord Grey could not conceal the contempt, the indignation, with which he heard the charge. He dared the right reverend Prelate to state, if he could, one single syllable of truth to support the falsest and most calumnious accusation which ever had been heard. If any man could be capable of such conduct, no reprobation could be suffi- ciently severe against him. Ile rejected the charge as one totally un- founded in truth, and as having no one colour of foundation. Earl Grey concluded by demanding from Dr. Phillpotts the proofs on which he rested his allegations. The Bishop of EXETER, in reply to this demand, went into a history and criticism of the appeal to the Bench in Earl Grey's speech of Monday sennigbt ; which, he contended, fully bore him out in the charges he had brought against the Ministry. The right reverend Prelate, in conclusion, spoke of the conduct of the Seven Bishops at the Revolution; and asked where the country would have been but for them?

Earl GREY said, the proofs brought forward corresponded but indifferently with the assertions grounded on them— The right reverend Prelate charged his Majesty's Ministers with having purposely done all in their power to encourage tumult and excite the mob to acts of violence. The Bishop of EXETER—" Upon my honour and conscience, I do not recollect using those words." Earl GREY—"The right reverend Prelate (in his anger) is not likely to recollect what words he used. I understood that the right reverend Prelate most positively charged Ministers with having encouraged and excited the people to acts of violence. I could not misunderstand the words which were;used." • Earl Grey defended the address of which Dr. Phillpotts com- plained. He never meant in the slightest degree to question the right of the Bishops to vote as they thought right: all he coun- selled them to do was, to look calmly at the Bill, and the conse- quences of rejecting it. The right reverend Prelate had uttered a foul and calumnious aspersion, totally unfounded in truth ; nor had he in the least benefited himself by the explanations he had entered into.

3. REFORM. On Thurs.lay, on the presentation of a petition from Inverness in favour of Reform, the Earl of HARROWBY entered into some explanations respecting the part he had taken in reject- ing the Bill. He expressed his gratification that the petitioners were not kept from addressing the House by the vote of their Lordships on that occasion ; and that they viewed it in its proper light, as a proper exercise of the rights belonging to the Peers in respect to what they considered a faulty measure. Lord Harrowby went on to state what he deemed necessary in any Reform which he would be disposed to gri:nt,—supposing it should be demanded by the wealthy and respectable ; which he was inclined to admit was now the case ; and that, it' not conceded, the Government would not be able to conduct the affairs of the country with effi- ciency, on account of having lost the confidence of the intelligent part of the public. He would take the liberty to repeat, that he was friendly to the exten- sion of the franchise to wealthy and populous places, possessing such dis- tinct and important interests that it would be for the good of the coun- try at large that they should obtain a separate representation. He was for an extension of the franchise in that way, and he would not be nig- gardly in putting that principle in practice. He would be far from ob- jecting to an extension of the constituency in the large counties ; and if he was ready to do that, as a consequence he would be ready to agree to the cutting of of a certain number of boroughs on the other side, in order to make room for such new representatives. He was, in questions of this description, not disposed to act upon a general principle in reference to all individual and particular cases; nevertheless, by diminishing or ex- tinguishing the franchise in places the least considerable in point of wealth and population, he would propose to make room for the additional representatives from the larger and more wealthy places to be enfran- chised. He would not, however, admit any precise limit of population as a standard for the disfranchisement of boroughs. That he looked upon as one of the very objectionable parts of the late Bill. Whatever objec- tions might be urged against making population merely the basis of re- presentation, there were great objections to making it the criterion and the basis of disfranchisement ; and to the disfranchisement upon such a principle, and without any proof of corruption, of a number of boroughs, possessing a great diversity of franchise, rights, and privileges. He ob- jected to the establishment of one uniform kind of election; and he ob- jected to the qualification of the voters, as being too low, and as being thereby calculated to be led to bribery and corruption:,instead of ob- jecting to the regulations for diminishing the time of elections, and for taking the poll in one day, he, on the contrary, thought that the adoption

of such regulations would be most desirable.

The Earl of HADDINGTON concurred in the views of Lord Harrowby. Lord HOLLAND thought the logic of Lord Harrowby, by which he deduced from a petition in favour of the Reform Bill, that the i people acquiesced in its rejection, somewhat of the strangest. Lord BROUGHAM observed, that when the petitioners trans- mitted it from Inverness, they neither had heard nor expected the

rejection. The petition was meant to have been presented eight days ago, but had not arrived in time. So much for its convey- ing any concurrence in, or approval of the vote of their Lordships.

4. THE PUBLIC PEACE. On Tuesday the Duke of NEW- CASTLE made a long and heavy complaint of his house being mobbed the previous evening. He had gone to the Home Office for redress, but there was nobody there to listen to him, al- though it was but seven o'clock : at least he believed that to be the hour—he could not be certain, for his pocket had been picked of his watch the same evening. The Duke admitted, that on applying at Scotland Yard, he had received the utmost attention and immediate assistance from the Police. He concluded by re- questing the serious attention of Ministers to the procession that was to take place next day. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY also complained of the serious interruptions which members met in proceeding to the House and on leaving it. He himself had been attacked in Parliament Street, where the mob seized his cabriolet, and endeavoured to drag hint out of it ; and one fellow hit him a severe blow on the arm. The Marquis said he had no fear from such attacks ; for he knew a man could die but once, and not till his time was come: but he blamed Ministers for not affording more protection to him and others in the discharge of their duty. The Ministers ought to have foreseen such disturbances, and provided for them. He added, that he would in future be prepared with arms to repel such as- saults— " For my own part, I declare that I will not be the aggressor, but the first man that strikes me, with the arms which I carry about me I will shoot him on the spot. i declare that I will not suffer a personal outrage from any member of a dastardly mob," Lord MELBOURNE expressed in the strongest terms his regret for the disturbances which had taken place. Government, he said, had endeavoured, and would continue their endeavours, to sup- press them ; but it was impossible to put down irregularities alto- gether, under such circumstances as the present. The Marquis of LONDONDERRY suggested the posting of a party of Police in Parliament Street, as well as near the two Houses. Lord WHARNCLIFFE gave Ministers every credit for their desire to preserve the peace. He, at the same time, vindicated the peo- ple of London from any wish to break it. He was satisfied that the people would treat their Lordships with re- spect, and would believe that their Lordships had no intention of injuring their liberties; but rather that, in the vote to which they had, perhaps wrongly, come, had taken that course which to them appeared the best for the protection and preservation of the rights and liberties of the peo- ple. He must say, in justice to the inhabitants of his part of the town, that they had not committed any thing in the way of disturbance of pub- lic order, more than he had reason to expect, nor even so much.

