IRELAND.

At a dinner given by the Lord Mayor of Dublin to members of the Corporation and a party of friends, last week, he said, in proposing the health of the Queen—" This very evening I have received a piece of intel- ligence from a most authentic quarter, which leaves it beyond all doubt that her Irish subjects will have the happiness of seeing their Sovereign in this country in the course of the summer."

A meeting of the Dublin Town Council was held on Saturday, on the requisition of Alderman O'Connell, 'to petition Parliament for an equaliza- tion of the Irish Municipal law with, the English Municipal Act; Sir Ro- bert Peel having announced his intention to alter the act for Ireland. Be- fore the business of the day, the Lord Mayor read a letter from Mr. Lucas, stating that the Lord-Lieutenant did not think it expedient to abolish the Court of Conscience, the only court open to the lower orders, and exe- cuting a summary jurisdiction in cases where the matter in dispute does not exceed 40s. in value; but his Lordship would be ready, " with the consent of the Privy Council, to new-model and reform the present court in the manner prescribed by the Municipal Act, and under the regulations contained therein; the Lord Mayor for the time being, or his deputy regu- larly appointed, to be, in the first instance, the judge of the newly-modelled court, without prejudice to any subsequent application by the Town-Council to his Excellency to nominate and appoint a barrister as permanent judge." Mr. O'Connell had no doubt that the Council would be unanimous in the most grateful expression of their thanks for the determination of the Go- vernment, although the law precluded them from formally voting upon any subject at that meeting except upon the one for which they were convened. Proceeding to the business of the day, Mr. O'Connell reminded the House that the Irish Act was far short in popular character of those given to England and Scotland; and he enumerated several points on which he thought that it ought to be assimilated to the English act—

He thought that they should have the appointment of Sheriffs, as in England. He thought they should have the power of recommending persons to the Lord-Lieutenant to fill the office of Magistrates; and also that they should be empowered to exercise a control over the Police. He did not want the Corporation to have the entire control of them, but to have some control over them. The Corporation should exercise over the Recorder's Court in Dublin the same description of control and influence which was exercised by the Municipalities of England over similar courts existing in that country. The Corporation should exercise a control over the paving, lighting, and cleansing of the city: if this privilege were conceded, the citizens would be saved at least one third of the taxation which they now have to pay. In England, every citizen who pays the poor-rate, which also includes the borough-rate, (if any,) is entitled to vote for members of the Town-Council: but in Ireland, no man can exercise the municipal franchise who is not rated to the poor-rate at 101.; and there are seldom less than eight or nine taxes to be paid, and sometimes as many as twelve or thirteen. The effect of this is, that fully one-third of those who would otherwise be burgesses are kept from the rolls. This is a great evil, and should most assuredly be remedied. Mr. O'Connell concluded by moving that a petition be presented by the Lord Ma or to the House of Commons, praying that the Municipal institutions of Ire- land be placed upon the same fooling as those of England.

The motion was seconded by Sir John Power. It was supported by Dr. Maunsell, a Conservative member of the Council; who concurred in almost everything said by Alderman O'Connell; retracing his list of points, and expressing his concurrence on each— Touching upon the Police, he said, that he was so firmly convinced of the ne- cessity for self-government in a nation like this, that, conscious as he was of the services of the new Police, he would prefer a return to the system of " ancient and discreet constables " elected by the people, rather than have the standing army in disguise now existing under the name of a police; a standing army, with- out a mutiny act, not paid by Parliament, and only controlled by the Crown. The only point on which there would be a difference of opinion between him and the learned Alderman was the question of franchise. He did not know how that could be regulated fairly, so that the portion of the citizens who were usually re- Eysented at that Hide of the House could he adequately represented in the Council. There were only eleven or twelve out of sixty Members, and he did not otineider

that a fair representation of the Protestant—be would not say Conservative= party. He thought that some arrangement ought to be made and could be made on the subject Alderman O'Connell reminded Dr. Maunsell, that at the commencement of the new act it was proposed that seven of the wards should be repre- sented by Dr. Maunsell's side of the House, and the other eight should by the opposite side. That offer was ma de and refused, Dr. Maunsell said, " It was very foolish to refuse." Alderm an O'Connell referred to various other attempts to give the Conservative party a more extended representation in the Council. Eventually, the motion was adopted.

