NEWS OF THE WEEK.

NO news of importance has been received this week from the Indian frontier, except that the Afridis and Orokzais are assembling in force near the Khyber Pass, and that Sir William Lockhart, who has not yet advanced, has published a proclamation. In this document he states that the Afridis in 1881 agreed, in consideration of certain allowances, to guard the pass. They kept their agreement for many years, but in August last they broke it, and began attacking posts in the pass and assisting the Orokzais in raids on the Kohat border. Therefore the British Government has stopped those allowances and has ordered him to advance into the heart of their country, and demand submission and repara- tion. Terms will be announced when Sir William arrives in Tirah, and the clans are therefore warned that all those who wish to possess their own country and to see it no more in the occupation of the Sirkar, must assist to the utmost of their power in securing obedience to the General's orders. This proclamation contains, it will be seen, a distinct threat of occupation if the tribes are refractory, but it is by no means certain that this threat will be carried out. There is, in fact, some reason to believe that the party which dreads the expense and burden of such an annexation has prevailed at Simla.

The fate of Crete still hangs in the balance, and pro- bably will hang for months. The Hungarian Premier announced on Tuesday that the Concert would still use its influence to secure autonomy for the island under the suzerainty of the Sultan, but nothing has yet been done to fulfil this promise. The Turkish troops have not been sent away, no Governor has been appointed, and no gendarmerie has been so much as sanctioned. Moreover, there is no money, and no Power has consented to lend or to guarantee any. On the other hand, the Sultan insists that he shall appoint the Governor, that his garrison shall be increased, and that the inhabitants shall be disarmed,—that, in fact, all the arrangements shall be made for a good sweeping massacre. The German Emperor has not yet intervened, but the German papers suggest with malicious naIvettS that the glorious army of Edhem Pasha might be employed to " pacify " Crete. If we had the means of reaching the Cretans, we should p,dvise them to make their hill retreats as inaccessible as possible, and to put their women there. There is no more hope for them in the mercy of Europe than there was for the Armenians.

It is quite clear that there has been or is risk of a collision between Great Britain and France in West Africa. Both Governments are alarmed, both are expressing most unusual

readiness to negotiate on the basis of compromise, and both, we strongly suspect, are hinting to the Press that the less it indulges in fire-eating the better. The grand difficulties in the way of an arrangement are, first, that M. Faure and his colleagues cannot get rid of the idea that tropical territory means wealth for the owning nation ; and secondly, a differ- ence as to what constitutes ownership. Is it to be based upon treaties with native chiefs, or upon "effective occupation" P The former would give many African States to Great Britain, while the latter would leave them to France. Then, again, what is "effective occupation " P Does it imply the presence of troops, or may a Governor, a. doctor, and an orderly claim possession of a territory as wide, say, as France or Spain ? There is a difficulty about boundaries, too. No Foreign Office clerk, either in Paris or London, can accurately " delimit " jungles he never heard of, and if re- course is had to lines of latitude and longitude the local authorities can never ascertain them. We suppose that Lord Salisbury and M. Hanotaux can come to an agreement, but we will guarantee that when they do, both will be scolded for timidity, ignorance, and indifference to commerce.

President Faure made a speech on Thursday which the Times' correspondent greatly admires, but which, we fear, will make more thoughtful politicians grieve. A dinner was given him in the Bourse du Commerce, and in reply to the toast of the President of the Republic, M. Faure, after the usual eulogy upon the alliance with Russia, declared that France must manifest herself in regions hitherto closed to European commerce. She must obtain a large share in the execution of projects for "arsenals, ports, canals, railways," and municipal enterprises. "Do not lose an instant in under- takihg the conquest of new markets and establishing abroad numerous factories which will radiate prosperity for our country. Promote the emigration of capital, which, vivi- fying wherever it goes, will come back to the mother- country, augmenting its wealth. Hasten to those scarcely known and still nnexploited regions, or you will be out- stripped by foreign competitors." In other words, get all you can out of negroes and Siamese, for that is the first duty of Frenchmen. It is a new role for France, which used to boast that its grand export was ideas, and we cannot but think that it is a mean one. The partition of Africa seems to have had for its first result a new bitterness between Western nations, and for its second a debasement of European ideals.