Lord ELLENBOROUGH attributed all the disturbances to the press ; and if Ministers did not take pains to coerce it, there was no saying what might ensue.

The same topic ises again introduced in the House of Lords on Wednesday, by Lord Bemoan Am, on the presentation of a Reform petition from Peterhead. After strongly deprecating popular vio- lence, and its possible effect in defeating the very measure from the delay of which it had originated, Lord Brougham added— "I call upon them as their friend, and as the friend of Reform, not to Five way to any such unfounded disappointment. I tell them that Reform Is only delayed for a short period„ I tell them that the Bill will pass,— that the Bill must pass,—that a Biil founded on exactly similar principles, and equally extensive and efficient as the Bill which has been just thrown out, shall, in a very short period, income part and parcel of the law of the land. Let not the people, I repeat, indulge in any degree of disap. pointmeot, fur they may rely up-in it, that throngh the exertions of their friends in the Mihistry and their friends in Parliament, such a measure shall ere ton, he passed. But if the King's peace shall be broken, and if the friends of Reform will not also show themselves to be the friends of pub- lic order, the success of that measure which they all so much desire may not be attained. I now sive ti:c people this advice—I give it to them not so much as the head of the ma;,,istraey in this kingdom, but I give it to them as the friendly advice, the sincere and honest admonition, of a zea- lous and ardent advocate and supporter of efficient and rational Reform. 1 tell them that riot, violence, or outrage, cannot promote, but may de- feat the success of such Reform,—that-it is not by such means, or by the adoption of such proceedings, that his Iaiesty'sMinisters,or their friends in both Houses of Parliament, would ever desire to see the triumph of that cause secured,—a triumph which, if good order and tranquillity be maintained, most follow :l• 1st immediately ; and that the only way by which the people con possihly frustrate that measure, consists in break- ing the King's peace." Lord WHARNCLIvr•s. strongly commended the Chancellor's re- marks. He repeated. "that there could be no doubt the time had now arrived when there most be a Reform in the Commons' House of Parliament.- There might be a difference as to what that Reform must consist of; there was none about the necessity of such a measure as might insure the safety and prosperity of the country.

The same subject was mooted in the House of Commons at much (Treater lenetb, and wlth much loss temper.

?Ir. IturnvEN baying presented a petition from the freemen and freeholders of Galway, respecting the interminable question of ihe Galway franchise,—arid having taken occasion to speak of the peaceableness of the pc ople,—

Sir HENRY H ARDINGE rose in great heat, to deny that the people were peaceable as a noble friend of his (Lord London- deny) had been in the must cowardly and dastardly manner struck from his horse, and sr severely hit: t that he was obliged to be but into a hackney-eoacii. He spol.:e also stronedy a..4;ainst permitting, the people to go up with petitirms to the Kin ; ;tad asked if that was or could he deae peaceably ? Was the brie:king of the Duke of Wellington's windows a peaceable act ? Ile went on to what formed the gist of his complaint— What, however, must the country expect, when it found Ministers in the Cabinet correspindi og with the Political Unions of Birmingham and Manchester ? (Lilmensi- tiheerinevi.(,:n the Opposition.) As he saw in his place the noble Lord wi“, had rendered himself famous—he would nut use the other word, for he did not !link the noble Lord deserved it—by the introduction of this Bill of hcform, and as he had seen in the public journals the corresponde nee of that noble lord with the Political Union of Birmingham, hu woo avail hinvelf of the present opportunity to offer a few comments upon it. The noble Lord said, that " he acknow- ledged with heartiiiiit gratitude the undeserved honour which had been done him by 15o,no0 of his countrymen." Alluding to the rejection of the Bill by the I loose of beds—he added, that "though their projects were obscured for a nmaint, he trusted that it was only for a moment, (Great cheering from ;be 31inisteristi lamches)—for it was impossible that the whisper of a l'aei bet shoeld prevail against the voic:: of the nation." (Cheers from the Opposii am.) 1 le sail that language like this com- pletely identhied the Culdoeit with all the Political Udions. Yes, the Cabinet was identifYieg and leaguing itself with the Political Unions ; and the noble Lou!, in calling the decision of the House of Peers the whisper of a faction, encouraged the passions and feelings by which such masses of men wen: u;;Hrtwmtdy actuated. Sir Henry said, he had no intention, when lie entered the House, of noticing these feels ; nor woeld he, had not Mr. Ruthven spoken of the peaceable conduct of the processions of that day. Lord JOHN RUseroo. replied to the charge brought against him. Having deprecitted Ih. attack on the Marquis of Londonderry and on the mansion of the Duke of Wellington, he proceeded— Mr. Attwood, the hanker of Birmingham, had written to him, stating that there had been a grad meeting at Birmingham, at which he believed 150,001) persons were present ; and that meeting had thanked his Majesty's Government for the manner in which they had conducted the Bill through the Commons' House of Parliament. In such a resolution on the part of the meeting, he saw nothing unconstitutional, nethine. inconsistent with the rights which, as Englishmen, they possessed, and more especially nothing inconsistent with that right which they had enjoyed from their ancestors—he meant the right of pronouncing an opinion upon the con- duct either of Government or of Opposition. He had, therefore, thought that it was a duty which he owed to the people of Birmingham and him- self, to express his gratitude to them for the vote of thanks which they had given to his Majesty's Ministers generally, and to himself individually; and he had yet to learn that there had been any thing in the conduct of that meeting which ought to lead him to refuse accepting a vote of thanks from it. He saw no reason why he should say to the thousands who had been awaiting with interest the result of this Bill, "You are unfit to be consulted by the King's Government, and I therefore repudiate your praise." On the coat are, he thought tuat 1w rnieia notice U,. loyalty and good sense of the people of Birmingham ; ho imagined that, when he stated that the success of the Itefarm Ii w.ls only ,I.tierre.d for a

time, but was still certain, he was expressing a sentime:tt which, so far from leading to tumult, would induce the people to wait with patience for the reintroduction of that measure to which they attached so much importance. He had undoubtedly said, and he now repeated the asser- tion, that " it was impossible that the whisper of a faction should prevail against the voice of a nation." (Great cheerinA. from the Ministerial

benches.) It was a sentiment which he had expressed on first receiving Mr. Attwood's letter, and he now saw no reason either to retract or tO

withdraw it. (Greateheeeing.) He thought that the number of those who supported the Reform 13111, compared with the small number of those who opposed it, justified lihn in stating that the Reformers were

the nation. (Che,Ting from the Ministerial benches.) He repeated, the Reformers constituted the nation, and that the greater part of the oppo- nents to the Bill belonged to, and might justly he denominated, a fac- tion. (Cheers from the 411inisterial beaches, re.eehoed from the Opposition benches.)