At the meeting of the Repeal Association on Monday, Mr. O'Connell began by declaring that the " call of the House," of which Mr. Hume has given notice, would not be obeyed, and would not be legal. He alluded to past triumphs of his own over Sir Edward Sugden and others, at the time of the Clare election, to prove that he was a trustworthy authority in law; and he rested his opinion of the illegality of the call as extended to Ireland on a consideration of the Act of Union—the most bungling pieceol legislation ever concocted to bring disgrace upon a legislature and ruin upon a people—

In fact, they were in too great a hurry to put it together to take any care bow they drew it up; and the consequence was, that it stood on the statute-book a sag

instance nal nstance of blundering and incomprehensible legislation. The act of the 11-1 Parliament of '82, declanng that no power on earth save the Sovereign of Great Britain and the Irish Houses of Lords and Commons had power or authority to make laws for Ireland, was still unrepesled and in force on the statute-book; for those concerned in framing the Union Act did not take the trouble of repealing it. The new legislative body created by the Act of Union obtained no privilege or authority over Ireland but that which it acquired by the express words of the statute. The proposition could not be disputed, that the present British Parlia- ment had no power, prerogative, or authority for legislative purposes, over this country other than the powers reserved to it by the Union statute. It could not have any power over this country at common law; for the institution of the Imperial Parliament did not go beyond the memory of man. He remembered the passing of the act himself, and one of his first public acts was to oppose it. The Imperial Parliament being a fact within the memory of man, it was clear it en- joyed no power by prescription or in virtue of immemorial usage, or any other than what was defined within the four corners of the Union statute. The British

Parliament might have power to issue warrants in England, i

but he utterly denied that they had any such power in Ireland. If the Court of Queen's Bench in Eng- land were to send a warrant into this country against a person for contempt, it would expose itself to ridicule and laughter. Just so it was with the British Par- liament. And for his own part, his resolution was already taken: he would not obey any such warrant. There was but one contingency. which could induce him to obey; and that was, the use of force by any one in resisting it, or any ill-treat- ment of the persons employed to serve the warrant. His course, then, would be plain. The moment the Sergeant-at-Arms approached him armed with Mr. Speaker's warrant, and told him lie was authorized to arrest him, he (Mr. O'Con- nell) would desire him to carry his authority into operation by laying hold of him as his prisoner; and when that was done he would apply to the Court of Exche- quer for a writ of habeas corpus. He would not go to the Queen's Bench, for the Chief Justice knew as much about constitutional lawas he did about Arabic or Gentoo. He would apply, therefore, to the Court of Exchequer, and try, the question fully and legally; but he supposed it would scarcely be considered ad- visable to give him the opportunity of doing so. He was not alone in the deter- mination he had formed of not going over until that question was decided; for all the Repeal Ilepresentatives then in "Dublin had come to the same determination. Mr. O'Connell adverted to the subject of the new Government measure for the establishment of Colleges in Ireland. He said, that he should stre- nuously oppose any premature expression of public opinion; awaiting the decision of the Bishops, to which he promised deferential obedience; for the principle of Catholicity vests in the Episcopacy the superintendence education, and he trusted soon to see an authoritative decision on the matter by a Synod of the Episcopacy. Meanwhile, ho uttered his indi- vidual opinion. After complaining loudly against the maintenance of the monopoly of Trinity College, he took various exceptions to the plan— The Irish people were to have three Colleges: one at Belfast or Derry; and that would necessarily be a Presbyterian institution, for they had taken care to leave in the hands of the Synod of Ulster the appointment of four Theological Pro- fessors. The Presbyterians, therefore, were to be properly attended to; which was quite right and quitejust, and carrying out the principle for which he contended. Trinity College, Dublin, was under the guidanceof the clergy of the Established Church: the visiters were the Archbishops, Bishops, and persons of high dignity in that Church. Thus, in Trinity College, the instruction of Protestants was properly, attended to; and by the new act Presbyterians were to have their reli- gions doctrines amply represented and provided for. But what was to become of the Catholic youth? There was no religious instruction intended for the Catholic College. There was no provision for religious education for the College to be esta- blished in the South of Ireland: on the contrary, the principle laid down was, that there should be none. But that principle was violated in the case of Belfast, and in that of Dublin College. It was a most extraordinary scheme, and he was astonished at the flippancy with which Irish Members expressed their approval of it. The pupils were to be at large, exposed to all the vices and temptations of a large town, removed from the control of their parents, and not compelled to sub- mit to the authority of their clergy or Bishops. The Professors had no power over them, except to see that they attended lectures,—which perhaps they might avoid by paying a fine. Morality was totally wanting in these godless acade- mies. He agreed with Sir Robert Inglis in calling it "a gigantic scheme of god- less education." Mr. O'Connell went on to condemn the plan, on the ground that the large salaries given to professors and others would hold out inducements to apostacy or indifferentism in men nut subjected to religious control. It was as idle a plan as ever came from the lips of man, and should receive no direct sup- port from him; but, on the contrary, he would give it every negative oppoeition in his power. What did he propose? Let Trinity College remain as it was; let the Protestants of the Establishment have the full use of the College, and let the Presbyterians of the North have full control over the education of their children. But he wanted two other Colleges, one in Cork and another in Galway; and let the heads and professors of these colleges be appointed by the Catholic Bishops of the dioceses in which they were situate, and be subject to their authority and control. Mr. Dillon Browne and Mr. John O'Connell concurred. Subsequently, Mr. Davis, a member of the " Young Ireland " party in the Association, ex- pressed dissent to some extent from Mr. O'Connell on the subject of the proposed plan— He approved of the bill, because it did not endow any form of sectarianism,-- (" Belfast!" from Mr. O'Conaell)—and because the endowment conferred on it NMI very liberal; but he disapproved of Government interference with the situa- tions in the College, and of the absence of any form of theological instruction. Hp declared himself in favour of a mixed system of education, such as was proposed by the plan.

