"A WORD TO AMERICA."
(To THE Enema or THE " SPECTATOZ."1
Sm,—It is always a matter of interest and satisfaction to readers of the Spectator to note the fulfilment of many of the forecasts which have appeared in your columns. You cannot be perpetually saying "I told you so," but may I not ask the hospitality of your columns in order to remind my colleagues in readership of an article which appeared just three years ago in the Spectator (September 12th, 1914) entitled "A Word to America" ? lu this article, while expressing the readiness and ability of Great Britain to shoulder her own responsibilities and fight her own battles, • you sounded a note of warning to the American people, urging them to look 'ahead and to prepare for a time when the quarrel of the world with Germany would have become America's quarrel also, and when the United States might "be called upon to uphold the English ideals in their last home." The scope of the prophecy does not end here, however. The very method in which oaf would be eventually forced upon America is foretold. But the article needs to be re-read to be fully appreciated; and as access to so remote a number as that of September 12th, 1914, would be impossible for most people, I should like to be allowed to quote one or two passages. After touching on the possibility of a German victory in Europe, you wrote :—
"If that happens, and the situation develops as it did in 1810, then we may be sure that history will repeat itself. We shall hare a new system of Berlin Decrees. The force of circumstances will compel Germany to strike at. America in order to destroy us. If the Continent of Europe is dominated by the Germans, they will 'attempt to destroy its by establishing a trade boycott throughout the territories they have conquered and throughout every neutral territory that they can influence by their arms, just as Napoleon did when, by the Milan and Berlin Decrees, he placed England -under a commercial ban. But if trade with America remains open there will be a leak in the German dyke. Like Napoleon, the Germans will in effect tell America that she must join the boycott or take the consequences. We know quite well what auswer America will want to give. She will want to refuse, and no doubt will refuse. But suppose fate were to prove unkind—we do not believe it will, but stilt there is always the possibility— and we were worsted in the struggle, and that Germany, possessing or dominating the whole of the Continent, were able to do what Napoleon did when he got together Villeneuve's fleet before Trafalgar. Further, suppose that the now Trafalgar ended not in our favour. In that ease we know our destiny, and what would happen th English freedom, English ideals, and English inde- pendence. They would ebe overwhelmed in the sea of tyranny and militarism. But let no one suppose that if that happened the victorious German military caste would be content to leave the flower of liberty growing elsewhere. There must be a clash between the two ideate—the militarist ideal and the free ideal as represented in America. The United States must then be called upon to uphold the English ideals in their last home. As we have said, it is more than likely that this will never come to pass, but so precious is the thing to be guarded, so vital to the welfare of
humanity, that America mast make sure of being able to fulfil her part if it falls upon her."
In sounding an urgent note of preparation far America, you :wrote:—
" What we should like to see America do is considernbly to augment her Fleet, to raise her Regular Army to at least a quarter of a million, with a Reserve, and to make the Militia a National and not a State Militia, and increase it to at least a million meee in all. But perhaps Americans will say: ` That would he a very dangerous policy. It might provoke Germany to attack us at once and before we are ready. Our condition may be one for anxiety, but do not let us make it worse by rashness.' We are bound to admit there is something in that view. but, at any rate. even the Geimans could not claim to dictate to America as t whether she should increase her store of the munitions of war. Not even the military caste of Prussia would venture upon such an outrage as that. At least, then, let America set her arms au.1 munition factories to work, so that she may feel that if the nee I were to come she would not be faced with the worst tragedy that a great and strong nation could 13e (aced with—that of havin.t millions of men at her disposal, but all useless because they have no arms. We shall be accused, no doubt, of talking as if armed mobs made an army. We are fully alive to the fact that they de not. But wo will say this: there is one thing essential to the soldier, and that is the rifle. If the rifles are not forthcoming it is not worth while even to try to make an army. Any nation. however, that has rifles may, at any rate, attempt to defend itself, and who knows that it would not succeed, as Grant and Sherman and Sheridan succeeded, in hammering an army into shape as the war proceeded ? Therefore, once again, we would warn the Presi- dent of the United States and Congress not to trust to a chapter of accidents, but to see to it that if America is to defend hersel: she shall be in a position to do the work."
I must not trespass further on your space. I will only say again that the whole article is well worth re-reading, in view of the later developments in German-American relatious.-1 urn.
(We are grateful. It is a pleasing, if somewhat unaccountable, circumstance, that our readers are much more diligent ta remem- ber and call attention to successful than to nnsucce•sful forecasts of public events. Our "middle stumps" are remembered; our " byes " consigned to oblivion.—Ea. Spectator.]
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