FRANCE AND AUSTRIA.

The military position of the disputants remains pretty much the same as it was last week ; that is, the warlike preparations continue vigorously on all sides ; Austria strengthens her armies in Lombardo-Venetia; France accumulates troops on the left bank of the Rhone ; and Sardinia organizes her free corps and her regular army. The Bavarian army has been placed on a war footing ; and Prussia has also placed two of her corps d'armee in the same state.

The official Wurtembergtheher Staataanzeiger publishes a Royal decree calling in the Landwehr. The first bands are to be composed of those soldiers who have left military service within the last two years, and the two junior classes which have not yet begun military service, are sum- moned for the 1st of May next.

Upon the diplomatic branch of the question some light has been thrown by the publication in the Times of the English and Austrian propositions, which although made a fortnight ago are important because authentic.

In a note to M. de Balabine, the Russian Minister at Vienna, dated March 23, replying to a telegram from Prince Gortschakoff stating that the Emperor Alexander, "desiring by a supreme effort" to maintain peace, proposed that a Congress of the great powers should meet to smooth the Italian complications, Count Buol says, that "the Emperor Francis Joseph accepts the proposition in question." "In the opinion of the Imperial Cabinet, the whole difficulty resides in the political system which Sardinia follows in her foreign relations. To put an end to this state of things, which alarms Europe, and to prevent its re- turn, such appears to be the task reserved to the Powers called upon in the first rank to uphold social order. "If, however, besides this question, which the undersigned considers as the only one essentially important for the moral pacification of Italy, it should enter into the intentions of the Powers to bring forward others for discussion, it would be necessary that they should be exactly stated before- hand, and, insomuch as they should touch upon the internal regime of other Sovereign States, the undersigned could not dispense with insisting above all things that the mode of proceeding in this case should be conform- able to the rules formulated by the protocol of Aix-la-Chapelle, under date of the 15th of November, 1818. "In conclusion, the undersigned must lay stress on a last consideration. To wish to open peaceful deliberations in presence of the clang of arms and of the preparations for war would be not only materially dangerous,. but morally impossible. It is therefore indispensable according to the opinion of the Imperial Cabinet, which the undersigned' does not doubt will be shared by all the Powers, that previously to all conference Sardinia must disarm.

A week having elapsed, Count Buol on 31st March, informed Lord A. Loftus, the British Minister at Vienna, that the Emperor "accepted in the measure stated in the sheet thereto annexed the bases of discussion proposed by the note of his Lordship." [It will be seen from a perusal of the sheet that Austria had backed out of its proposal for a disarma- ment of Sardinia alone, and substituted for it a proposal for a general disarmament.) The note of Count Buol continues thus- " A fifth point of deliberation which he has thought fit to add, that of an • agreement on a simultaneous disarming of the great Great Powers will, he does not doubt, be accepted by all the Powers as a new proof of the pacific intentions of Austria.

"It results, again, from the note of Lord A. Loftus, that if the Imperial Government accepts, on the conditions mentioned above, the proposal of a Congress, the British Government will invite that of France in a pressing manner to insist, in common with it, that Sardinia shall disarm at once, and to give it a collective guarantee for the fulfilment of the engagement taken towards it.

"This step which the British Cabinet purposes to take in concert with the French Government is the more conformable to the general interests, as it would be morally impossible, as the Imperial Government has already shown by its note addressed to M. de Balabme, bearing date the 23d instant, to carry on pacific deliberations in presence of the clang of arms. The un- dersigned must the more eagerly desire that these united efforts shall have fall and entire effect as Austria could not present herself at the Congress until Sardinia shall have completed her disarmament, and shall have pro- ceeded to the disbandment of the corps francs. These conditions fulfilled and executed, the Imperial Government declares itself ready to give in the most formal manner the assurance that Austria will not attack Sardinia pending the duration of the Congress, as long as the latter shall respect the Imperial territory and that of its allies."

The "sheet" referred to by Count Buol is as follows—the British pro- posals are printed in Italics; the Austrian observations and fifth proposal in the ordinary type. I. "Means of assuring the maintenance of peace between Austria cud Sardinia." [" The Congress shall examine the means of bringing back Sardinia to the fulfilment of her international duties, and shall consider the measures to be taken to avoid the return of the present complication."] II. "Evacuation of the Roman States by the foreign corps of occupation, and a taking into consideration of the reforms in the Italian States." [" The question of the evacuation of the Pontifical States may be discussed. The Congress will leave the details of its execution to the three powers directly interested. The question of the administrative reforms may be debated. An understanding may be come to on the advice to be given, but its de- finitive adoption remains subordinate to the decisions of the States directly interested.") "A combination to be substituted for the special treaties between Austria and the Italian States." [" The validity of our treaties cannot be questioned; but if all the Powers represented at the Congress agree among them to produce their political treaties with the Italian States, Austria, on her part, will do the same. She will come to an understanding with the . Governments co-interested, to be able to present their common treaties to the Congress, and to examine in what measure their revision might be recog- nized as useful."] IV. "Territorial arrangements and the treaties of 1816 shall not be touch- ed." [4, Perfectly agreed that neither existing territorial engagements nor the treaties of 1815, nor those concluded in execution of those acts shall be touched."]