The extraordinary fear of a crowd which marks all Conti- nental Governments led on Monday to a most untoward incident in Rome. The Finance Minister, satisfied, we imagine on good grounds, that the Treasury is grossly cheated as to Income-tax, has been putting the screw on his subordinates. To protect themselves or to teach him not to meddle, they have been overcharging everybody, and on Monday a Committee of the Chamber of Commerce visited the Premier in the Piazza Navona to remonstrate. An immense but orderly crowd accompanied the Committee, and some carabineers attempted to clear them out of the Piazza. There was some resistance and stone-throwing, and some one actually sent for an infantry regiment, which, feeling insulted by the pelting, fired two volleys into the crowd, killing one man and wounding a number, not yet ascertained, of the crowd. The indignation in Rome is, of course, great, and certainly it appears to be justified. If the crowd had been let alone it would have retired peaceably, and at no time was there any necessity for calling out regular troops.

Hints are being published in all European capitals that a certain restlessness is showing itself in the Balkans. Bul- garia, it is said, has been arming for some time, and its people now expect their Prince to secure a return for their

sacrifices. The Servian Government is quarrelling with that of Sofia, nominally about things ecclesiastical, really about the pretensions of both to Macedonia. Albania is in open insurrection, the clan chiefs claiming virtual inde- pendence. Even Nicholas of Montenegro is wandering about seeking, some say a loan, others a railway, and others some sea-coast development. The Turks, on their side, are alarmed and talk openly of forming a great camp under Edhem Pasha upon the Bulgarian frontier ; while behind all is the desire of Macedonia for insurrection, if only she had a little hope. We note the unrest because it may in contingencies be of serious importance, but we doubt its resulting in any immediate movement. Russia and Austria have agreed upon their lines of partition, if partition must come, and the Little Powers are as yet not desperate enough to run the risk of a doable occupation. What would fire the flax is a massacre in Macedonia.

Selior Sagasta has had the nerve to recall General Weyler from Cuba, and has appointed Marshal Blanco, an officer who will pursue milder methods. He has also asked the autono- mists of Cuba to name some Cubans worthy of high office. That is all excellent, but the rocks ahead of his path are numerous and very high. In the first place, the Cuban leaders reject his offers and demand independence. In the second, he has to compel the Cubans, as we show elsewhere, to provide the interest on seventy millions sterling of new debt. In the third place, according to an Englishman recently in Cuba with exceptional opportunities of knowing the truth, General Weyler's conquests have been unreal, half the Spanish Army has perished or become diseased, the insurgents are in full possession of the interior, and are now even entering the towns and "taking what they want." On the other hand, there is a distinct lull in American eagerness to pick a quarrel with Spain, and a wish to wait until it is clearly seen how far Sagasta, or rather the electors behind him, are willing to go. As we have repeatedly pointed out, the excessive sufferings of the two hundred thousand young conscripts sent to Cuba will greatly affect the result of the elections.

The Duke of Devonshire delivered on Friday week, in a room of the new Technical College at Darlington, an impor- tant speech. Referring to some doubts of Professor Mahaffy as to whether education had made the body of the people happier, he said there was something to be considered before happiness, and that was the possibility of existence. Our superiority in manufactures could not, he contended, be maintained without spreading a thorough education both in science and in art, foreign nations, in virtue of their training, creeping rapidly up to our level. It was doubt- ful whether we could keep ahead, for democracy in this respect, as in so many others, was on its trial, and we did not know if a democracy would make the persistent effort and the sacrifices which a non-democratic country, Germany, certainly made. He agreed with Mr. Robson, Secretary of the Education Centre of the county, that technical education, to be valuable, must be based upon sound secondary education, and he hoped very strongly that a system of close inspection of secondary schools and the instruction con- veyed in them would by and by be adopted. He did not think that improvement would be costly, but at all events it was an urgent duty of Government to make it. It will be noted that the Duke of Devonshire, who has rather a trick of appearing indifferent, is really in earnest about this matter, and harps upon it in, for him, a very unusual way. The Duke is in personal touch with great manufacturing affairs, and probably sees reason to believe that in many branches of them able men are weighted by their ignorance. It is a pity there is no educated community, one composed, that is, from the landlord to the dustman, of thoroughly instructed persons. It would give us all so many and such nutritive object-lessons.