Lord John quoted Dr. Johnson for a defin'tion of the word " faction." He thoireht. it most unfair to couple his letter or any expression in it with breaches of the peace committed in London. Sir HENRY HARDINGE said, it was ileolerable that the voice of a majority of the House of Peers should be called the mere whisper of a faction.

Lord Jonix RUSSELL explained, that he did not include in the description the whole of the majority, but merely the small and self-interested portion which had constituted it a majority.

Sir RICHARD VYVYAN denied that Sir Henry Hardinge had im- puted to Lord John Russell any connexion with the riots in vari- ous parts of the country ; but he contended that the riots were the inevitable consequence of the letters commented on. Sir Richard, after noticing that part of Lord Althorp's letter to the Birmingham Union, in which his Lordship deprecated any attempt to resist the payment of taxes, returned to the expression in Lord John Russell's, " the whisper of a faction." He asked, did it refer

to those Peers to whom promises or money, or to those to whom promises of additional honours had been held out ; or was it the Bench of 13ishops that Lord John meant ? He ridiculed that per-

fect reliance on the public support which Ministers boasted of.

He beeared them to look to Dorsctshire, where the Anti-Bill can- didate WaS Nit all with [A cry lf "abort? r] the Bill candidate. Sir

Richard reminded the House of the chuckling of the press on the

question of Dorset ; and asked them to touter.-iplate the end of it. He spoke of the Unions as imitations of societies that existed pre- vious to 1703, which were put down then, and again at their re- vival in 1 8 1 9. Sir Richard hoped Ministers would introduce a measure of Reform modified so as not to scare the advocates of our ancient. institutions. He complained of the Police not inter- fering to put down the attempts making to gain converts to the Ministerial plans. Lists of the majority of the Lords were publicly hawl:cd shoat on paper edgOd with black. Lord ALTHORP denied that he had ever written a letter to the Birmingham Union, or any other Union. He had acknowledged

the receipt of a vote of thanks for his public conduct, communi- cated by the Chairman who presided over the meeting that voted them. He was not nor ever would be indifferent to the approba- tion of any assembly of Englishmen.

In acknowledging to the Chairman the honour thus conferred on him, he had taken the opportunity to recommend that gentleman to use his

influence for the prevention of acts of violence, or illegal and unconstitu-

tional excesses. He had also stated, that the rejection of the Reform Bill was a great calamity—for as a calamity his colleagues and himself had considered it. He denied that the letter so written could be said to have placed him in opposition to the House of Lords, for his assent to the introduction of the measure itself had unhappily placed him di that pre-

dicament already. He did not desire to interfere with the just privileges of the Lords; but if their Lordships had privileges, so also had he. The right of expressing his personal opinions appertained to lain in common with every other Englishman ; and no assembly whatever, be it Lords or be it Commons, should deprive him of it. (Cheers.) I-le ridiculed the notion that letters such as those animrdverted on could possibly cause or encourage breaches of the peace. He said the speech of Sir Richard Vyvyan was but an echo of his speech in April last. How true the prophecy of the latter had proved, they were all aware. He regretted the strong delusion, at

a moment like the present, under which those laboured who main- tained that the country was not all but unanimous in favour of the Reform Bill.

Mr. GEORGE BANKES spoke of the illegality of such processions as those which had taken place that afternoon. He was witness to their breaking the Marquis of Bristol's windows, by way of amusement, while they were waiting, for the Member for Middle- sex, who acted as their principal. After an allusion to the late creation of Peers " for the avowed purpose of carrying the Reform

Bill"—[a phrase which, on being challenged, the Speaker declared to be in order]—Mr. Bankes went on to notice the Dorset election, as indicating how closely the two parties for and against the Bill were balanced. Were it not from fear of incendiaries, he said, Lord Ashley would certainly carry his election. The outrages now going on in two count its, Mr. Bankes contended, could be traced to no other cause but Lord John Russell's letter.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL again vindicated the use of the phrase " whisper of a faction." Without questioning the right of the House of Lords to act as they saw fit in regard to Reform, there might be factions in the House of Lords, and in the House of Com- mons also, as General Gascoyne's motion had shown. The late creation of Peers was no more than was customary on similar occasions: it had nothing to do with the passing of the Reform Bill. Lord John concluded by deprecating the continuance of

the discussion, and more especially of any mixture of angry feel- ing in it, in the present state of the public mind.

Mr. GOULBURN commented at length on the phraseology of Lord John Russell's letter; which, he contended, was altogether inexcusable.

Sir CHARLES WETHERELL concluded a long and bitter com- ment on the same document, by giving notice of motion for the next day, for an address to his Majesty to issue a special commis- sion to try the Nottingham rioters. He concluded by asking how Ministers would feel if Woburn Abbey or Knowsley House were burned down as Note ingham Castle had been ? Sir .JOHN Wearresasev said, in making such observations, Sir Charles was suggesting the acts of incendiarism against which he declaimed.

The SPEAKER also counselled abstinence to Sir Charles ; who, thus admonished, sat down, alter repeating his opinion that the piddle had no confidence in the Ministers. Mr. STANLEY commented with severity on the attack of Sir Charles Weill:Tel!. When the letters se much censured were written, no breach of the peace had taken place; no house was burning or attacked. He repeated, that the letters were written, not to the Birmingham Union, or to any political club, but to the chairman of a large public meeting. He asked, was there any thing unwise or degrading in counselling so large a body not to allow their excitement to hurry them into acts of violence or ille- gality—to address them as reasonable beings? Cauld any thing be more untrue and more unjust, than to hold out the two noble writers, while so employed, as using calm and allaying language while the Duke of Newcastle's house was burning?