V.

"An understanding for a simultaneous disarming of the Great Powers." The Morning Past of Wednesday, under the head of" a chance for the Congress," said- " We understand that the Government has received from Austria the as- surance that the Cabinet of Vienna no longer insists on the disarming of Piedmont as a necessary preliminary to the Congress. Austria is now wil- ling to proceed as soon as possible to the Congress, and professes her readi- ness to accept terms which will not call upon her to submit to any humilia- tion." The .Moniteur of Sunday contained the following article, levelled chiefly at Germany.

"The French Goverment, as well as any other, understands and respects national susceptibilities. If iu its intentions or its conduct it had given to Germany a ground of fear for its independence, far from disdaining the out- burst and alarms of Germanic patriotism, it would have praised them as no- ble and legitimate. • "But we cannot easily believe in an act of injustice against us from men to whom we have given no cause of offence. Our confidence in the equity

of other States is only the result of the honesty of our policy. When =un- festations were made in certain district a of the German Confederation we

read them without emotion, because we counted upon the healthy and en- lightened portion of Germany, which would soon admit that those effusiona were silly.

"This confidence has not been deceived. The agitation in the German. press and in the German Governments is diminishing instead of increasing-. We state this with great satisfaction. "To throw suspicion upon the French Government, it was made indi- rectly responsible for newspaper articles hostile to the independence of the. German Confederation, published by a press which has no control over it. Such opinions, for which the writers alone are answerable, were looked upon in Germany as a threat. Ill-nature spread them, alarm was created, and they gave rise, perhaps,: to lamentable errors as regards the inten- tions of the Cabinet of the Tuileries.

"When justice is all that is required, light is not feared. The French Government has nothing to conceal, because it has nothing to disown. The position it has assumed in the Italian question, far from warranting the distrust in Germany, ought, on the contrary, to inspire it with confidence. France could not think of attacking in Germany what it wishes to shield in Italy. Her policy, which disowns all ambition for conquests, follows only the rules laid down by international law, the happiness of peoples and the interests of Europe.

"In Germany, as in Italy, it wishes nationalities recognized by treaties to be maintained and strengthened, because it considers them as one of the essential bases of order in Europe.

"To represent France as hostile to German nationality is not only an error, but a contradiction. The Government of the Emperor has for ten years exerted its influence to remove difficulties and settle them equitably. In Spain, it has always supported the constitutional throne of the Queen by keeping a strict watch upon the refugees which successive revolutions threw upon our frontiers. In Switzerland, its friendly mediation contributed to settle the Neuchatel question,.which might have led to complications with. Prussia. Even in Italy it anticipated present difficulties, and, having re- stored the Pope his authority, it inspired moderate views everywhere. At Naples, acting in concert with its ally the Queen of England, it endeavoured to induce the Government of the Two &cities to introduce reforms which would have consolidated it. In Germany, in the delicate question which arose between the Confederation and Denmark on the affair of the Duchim, it understood, despite its sympathies for Denmark, the just susceptibility of German patriotism for provinces which are connected by so many ties with the German Confederation, and the counsel it gave to the Copenhagen Cabi- net was perfectly conciliatory.

"As regards the Danubian Principalities, it endeavoured to promote thn success of the legitimate wishes of those provinces to insure in that portion of Europe order based upon satisfied national interests. "The policy of France has not two weights nor two measures ; she weighs in the same scales the interests of all nations.

"What she intends to make respected in Italy, she will respect herself in Germany. "it is not we who will be menaced by the example of a national Ger- many which would conciliate its federate organization with the unitary ten- dencies, the principle of which has been already established in the great commercial union of the Zollverein. Everything which developes in neighbouring States relations created by commerce, industry, and pro- gress, promotes civilization, and everything which promotes civilization raises France."

The Patric intimates that as France has not armed, she cannot be called upon to disarm, and retorts upon Austria a recommendation to disarm herself.

The official Prussian Gazette of Monday still had " hopes " that me- diation in the impending difficult question might be proceeded with. The efforts of the mediating powers had not terminated. It is worth remarking that the Archduke Albrecht, of Austria, arrived. at Berlin from Vienna on the 12th. He was received at the railway terminus by the civil authorities and the Commander-in-thief of the' army of Berlin. The Archduke afterwards repaired to the Royal Palace,, one wing of which was put in readiness for him.