The Government obviously wishes, and probably intends, to increase the Army. Mr. Brodrick, who is Under-Secretary for War, and not given to tattle, made on Wednesday a strong speech at Guildford, of which that must be the meaning. He pointed out--quoting Lord Rosebery in confirmation—that we had in twelve years added two million six hundred thousand square miles to our territory — twelve times the German Empire—and had thereby excited the active malevolence of foreign Powers, and yet till this year we had not for twenty- six years added a single battalion to the Army. The system of double battalions, one at home and one abroad, had the support of every soldier of distinction, but the demands were so heavy that it could not be maintained; and we had now 78,000 infantry abroad and only 56,000 men at home, whereas in 1872, when. the scheme was first accepted, we had 61,000 men abroad and 59,600 men at home. We had actually 50,000 British troops concentrated on the North-West Indian Frontier, troops whom, we had to replace as fast as they fell, from the home battalions. It was true that recruiting was looking up, 15,300 recruits having offered themselves in the last six months, as against 11,200 in the corresponding period of last year, but to get them we had lowered the standard, and we were, in fact, living from hand to month. Mr. Brodrick also mentioned that every thousand private soldiers cost, irrespective of officers, £55,000 a year.

These facts furnish an unanswerable argument for an addition to the infantry of at least ten thousand men, and we do not doubt that if Parliament is once sufficiently enlightened it will vote the money necessary for that number. But we cannot help wishing that Mr. Brodrick would tell us with equal clearness what it would cost to obtain men from the full-sized section of the population ; why his chiefs think ten thousand men enough when the need seems to be of at least treble that number; and why it is impossible to add two hundred men to the strength of each battalion, thus avoiding the great cost of new regiments. And, finally, we should like to know whether, if we gave up all stoppages, added 20 per cent. to the number of non-commissioned officers, thereby increasing the private's chances,!and filled the artillery and cavalry with boys, accepted at fourteen on the plan adopted for the Navy, we should have any further difficulty with recruiting.

There is another point raised by Mr. Brodrick's speech, and a most serious one. Are we not going too fast with our acquisitions of territory ? We say nothing of islands, because the Navy can look after them ; but we have added two million six hundred thousand square miles to our territory, as Mr. Brodrick admits, in twelve years ; we are going, it is said, to keep the Mahdi's wide dominion, including in the end Darfur; we have just added five hundred thousand square miles to our African possessions—Nupe, the region is called—and we are now engaged in operations on the Niger which mean, if they succeed, that we are to be predominant in Sokoto and Bornu, two empires as big as Germany. All this in addition toa proposed annexation of one hundred and twenty thousand square miles upon the Indian frontier. If we are not Greater Englanders there are none, and we moreover contend that we are bound to do our share in giving Africa a chance of good government; but there are limits to everything. It is not only that we are overtaxed by the necessity of holding down such masses of territory, but that we cannot and do not discharge our first obligations to their inhabitants. There are at least a million square miles of the Queen's dominions within which, if a man is murdered, or a woman ravished, or a child starved, we can give no redress. Is that right?