I fa remembered a time when acts of incendiarism wz!re rife in this country, and he re collected a Government whi.di did not control those

acts, but which a' ail:lolled their post, and left surcessors to control

these ontraso. Ii.eir sueces::ors did control those outrages ; and they were the very in a who were now attacked by the honourable and learned gentleman, in the face of the House and the Country, for encouraging

and conniving at a.: 1)1 violence and insubordination. It was impossible to express too stroogiy the abhorrence which every roan must feel at

those outrages ; but it was time enough for the honourable and learned gentleman to bla ,e the Government when he found that they were not disposed to apply that constitutional power which was placed in their Lands to repress them.

Mr. PERCEVAL blamed Ministers for not preventing the proces- sion of that day. Mr. A. Tnavon, who said he witnessed the attack cn the Mar- quis of Londonderry, called on Government " to repress the li- centiousness of a seditious and inflammatory press, which was exching the passions of the infuriate and bloody-minded inob."

Mr. 11 UME strongly deprecated the language applied to the peo- ple by Mr. Trevor. If, after calling the Feople of England a bloody-minded mob, lie should on any occasion find himself in the midst of them, what could lie expect ? He regretted the accident that had happened to the Marquis of Londonderry—(el laugh)— he called it an accident, because it was not the premeditated de- sign of the people—it was the act of a few of them only ; but he hoped it would. be turned to good account.

lie would say to the people, " l Jere you see the good sense of the advice which your friends have given you—namely, not to let yourselves be pro- voked to any breach of the peace : your oppressors want you to do this, they will excite you to du it with all their might, and they will take this course because; they hay.2 no other way of doing you harm, or of resisting your just demands. If they can provoke you to breaches of the peace, the faction which are now vainly attempting to triumph over you must succeed, because they will then put von in the wrong, instead of remain- ing, as they are now, in the wrong themselves." lie trusted that the eyes of the people would be opened by that night's debate—a debate about nothing—for the letters of the noble Lore's, and the few other trifling circumstances which bad been put forward so pompously, were mere nothings. If his voice could reach the people, and the people would take Isis advice, he would say to them, " Let not a single pane of glass be broken ; let not a single hair of any Anti-Reformer's head be touched: but content yourselves with pointing to every Anti-Reformer with the finger of scorn, and saying, That is one of the men who withhold from us our rights." (Shouts from the Opposition.)

Mr. Hume alluded to an observation of Arr. Trevor's, that the Opposition were not responsible for the Reform Bill.

Did Mr. Trevor think the people • did not know that ? Did he think that the people were not very well aware that they were indebted to the Opposition for nothing? (Cheers and lanzitter.) The people knew very well that the Ministry had introduced the Bill; and they knew also, that the persons who opposed the Bill were persons who opposed it for no other reason than because they wished to retain that unhallowed power which they had so dishonestly acquired. (Cheers from the Ministerial, and loud cries of " No," from the Opposition benches.) The gentlemen around said " No ;" they would next tell him that they were the repre- sentatives of the people. (Loud cries of " Yes," from the Opposition benches.) He denied it flatly ; they were the mere delegates of a few Peers, and they were sent there as supporters of the miserable faction which vainly attempted to stand against a nation's wishes. (Loud cheering from the Ministerial, and cries of "Hear" and " No" from the Opposition side.) He defended the expressions of Lord John Russell's letter: 199 Peers and 200 members of the House of Commons was a faction, and a miserable faction. But it was not the letters, or the words of the letters, that provoked the anger of the Opposition— All their bitterness and absurdity arose from the fact that the present Administration stood high in the confidence of the people. (Cheers from the Ministerial, and cries of " No" from the Opposition benches.) Was that to be denied too? (Cheers and laughter.) Did Mr. Goulburn think that Le and his friends, if they were again to come into power, would ever acquire the confidence of the people? Why, in the present state of the country, if they were Ministers, they would not dare to show their noses out of doors. (Shouts of " Hear" from the Opposition.) Had Lord Grey and his colleagues infused into the people this spirit of hatred and detes-

which no ordinary means could suppress. lie asked if the fires, now dwelt upoe were the only files that had ever been lighted in

time country— Were there no fires in October and November last, under another Go- vernment ? Thm why did not Sir Charles Wetherell come down to the House and accuse the Ministry of that day of conniving at those fires? When barns and corn-stacks were in finales—when the means of subsis- tence were hieing hourly consumed by tire—he had thought nothing of the matter ; but when o: hat was called an old castle—when what was nothing fact nothing hnt a lodging-house—vas destroyed, then, because the hem of the Doh:: of NL•wcastle's garment was singed, dov.ai came the honourable and learnud zentleman as Attenney-General for his Grace with a motion Of this

Mr. Tienvort explained. What lie said was, that owing to the

excitement reised by en inflammatory, press, many Peers had been exposed to Iles attacks of a reckless and bloody-minded mob. Mr. C. GRANT strongly entreated the House to put au end to the discussion —(C ries of " No" from the Opposition)—from a conviction that the most fatal consevences might ensue from its come n tem ce.

Mr. HUNT cemplained of the outrage upon the Marquis of Londonch•rry. To call it an accident, encouraged the repetition of such attacks. He contrasted the meeting at Manchester (the Peterloo meAing) with the late Birminglean meeting ; and con- tended, that the former was legal, lime latter illegal. He spoke of the charge of connivance in the riots that had taken place-

" I sav that the honourable and learned ,esutlemen met hesitated un- equivocally to charge Ministers with conniving at these proceedings. I don't know whether I would go so fur as to say that, but I should like just to ash the Ministers whether they have read the organs of time press, and the threats of inllictioos on the Peers, and whether they're acquainted that the organ of Ministers has recommended the people to strike their enemies in t he face, by re.::ans of a Latin qmmtation. (Much famoltter, an,1 cries r.l' ' (.2,!cle'!) I don't recollect it ; but raly, I've forgot more Latin than most (11 the ge:ntlemen who cry ' Quote,' ever learnt. (Renewel, un.1 from the Opposition,) I had a good edication (lift h laughter); but I an't a literary character (Roars onaughter); and i atilt read the classics since I left school, I won't quote Latin to show my ignorance." (Load laughter.)

Ile went on to charge the press with misrepresenting all the

speeches tinniest Reform—the press hail been " a deluding of the people." lie spoke of the Rotunda meeting and the seven hands held up in favour of Ministers. He blamed Ministers for permit! lug the procession ; he blamed them lea: writing to Mr. Attwood, and so enceueegieg the riots ; he called on them to " reprove the press ;" me-ntioneel a report that time mob had gone to burn Belveic Castle ; he said the peried was come when the meb must rule, or the military. Ile described the peaceable de- meanour of the people at all the meetings at which lie had presided. e mentioned the assassination of a policeman ; • but this report Mr. GEOLGE LAMB denied. Mr. Hunt finished by declaring his opinion, that Ministers should take such means as were necessary to prevent a recurrence of the scenes of that day.