Mr. O'Connell and Mr. Clements briefly combated that view. Among other business, a petition to Parliament was adopted, for assimilation of the Municipal Corporations to those of England; Mr. O'Connell retracing the ground that he had traversed at the discussion in the Town-Council: and a third report was presented from the Committee on the Tenure of Land Commissioners' Report, recommending a variety of measures to improve the condition of Ireland.

The rent for the week was 4211.

The Committee of the Repeal Association have issued a report recommending that Mr. O'Connell and his fellow prisoners hold a levee at the Rotunda on the 30th of May, the anniversary of the day when they were " falsely " imprisoned; that an address lie there presented to them; and that afterwards Mr. O'Connell be conducted by a great procession to his own house. A meeting of St. Patrick's Ward, Dublin, was held in O'Neill's Fields. on Sun- day, " for the purpose of petitioning Parliament for a repeal of the Union; to commemorate the triumph of the Repeal Martyrs; and to make effective arrange- ments for the collection of the Repeal rent." In extent, the assemblage amounted to a monster-meeting, for Mr. O'Connell reckoned the numbers present at 50,000 or 75,000. The speaking was as trite in its nature, the concourse as unanimous, twat any Repeal meeting for years past.

The Reverend Michael F. Jennings, of Abbey Convent in the county of Gal- way, has written a letter to Dr. John Gray of the Freeman's Journal, corrobo- rating the denial which that gentleman gave on the spur of the moment, at Exeter Hall, to an assertion by Mr. Paul, that Mr. Jennings had forbidden the reading of the Scriptures and had denounced " Bible-readers." He says—" I have never forbidden persons to read a true copy of the Bible with approved notes."

' A Belfast paper gives a most flourishing account of the extraordinary and rapidly increasing prosperity of that place; trade being particularly brisk, new factories growing up, and improvements taking place in every direction.

It is announced that all the respectable booksellers of Dublin will close their houses of business at seven o'clock in the evening during the summer season.

The Dublin Evening Post says—" The Reverend Dr. Burke, Parish Priest of 011leumel, has subscribed 500/. towards the establishment of a parochial ponr- &hoot in that town. On presenting this most munificent subscription on Sunday last, this admirable priest said, It came from you, my friends; and I only hold any property I possess in trust for the poor of my parish: my family shall never have any legacy from me.'"