The Irish Nationalist Members have sent up a memorial to Government praying that Parliament may be at once assembled, first, to diminish the amount of judicial rents, and secondly, to establish public works in the West of Ireland to relieve distress. Mr. Balfour on October 6th makes to this memorial a reply of some moment. Government declines to summon Parliament "at an unusual and inconvenient date," first, because it "has no intention of occupying any part of next Session with Irish land legislation," and secondly, because "the condition of the people in the threatened districts is being closely watched by the Irish Administration ; and even if it should unhappily turn out that the apprehensions are well founded, it is in the power of the Executive to adopt, in anticipation of Parliamentary sanction, any measures which may seem necessary." We rejoice to hear that Irish land is to be let alone for the present, so that there is some chance that the Purchase measures will be allowed to succeed; and not sorry to hear that while the Government thinks the "famine" may be serious enough to justify State help, it will not be serious enough to require the instant attention of the House of Commons. We take it the truth is there will be sharp distress, but over a manageable area.

The Eastern Division of the National -Union of Conservative Associations held its annual meeting at Newmarket on Friday week, and passed resolutions which are worth noting. It wished very much to praise the Government, and did praise it for "the improved social condition of Ireland," for its foreign policy, especially upon the Indian frontier and its "successful" dealing with the Armenian crisis, for recovering the province of Dongola, and for having dealt satisfactorily with the admission into this country of goods made in foreign prisons. People must say what they have to say, of course, but we should have thought a representative meeting of five -counties could have found a better list of praises than this. It would be at least more graceful as well as more truthful to say, as doubtless East Anglian Conservatives believe, that the Government has kept the peace of Europe, has commenced the destruction of savage rule upon the Nile, has met a rising of the clans between Afghanistan and India with immense energy, has added five hundred thousand square miles to her Majesty's dominion, has lightened the burden upon agricul- ture by a new rating law, and has prevented the threatened extinction of voluntary schools. We commend our list to any other similar meetings of counties.

The Parnellites on Monday held their annual meeting in the Antient Concert Rooms, Dublin, and Mr. John Redmond made a speech as President. He was not very hope- ful. He believed in Parnell's principles, and thought they would regenerate Ireland ; but he feared "that the year 1898 would dawn over a weak, divided, and demoralised people," on which one has only to remark that weakness and demoralisa- tion may or may not be found, but if division is not found in 1893 in Ireland, it will not be Ireland, but a change- ling island. Mr. Redmond further declared that Ireland had been befouled by the Liberals, and that until Mr. Dillon repudiated that party, it was absurd to talk of union with him. The Parnellites objected, moreover, to the dominance of the Church in politics. The Mayor of Cork, who followed, made the following delicious proposition. He thought the financial injustice done to Ireland might be met by amalgamating all the railways, reducing all charges for trans- port 50 per cent., and paying from the national Treasury a grant sufficient to prevent loss to the shareholders ! At the conclusion of the meeting Mr. William Redmond called for three cheers for the Afridis because they were fighting England and were natives of India struggling for freedom. The cheers were heartily given, the audience apparently not knowing that the Afridis are not Indians, are not subjects of the British Government, and are as free as Irishmen when a row is on. The whole affair was a melancholy one for those who love Ireland.