Alr. GEORGE LAMB said, beibre Sir Charles Wetherell made such an attack on Government as he had done, it would have been well to ascertain whether they had or lied not used all the means in their power to suppress the riots Notlingham and else- where, as soon as they were nribrmed of their existence. Nothing could be more dangerous to that peace about which he was solici- tous, than to hold out the Government as encouragers of riot. Sir CHARLES WETHERELL said, he used the words "permit" or " connive," not c encourage." Mr. Learn said lie saw no difference in the charge ; the one

was quite as unjust and as dangerous as the other. Every means in the power of Government had been, and would be employed, to put down disturbance, and to insure the public against violations of the law; but while they were determined to do so, they must dis- tinguish between the peaceful and the riotous—they could never regret that the people were allowed to approach their Sovereign for the purpose of lawfully declaring their wishes and their feelings

towards him.

Sir GEORGE WARRENDER commented on MI'. Hume's descrip-

tion of the assault on the Marquis of Londonderry as an accident ; and on his speaking of theAnti-Reform members as not daring to show their noses out of doors.

Colonel TRENCH spoke of a white flag which he had seen that day in the procession in Piccadilly, with the words, "The King, the Commons, and the People:" the coach of Mr. Hume was in the same procession. He mentioned the attack on the Duke of Wellington's windows, and that a very well-dressed man gave the orders on the occasion. He went on to speak of the paltry triumph enjoyed by Mr. Hume, and said it would have been much better if he had endeavoured to disperse the people.

tation towards any Ministry which should be formed on principles adverse to those of Lord Grey ? It was impossible ; and if so, what were these cheers for ? Did they cheer because their fellow-countrymen thought they were unfit to be trusted?

He admitted that it was useless to argue with the opponents of Reform ; but though they would not see, others could.

If they supposed that their intention was not seen through, they were mistaken ; it was they who were trying to excite the people. They were trying, by every means in their power, to exasperate the people to acts of violenoe. ((t:werafrooi tit, _Ministerial, and loud cries " No" from the Opposition h eu .ite.y.) Ile did hope, however, that the people bad good sense enougim to look with contempt only, and not with anger, upon those who told the n that they were a bloody- minded mob.

He contended, that in a struggle between 200 Lords and 20,000,000 of people, there could be bat one result, and that no exasperation was aamired to insure it. Ile commented on the ab- surdity of making Ministers responsible for sudden outhreakinces Mr. HUME said, so far as regarded him, the statement of Co- lonel Trench respecting the procession was untrue.

Colonel TRENCH said, he saw Mr. Hume with a roll of paper in his hand, and endeavoured to catch his eve.

Mr. HUME resumed. He went to Mr. Byne's in his carriage; he had agreed to carry up the addresses along with Mr. Byng. Four deputations had waited on Lord Melbourne, and were there told that the proper plan was for the County Members to carry up the addresses. He was averse to any deputations or processions : but how, with this declared opinion of the Home Secretary, could he avoid taking charge of the addresses ? They were handed to him in St. James's Square, and he took them to the Palace. As to the attack on Lord Londonderry, all he meant to say, when he called it an accident, was, that it was unpremeditated.

Colonel TRENCH said, for the first part of Mr. Humes explana- tion, he would return thanks elsewhere.

Mr. HUME said he had no intention of challeneine the Colonel's general accuracy; but the Colonel's statement so far as it con- nected him with the procession, was unfounded.

After a word or two from Sir GEORGE WARRENDER, and an observation from the SPEAKER in favour of Mr. Hume, Colonel TRENCH expressed himself satisfied.

Mr. MATS ERLEY said, that when he asked why the people wished to go in procession, their answer was, to show they were not lulse.,va rm.

Mr. PAGET said, under the charge of lukewarmness, brought so confidently against them, he did not see what else they could do than assemble to refute it.

This long conversation on the presentation of a petition regard- ing the Galway franchise here ended.

5. NON-PAYMENT OF TAXES. A discussion, which served no other purpose than the exhibition or a great deal of personal feeling, took place on Thursday, on a motion of Mr. ARTHUR TREVOR, founded on an advertisement in the racreine newspapers. The advertisement was directed to the inhabitants of St. James's Parish, and was intended to inform them that a meeting to consider of the propriety of withholding payment of rates, which had been called, was not to take place. By an error of the press, the words " the Committee recommend to the householders not to withhold the payment of such rates as may have become due," were printed " not to uphold." Mr. Trevor moved a resolution of censure on the people of St. James's, which was seconded by Mr. GORDON, the member for Dundalk.

Mr. HUME defended, not the inhabitants of St. James's, who had not stirred a step in the matter, but the inhabitants of Maryle- bone, who had passed a resolution against the payment of rates.

Mr. J. CAMPBELL said this was illegal; and noticed the dis- tinction between such a resolution and the famous ship-money case of Hampden. The opposition of Hampden was grounded on the alleged illegality of the imposition of the tax ; but as long as Se- lect Vestries were recognized by law, their rates, whether satis- factory or not, were legal.

Mr. Hume observed on this, that the law directed, in case of non-payment in money, that a distraint should be levied on the goods of the recusant: all that he and his fellow-parishioners re- solved was, not to pay rates in money—they did not intend to oppose distraint. Sir JOHN Bonerouse noticed the typographical error, and ex- pressed himself at a loss to understand what Mr. Trevor wished to be at. The fact of the case was, that Mr. Mettle, quite as respect- able a person as Mr. Trevor, and with as much to lose, having heard that there was a diseosition to resist the payment of rates, had called a meeting to discountenance such a resistance, but afterwards saw reason for postponing it. Mr. C. FERGUSSON argued at considerable length to prove, that a resolution passed by a meethig not to pay taxes was illegal. Be contended also, that where a man had money to pay taxes, it was illegal to refuse payment. Mr. Fergusson's argument, at the mo- ment that he was zealously pressing it, was cheered by a loud "Bravo!" from a member of the people in the Strangers' Gal- lery. whose enthusiasm in behalf of the Chancellor of the Exche- quer, the speech of the honourable member seemed to have mightily excited.

