NEWS OF THE WEEK.
LOUIS NAPOLEON is elected President of the French Republic, by an overwhelming majority. Louis Napoleon ! the mere "nephew of my uncle "—the open-handed lounger—the habitué of Gore House— the rioter of Strasburg and invader of Bou- logne—the pamphleteer of Ham—the King of the tribe of Leicester Square ! After the revolution of February and the triumph of June—after the toilsome and perilous gestation of ten months—Republican France brings forth its greatest man for the time being, and lo! it is the hero of the tame eagle !
What does it mean ?—for of course that uniform and over- riding majority throughout France means something proportion- ately momentous. It means, that all France is dissatisfied with the existing order of things. The citizens have voted into power a totally new man ; and in doing so, they have set aside the Go- vernment of February and of Lamartine, the Government of June and of Cavaignac. The decision is not surprising. Little had been done to gain the confidence of the country for either of those parties whom Lamartine and Cavaignac represented. The abolished Monarchy was first undermined and then overthrown by its corruption, its breach of faith, its oppressive burdens : the new Government, founded "in the name of the People," was sus- pected, dictatorial, and still more oppressive—wringing from the people increased taxes, while its policy, or its ill-luck, destroyed trade, paralyzed industry, and curtailed the enjoyments of life. The Revolution of February had disturbed everything and set- tled nothing—had not even gratified the national passion for glory. No wonder that the people wished for change. Many view the result as a verdict against the Republican form of Government. The facts, we think, scarcely bear out that in- ference. As against the " Red Republic," no doubt, the decla- ration is strong ; though many of that party, especially of its Communist section, are likely to have been speculating on the chances of converting the old pamphleteer on industrial colonies to some use. But the broad question of a Republican form of government was not put in issue. It is true that all enemies of the Republic would vote for Louis Napoleon, because they regard his Presidency as damaging to the Republic through its antici- pated ingloriousness, and through its being a kind of middle term between Democracy and Royalism. But the majority doubtless includes many conscientious persons who believe that Louis Napoleon will make a good President; many Imperialists who have grown to be Republicans; many who hope that a Bonaparte in the Presidential chair may reconcile the conflict of parties; also, it is credibly supposed, numbers in the remote dis- tricts who actually believe that the man for whom they voted is "the old Corporal" himself! The electors were not invited to vote on the distinct question of Republic or no Republic, and no decision to such effect can be construed out of the election. It Implies dislike of the existing order, a hope that any change may be for the better, and an impression that a " Napoleon" may have in the pocket of the old grey coat a little of the old glory of France. "Universal suffrage " is taunted with the bathos implied in the election : but not justly. As far as the mere working of universal suffrage goes, it is to be observed that a vast movement has been effected with scarcely any interruption to quiet—with less tur- moil than commonly marks a general election in our own well- regulated country. And the fact that Louis Napoleon is the un- questionable choice of the people at large, does furnish a powerful guarantee for order ; since it tends to cut off hopes of present rivalry, and testifies for him a very broad sanction. But the electors have not made an original selection. It is to be remem- bered that millions of men spread over the face of a vast terri- tory cannot take the initiative—it is not in the nature of things that they should be able to do so. Universal suffrage could not spontaneously point out its own President, but could only make its selection from a list offered to it. Now let us under- stand what really was done. The choice lay between four can- didates; for Lamartine, hedging between the hopes of success and the fears of failure, did not fairly throw himself into the con- test,—a sort of self-seeking coyness, which always repels great public bodies, as they naturally feel that, if a man does not think it worth while to risk his own credit, he cannot be worth election. Ledru- Rollin stood on his ambition as a " man of the people " : but it was not a time for trifling. To accept Raspail would have been to accept the " Republique Democratique et Sociale," for which the electors of France are evidently unprepared; and with that institution it would have been to accept also a President of very questionable eligibility : universal suffrage has the credit of placing its veto on the pretensions of M. Raspail. To accept Ca- vaignac would have been to vote for the continuance of the exist- ing regime ; which is negatived. If Louis Napoleon is not a man to be the favourite of a nation, he has at least some negative advan- tages : he is not yet committed to mischievous courses ; he seems to be in able guidance; his very neutrality of character favours the notion that he may be inclined towards a national policy, and may conciliate interests which are now in conflict. In a word, he may make a better President than his enemies foresee.
Indeed, the fears for the future are not to be sought in the choice of President, but in the very framework of the Republic —in the Constitution, which sacrifices every sort of executive power to compromises and conflicting influences. The election settles nothing, for it creates no new gage of stability : the same movement is to be repeated in four years, and then there must be a change ; since the constitution, excluding the actual Presi- dent and all his kin, forbids stability or continuity in the per- sonnel and spirit of the presiding officer. Nay, will the Presidency last so long? Already agitators chuckle at the chances of change which the four years may bring forth.