Stirling has made Lord Rosebery a burgess, and on Satur- day his lordship acknowledged the honour in a pleasant speech, which was for the most part only a review of previous eminent burgesses. Lord Rosebery did, however, say that he was "outside the profession of politics," "a private citizen " speaking to private citizens, and, to judge by the flavour of his speech, greatly enjoying that position. So, as a looker-on, does also Sir William Harcourt. Lord Rosebery also said, as an obiter dictum, something which, if they would only attend to it, would benefit a wider audience. Joseph Hume was a burgess of Stirling, and, said the orator, "we should be none the worse for a few more Joseph Humes nowadays. We are raising in Imperial taxation in time of peace—or in time of as much peace as our world-wide Empire is ever permitted to enjoy—one hundred and twelve millions sterling in Imperial revenue within the year without a voice, so far as I know, in or out of Parliament being raised on behalf of economy or to check the great, growing, and apparently illimitable expenditure to which Parliament pledges you and itself." That is a much-needed warning, though unhappily no one will attend to it. Even Scotchmen have ceased to be economical, and vote millions with easy minds, the consequence of which will be that some day, when the pressure of taxation is felt, the Ministry will be compelled to "retrench," and will leave the country undefended. Nobody is ever dismissed here except Tommy Atkins. The events of the week point, on the whole, to a certain exhaustion in the Amalgamated Society of Engineers, which has, it must be remembered, an army of workmen to main- tain. The masters have rejected the offered intervention of the Board of Trade, and the men on October 8th issued an appeal to Unions generally for help which is not without its pathos or its muddle-headedness. The former comes out when they point to their discipline and their sufferings, and urge that, as they have assisted many a struggling cause and deserving effort, they are now entitled to assistance from their brethren; but the latter applies when they plead : "Of four and a half millions passed through our hands over three millions have gone in the payment of sick and superannuation and accident benefit, in ministering to minds diseased, and in tiding our members over slack times. Our record is a practical illustration of the Christian precept, Bear ye one another's burdens.'" That is not so, unless, indeed, every insurance office is a Christian institution. The men buy the benefits their sick and disabled receive. There is no doubt the Unions generally will help the engi- neers, but only a State can maintain an army of non- producers. We fear that a melancholy prophecy in the same manifesto will prove true, and that even if the masters succeed, the result will be "sullen, dispirited, unwilling service." That is one of the many reasons why the masters should be lenient.

The fifth annual meeting of the Free Labour Congress opened on Monday in the library of the Memorial Hall, Farringdon Street. A Report was read, the main fact in which was that while in October, 1893, the number of members was only twenty-two thousand, in January last it had increased to a hundred and sixty thousand, and since then twenty-two thousand fresh names had been added to the list. The President, Mr. John Chandler, made a strong speech against strikes, pointing out among other things that the general strike of labour so often recommended would be felt first of all in the misery of the labourer. His hope was that "Free Labour would go band-in-band with Free-trade in an ever- expanding market," and then there would be universal prosperity. There will not be, for the idle, the incompetent, and the vicious, who together make up a multitude; and where is Mr. Chandler to find his ever-expanding market ? Will he sell goods to the people of Mars? The Congress passed a resolution strongly approving the action of the masters in opposing the " Socialism " of the Amalgamated Engineers, and another advocating the "formation of one comprehensive and far-reaching federation of the non-Unionists of all trades and occupations, skilled and unskilled, throughout the United Kingdom," which points to the establishment of a very strong Union indeed. It is quite right that men who object to Unions should say so, and combine to resist the tyranny of pickets ; but we disapprove talk of "armed emergency men," and seem somehow to perceive traces of unreality in the whole proceedings.

The Autumn Session of the Congregational Union, held during the present week at Birmingham, has been noteworthy for two things. It was opened by a very interesting address from Dr. Charles Berry, who placed in impressive contrast the broadening of theology, by which faith and scientific knowledge are being gradually "associated in bonds of peace and in relations of mutual service," with the "contraction of ecclesiasticism," which, notwithstanding "substantial unity in most of the Churches in respect of the supreme verities," dis- couraged hopes of any large measures of Christian reunion. The blame for this state of things, Dr. Berry appeared to think, rested little, if at all, with the Nonconformist, largely with the Anglican and the Roman. Yet he took occasion to dwell with much earnestness on the recognition by Christians of the office of the Church as a body, emphasising this against spiritual " individualists " not less than against an aggressive priesthood. It was a suggestive deliverance, with lessons for many. Unfortunately, its effect was much marred by the almost immediate adoption, amid cheers, of a resolution bitterly de- nouncing Anglican ritualism, and condemning the Archbishops for the weakness and "perversity" of their reply to the Pope's letter on Anglican Orders. We discuss this outbreak an another page.

Bank Rate, 3 per cent.

New Consols (2) were on Friday, 111f. •