Mr. HUNT said, the refusal of taxes had been recommended by a portion of the press, and by Mr. Hume. It was, he said, a 'Whig, not a Radical plan. He proceeded to read a note, ad- dressed to his printer, to which he said the Whigs had forged his signature,—in order to show the House what kind of beings the Whigs were. Lord VALLETORT described the letters of Lord Althorp and _Lord Jolm Russell as sanctioning the doctrine of non-payment of taxes. He excused Ministers from any desire to encourage dis- order; but they had been so long in opposition, that they had got into a habit of abusing the institutions of the country, which, now that they were in office, they could not leave off. He advised them strongly to disconnect themselves from those who he believed were averse from all governments; to bring in a plan of Reform which was not destructive of the Constitution, and he would give them every support in his power. He regretted that the majority of the House of Lords had been described as " the whisper of a faction." A great deal had been said of the interested views of that majority, but he believed, that • if the twenty-one Bishops were added to all the borough proprietors who voted on it, there would still be a majority against the Bill. lie asked Ministers to con- sider what would be the consequence of the Lords throwing out the Bill a second time ; and whether, in the choice of evils, the least would not be the introduction of a modified measure, such as might conciliate the party opposed to them. Mr. O'CONNELL denied that any part of the present excitement was due to Ministers ; it was due ti the opponents of Ministers— to their teasing, frivolous, vexatious attempts, from night to night and week to week, to thwart the Reform Bill, and to the foolish and absurd rejection or the Bill by the Lords. He asked, were rotten boroughs institutions of the country which must not be spoken against ? were Peers' nominations such institutions ? was it borough property which Ministers were called on to main- tain? Mr. O'CoNxisee spoke °file irritation of the people as no passing or temp ■rary feeling—it was the free leonwn recu- sant/wiz. It was his consolation and theirs, that the r; turn of the Anti-Reformers to power was impossible ; but until the Bill was passed, the excitement must exist, and would exist ; the only ques- tion was, how to confine it to legitimate channels.

The debate, which was dying down, was continued by Sir CHARLES WETHERELL ; who having been absent when his name was called, and his notice of motion having, in consequence, be- come a dropped motion, now begeed permission to put it as an amendment on Mr. Trevor's. After some conversation on the question of order he was allowed to proceed ; when, taking leave of both Mr. Trevor's motion and his own, he turned to the member for Kerry's speech ; which, he contended with great vehemence, was meant as a justification of the cowardly and ferocious at- tack on the Marquis of Londonderry. Sir Charles complained of the corporeal frames of Mr. O'Connell and ethers being placed on the Opposition benches, while their metaphysical part was on

the Ministerial benches. lie that Mr. O'Connell would.

seek shelter among the Radicals and LiLerals, instead of inter- rupting by his presence the Opposition si:le of the House. He said his practice was iflcnnvanl;mt, contrary to the usages of Parliament, and to the gentlemanly times of the House. The

members might have advanced in liberality, but thew had retro- graded in gentility. Sir Charles having finished with Mr. O'Con- nell, turned to the people of Birmingham; who were abettors, he said, of a treasonable conspiracy to resist payment of taxes, and whose correspondents were two of the King's Ministers. He- then addressed himself to the riots, and particularly to the burning of Nottingham Castle. Corning back to the question of non-payment of taxes, Sir Charles declared the resolution of the Marylebone parishioners a high misdemeanour ; and if matured into act, it be- came high treason. He reverted to the burning of Nottingham Castle ; which act could bet raced to no cans e but that the Dukevoted against the Reform Bill. lie noticed Mr. Home's description of the house as not worth much—lie supposed Mr. Hume considered it as an economical fire, compared to what the burning of Clumber Hall would have been. He remarked on the coincidence of the riots in town and those in the country : while the mob at Nottingham were burning the Duke's house, the mob in Portman. Square were breaking his windows. It was evident, he said, that a just equality of law no longer existed—that the property of Anti-Reformers did not receive the protection which that of Reform- ers did. When Lansdowne House, and a few more of the houses of his own party, were served in the same way as Nottingham Castle, then, he supposed, the Attorney-General would begin to bestir himself. Sir Charles next proceeded to comment on Lord Milton's speech at the Sheffield meeting, and of the comparison which Lord Milton had inetituted there and :A, Yorkbetween the old and new Peers. He asked in what class that of Earl Spencer was—the new or the old ? what Lord Milton thought of Earl Grey's honours, and &fortiori of such nori lu»nines as Lords Dinorben,•Panmure, and Poltimore ? Sir Charles, after going over the ground which he had previously—apportioning one sentence to Nottingham and another to Sheffield—making a remark on the burning of the Duke of Newcastle's house, and another cn Lord Milton's speech—con- cluded by a resolution, in the form of an amendment on Mr.. Trevor's, that an address be presented to the King, praying that a

special commission be issued to inquire into the riots at N ottingham. Mr. FANS seconded Sir Charles Wetherell's amendment.

Mr. O'CONNELL commented on Sir Charles's complaints He had lectured Mr. O'Connell on three points— First, for sitting on the Opposition side of the House, when it was ho- noured with Sir Charles Wetherell's presence. Not very long since, Sir Charles had called the Opposition side of the House a mountain ; now Sir Charles ought to recollect that he had taken his seat upon it long be- fore Sir Charles came over. Mahomet bad therefore come to the mountain, and not the mountain to Mahomet ; and certainly Mahomet had exhibited himself on this occasion in one of the most grotesque of his would-be in- spired paroxysms. The second charge against Mr. O'Connell was a want of gentility. Of all men, the charge of being ungenteel came most strangely from Sir Charles Wetherell. In what school of politeness had lie taken his degree ? Where was the dancing master for grown-up gen- tlemen, by whose instructions he had so much profited ? Who was the right honourable gentleman's arbiter elegantiarunz ? When Sir Charles talked of gentility, he wished to remind him, that as Dr. Johnson had said that " the Devil was the first Whig," so Shakspeare had told us that the

Devil was the first gentleman- " The Prince of Darkness is a gentleman, Wetherall he is called, and notherall."

If he remained near Sir Charles, he might catch something from him,-he did not mean his oratory, but his gentility; some little infusion of that accomplished and courteous manner for which Sir Charles was so re- markable, In the third place, Sir Charles had accused him of having ap- proved of the base and cowardly attack made the day before upon art Irish nobleman. Never was any accusation more unfounded since the days of gentility were first invented ; never was any thing so contrary to what he had really said. Had he stood the supporter of every abuse,.ga the determined opponent of every improvement—had he resisted every attempt to facilitate the administration of justice—had he continually la- boured to shut out the enlightenment of modern knowledge from the ob- scurities of ancient law—had he occupied the time of the House with a sort of rollicking rhodomontade night after night—had it been his con- stant habit to make people laugh at him, when he possessed not the wit to make them laugh with him—he might have deservedly been the object of the illiberal attack which had just been made upon him. (Continued cheers and laughter.) Lord A LTHORP—" The honourable and learned gentleman"— Sir CHARLES WETHERELL—" Speak out !" Lord ALTHORP—" Is that the manner in which the honourable gentleman means to set an example to gentlemen on this side fur their behaviour in the H ouse ?"

The honourable and learned gentleman charged the Government with acting partially, in protecting the persons and property of those who sup- port, and not of those who oppose them. (" No. no !" from Sir Charles Wetherell.) The honourable and learned gentleman says " No "- Sir C. WEVIERELI.-" What I said was, that I hoped they would not act so."

Lord Arznortr,—" Well, then, he only insinuated that because the Duke of Newcastle had voted against the Reform Bill, his Majesty's Govern- ment would not protect that nobleman's property, as they protected the property of those who voted for it. (Sir C. IVetherell—" No.") That -was the insinuation ; and I could not have thought that it would have been assented to by any other gentleman in the House, if I had not heard it cheered by one other. Sir, I will say, that the present members of his Majesty's Government are as determined as any set of men could be, to maintain the laws and to protect property from outrage ; and I should think it hardly necessary to defend myself for one moment from such a charge, or to deny that he was capable of making such a distinction. The honourable and learned gentleman accuses us of conniving at the distur- bances. Does he feel any thing in his own breast which makes him be- lieve that any one—I will not say employed in his Majesty's service—but any one mixing in the society of gentlemen, would connive at confusion, bloodshed, and arson ? (Vehement cheering.) The honourable and learned gentleman, in the commencement of his speech, accused my noble friend, the member for Devonshire, and myself of participating in a trea- sonable misdemeanour."

Sir C. WETHERF.I.I.-" I say so again." Lord ALTHORP-" Then, Sir, I say, that if he thinks as he says, it is his duty to proceed against us by articles of impeachment. He says that 'we do not intend to give equal protection to those who voted for us and to those who voted against us; and then, when we denied that we had so base an intention, he said that he supposed we meant to wait until we saw the house of a Reformer burnt."

[Sir Charles Wetherell, who occupied his usual place on the first Opposition bench, here suddenly flung his legs upon his seat, and lounged in a most unusual attitude, nearly at full length, upon the bench. The movement, as well as the general laughter and cries of " Order," which it called forth, interrupted Lord Al- thorp's address ; but Sir Charles did not shift his position for some time.]

Lord ALTHORP continued—

"The conduct of the honourable and learned gentleman is so strange, that I am at a loss to know how to apply myself to his observations. It entirely takes away from me every feeling of anger."

His Lordship proceeded to say, that he would certainly oppose the amendment as altogether uncalled for. He concluded by noticing Lord Valletort's counsel— "The noble Lord says, that if we would introduce a measure so modified as to meet his wishes, he would no longer oppose us. But, Sir, I think that if we were to modify the Reform Bill in any degree, that would render it less efficient. So far from that being a means of promoting the peace of the country, it would have the very contrary effect. I, at least, never will be a party to any such measure." The discussion terminated, after a few remarks from Mr. GILLON, Sir THOMAS DENMAN, Mr. HUME, Mr. H. GRATTAN, and Sir JOHN HOHHOUSE, on the one side,—and from Mr. GOUL- BURN, Mr. GORDON, Lord BRUDENELL, and Mr. Hu= on the other,—by Sir Charles Wetherell's withdrawing his amendment, and by Lord Althorp moving the previous question on Mr. Trevor's motion.

Mr. GRATTAN made some strong remarks on Sir Charles Wetherell's attacking Mr. O'Connell, instead of Irishmen whose hands were not bound up ; and Mr. HUNT spoke against the press. Mr. Grattan was called to order, and apologized to the House.

6. THE BANKRUPTCY COURT BILL. This bill was to have been considered in Committee on Tuesday, but was postponed be- cause of the lateness of the hour. The discussion was renewed on Wednesday, but small progress was made from the same cause. Last night, the Committee began somewhat earlier, and sat longer.

Mr. FRESHFIELD, one of the opponents of the bill, proposed that, if the operation of the bill were postponed to the 1st June instead of the 1st January, all opposition should be withdrawn to its pre- sent progress. Lord ALTHORP declined the arrangement. Sir CHARLES WETHERELL repeated an objection formerly urged, that the bill would give a large immediate patronage to the Lord Chancellor.

Mr. HUME spoke against the retiring pensions under the bill. Lord ALTHORP thought these quite necessary, if the public meant to defend itself against superannuated judges, whom it could not discharge, an1 who would not discharge themselves. Mr. HUAI' spoke of the patronage which the bill would give the Chancellor. Mr. D. W. HARVEY knew no one to whom patronage could be so safely and judiciously intrusted. As a specimen of the

haste of which some of the opponents of the measure complained, he observed, that every substantial change contemplated by the bill had been recommencled to the country so far back as 1818.

Mr. F. POLLOCK spoke at length in commendation of the bill. He said-,

This was no party question ; at least, he knew that the noble and learned Lord who presided in the Court of Chancery did not consider it so ; for he had, during the preparation of the measure, consulted any person, no matter what his politics might be, who could communicate

valuable information or make useful suggeStions. A great deal had been said with respect to the patronage which would be created by this bill ; but those honourable members who objected to the bill on the score of its increasing the patronage of the Lord Chancellor, should consider that when a new court was established it was necessary to appoint judges to that court, and therefore patronage must be vested somewhere. Now who was the most fit person to have the disposal of those appointments ? He had no hesitation in saying, that, looking to the character of the noble individual who now held the Great Seal, there was no person to whom that patronage could be more safely intrusted than to that noble and ]earned Lord; and the appointments which it was whispered were already intended, reflected the greatest credit on his judgment. Know- ing from experience that the present system was most defective, and being of opinion that the proposed change would have a most advan- tageous operation, he did hope that no unnecessary delay would be thrown in the way of the passing of the bill. He thought there.could be no doubt that in the details of the bill economy had been consulted; and the credi- tors would be greatly benefited by its being carried into effect.

Mr. J. WOOD asked if the sinecure of 12,0001. held by Lord Thurlow's nephew, or its reversion, which had been secured by Lord Eldon for his grandson, " stunk in the nostrils" of Sir Charles Wetherell, as he had declared the present Bill did ?

After a few more remarks from Sir JOHN NEWPORT, Alderman WAITHMAN, and Mr. PRAED, the House went into Committee.

Sir CHARLES WETHERELL defended the phraseology excepted to by Mr. J. Wood, by the example of Lord Brougham in regard to another measure. He talked of the muddy head and groggy understanding of Mr. 'Wood, and of the " uncandid atmosphere" in which he breathed. He declared his determination to go on, whether his conduct was deemed factious or not—he gained ground, and that was all he cared about. Sir Charles took ex- ception to the clause which directs appeals to be conducted according to the rules and regulations to be established. Here, he said, was a bill going through the House in October 1831, and to come into operation in January 1832, and it spoke of regulations yet to be established. The bill was the crudest heap of non- existent legislation he had ever seen. Sir JOHN NEWPORT observed, that if individuals would look to the clauses of the Bill, they would not fall into such errors, and much time would in consequence be saved. In page four it was enacted, " That the Judges of the said Court of Re- view, with the consent of the Lord Chancellor, shall have power from time to time, to make general rules and orders for regulating the practice of the said Court of Bankruptcy, the sitting of the Judges and Commissioners thereof, and the conduct of the practitioners therein." What could be more plain than this ? Mr. WARBURTON spoke against the appeal clause ; and was re- plied to by Mr. Gonsca and Mr. Sergeant WILDE.

After some further conversation, that clause and several others were agreed to.

On the clause respecting official assignees being read, Mr.WAR- BURTON suggested reporting progress, because of the late hour ; to which Lord ALTHORP consented. The House then resumed, and an adjournment took place until to-day at two o'clock.

7. SCOTCH APPEALS. On Monday, the LORD CHANCELLOR introduced a bill for the purpose of annulling a judgment pro- nounced by Lord Wynford, so as to enable the House of Lords to reconsider the case. It appears, that in a certain appeal which was some months ago brought before Lord Wynford, that noble Lord had seen fit to direct that an issue should be tried in Scotland by a "special jury," a description of jury which is unknown to the country, and for the striking of which there is neither list nor law. The Court of Session informed the Lord Chancellor of the impossibility of proceeding in terms of Lord Wynford's decree ; and, after a considerable correspondence, it was determined that a bill was the surest and most speedy mode of remedy. Lord Lynd- hurst, during whose Chancellorship the appeal was heard by Lord Wynford, perfectly concurred in this remedy. Lord Brougham sent Lord Wynford a draught of the bill; but Lord Wynford had, it seems, forgotten or neglected it, for he complained on Monday of want of notice. The case was again noticed on Tuesday, for the purpose of being postponed to Thursday, on account of Lord Lyndhurst's absence. Lord WYNFORD made a strenuous attempt to relieve himself from the charge of giving an unintelligible and impracticable judgment by directing a special jury where there are no special juries ; and argued against the reference of the Court of Session of the facts to an accountant,—which is one of the every-day forms of that court in all cases of disputed accounts. His Lordship also complained, that the Scotch Judges had not corresponded with him instead of the Lord Chancellor. Lord BROUGHAM endeavoured to sooth Lord Wynford, by oberving, that the better lawyer an English barrister was, the less likely was he to know any thing of Scotch law. On Thursday, the LORD CHANCELLOR said he had consulted the parties, and found that no harm would accrue to either from a temporary postponement : he therefore moved the postponement of the bill till next session. After a very earnest attempt of Lord WYNFORD to put the Scotch Judges in the wrong, aria to prove that special juries were quite competent in Scotland, the motion was agreed to.

8. POOR-LAWS AMENDMENT. On Tuesday, Mr. SADLER brought forward his bill for the amendment of the Poor-laws.

He would propose that in those places where a great diminution had taken place of the habitations of the poor, there should be erected a number of cottages. By a calculation which he had made, he found that an outlay of capital in the erection of such cottages, in every respect fit

for the comfortable accommodation of the labouring poor, would give an interest much more profitable than could be derived from its investment in land, or in the Funds, if each cottage were let at even the low rent of 504 a year. He was aware that such cottages were now let at higher rents, but the erection of those he proposed would have the effect of low- ering the rents of the others. He thought there would be no difficulty in inducing persons to employ their capital in this way ; but suppose that a sum were to he advanced by Government for the purpose, on the se- curity of the parishes, the parishes having the security of the houses to indemnify them against any loss. This proposition should not startle any one, when it was recollected that a loan was proposed to be advanced to parishes, on the security of the parish-rates, for the purpose of getting rid of a large portion of the unemployed population. Besides cottages let out at the cheap rate he had mentioned, he would let the poor have such a piece of ground sufficient for a garden,—not those bits of head- lands, situated at a great distance from the cottage of the peasant, which were allowed to many of them at present, but pieces of land adjoining these dwellings, on which they might employ those hours which they could spare from their regular daily employment. These cottages and gardens he would give the peasant an interest in, not by letting them out to them for a season, as was too generally the case ; he would let them to them for longer periods, that they might have a greater interest in their improvement. He would also give them, in every case where it was prac- ticable, the opportunity of keeping.a cow.

He mentioned, in proof that the plan was not purely theoretical, that it had been adopted with great success in Wiltshire. As. a supplement to the cottage system, he recommended the assignment to the poor of plots of ground where they might be employed in spade husbandry. With respect to the machinery for carrying his plan into execution—

He would have an officer called the Protector or Guardian of the Poor, who might be the clergyman of the parish, or some other inhabitant equally well qualified to fill the office, and on whom would devolve the task of superintending and directing its details. After a conversation, in which Lord ALTHORP, Mr. SLANEY, Colonel TORRENS, Mr. Baiscoa, and several other members took part, the bill was ordered to be brought in, with the understanding that it would be read a first time and printed, and the further con- sideration of it be postponed until next session.

SELECT VESTRIES BILL. On Tuesday this bill was read a second time; after a short conversation, in which Lord MEL- BOURNE, Lord SKELMERSDALE, Lord KING, and the Duke of WELLINGTON took part.