PRESENT POLITICAL STATE OF SWEDEN.
THE subjoined paper is addressed by a Swedish gentleman to a friend in England. The writer is an accomplished man, who commands the very best position for observation; and we believe that his view is impartial. It is seldom that so complete a political synopsis falls among newspaper correspondence.
You complain in your letter, that in England you get nothing but scraps and fragments of information about foreign affairs, and tell me that you would be glad to hear how our King "works," and whether he fulfils the expectations I had con- ceived of him. Further, you ask me to let you know something about our repre- sentative reform. It would require more time and space than I can at present command to place you thoroughly as fait with regard to the present political state of Sweden: I can but offer the following sketch.
King Oscar has hitherto not only fulfilled our expectations—he has shown him- self to possess qualities which one had hesitated to ascribe to him as Crown Prince. Everybody knew that he was mild, benevolent, and kindhearted; without ostentation; frugal, yet to the indigent generous; a dutiful son, a kind husband, an excellent father,—in short, that he possessed almost all the virtues of private life. It was known also, among his personal friends, that he had become, es- pecially since his marriage, very laborious and fond of reading, and that he VMS a friend to Liberal opinions and measures. He had shown great ability as a mili- tary man, and been successful as an author on various subjects—Corn-laws, Mu- nicipal Corporations, Prison Discipline, and War. Already, from his youth, he had been a good musician, and acquired a taste for the fine arts. Yet, with all this, there was a fear among his most devoted friends that he would riot prove eminent as a king. It was supposed that he was rather weak in regard to the opinion of the day, and afraid of the " qu'en dira-t-on ?" It was also feared that'he would begin his reign with Radical measures, but not have enough strength of cha- racter to persevere under the strong opposition which such a course would call forth. He was regarded generally as a benevolent theorist rather than a prac- tical statesman; and those who knew him least suspected his Liberal professions to be merely the usual mask of a Prince Royal.
It is now a year since King Oscar's accession to the throne; and that time will, I sinecnly hope, form but a very small part of his reign: it is early, therefore, as yet, to judge of him as a king; but he has hitherto won general approbation
from the whole nation except the Ultra-Radicals and Ultr -Conservatives. King Oscar has formed his Ministry in the meet conscientious manner, by select- ing e best men he could find. In these, as in all other official appointments, he seems to have paid no regard to private 'friendship, rank, wealth, or connexions. Ifis conviction of the man's fitness for the place has been his only guide. He has ps been too scrupulous as regards some persons known to be his private ds; hardly any of these have received public appointments. A wit has applied to the King the story of old Professor Ausivillius at Upsala, who was so conscientious that no student who rented a room in his house could ever get from him a higher certificate of examination than " approbatur," of third-rate `value among the certificates usually awarded. His predecessor, Charles John, acted in this respect on quite opposite principles: all places were given away as a matter of favour; on these occasions therewas hardly ever any question of justice. The only qualitynecessary with him seemed to be" de- Tenement," the being " tm des notres. Next came the " anciennete," ss likely to give least offence, and make most functionaries satisfied. He seemed to think everybody fit for everything; or, as might perhaps be more correctly expressed, 'nobody but himselffit for anything. This was the great man's worst fault. The cansequence, a general want of ability among the employes of the Administra- tion, was, however, not so much felt in his reign. It was hardly to be expected that an old man and a foreigner, not even acquainted with the language of the country, (Charles John,) would undertake any efficient reform. The case is now otherwise. The longer one has been waiting the more one ex- pecM. Nobody, not even the Ultra-Conservative, is quite satisfied with things as they are. But there is hardly a statesman in the country. At least, there is no one who has had an opportunity of making himself known, and gained public
i confidence as such. The old King's rule was "Divide et nvent." This has caused a general disorder and want of obedience in the different departments of Administration. Under these circumstances, our Eng has no easy cards to play. He is the only one looked up to, and with justice; for he is I believe, the man who adheres most steadily to principles, and takes the largest and most liberal views in the Council. He is firm without being obstinate. Accessible to every- body, he is a patient and cairn hearer of all opinions, but afterwards ready to come to a decision: this once resolved upon, he stands by it. His word once given, you can rely upon it with more certainty than upon the parchment deeds of others. He never employs subterfuge. In short, he is open, true, and just. It is a blessing to live under such a sovereign; and every friend of mankind must wish success to theexperiment (for so I fear it must yet be called) of a reign devoid of cunning, jobbery, and every artful means whatsoever. For my part, I do hope that the world is ripe for such government The statesmen of the old school, however, are of opinion that there is far too little of the devil in Oscar the First to make what they call a wise King: they laugh at the idea of applying " IA morale 5. k NWT:a'
I said that King Oscar is firm, but not obstinate; and will now give you some examples of his conduct. He entertains a strong conviction oft he injustice of the punishment of death, and refused therefore in the beginning of his reign to sign any death-warrant But he called together an assembly, consisting, in ad- dition to his Cabinet Ministers, of the members of the Supreme Court of Justice and of the Law Commission. He then took the opinion of each member upon the Sweden. or rather the necessity of still maintaining the punishment of death in Sweden. All the members of this assembly declaredthemselves (on different grounds) for the maintenance of the punishment of death. The King then said, that although still unconvinced by the arguments, yet, as he felt it his duty to pay respect to what he had then heard as the expression of opinion on the part of the most enlightened portion of the community, he would give way. It is said that he has refused to allow any money to be employed in subsidy to a newspaper in behalf of the Ministry; saying, " No ; let everybody write as they please. We mean nothing but what is right; and Tam persuaded that that which is right will find defenders in the press without a salary." He has been heard to say of the remarks of the press on his own measures "In this theyare right; we have been mistaken "; or, Here they are wrong; we willpersevere, whatever noise they make. The measure is good, and the clamour will subside after a time." I will now mention some of his measures as a king.
.You have already heard, I presume, of the manner in which he noticed the protest of the Prince of Wass on his accession to the throne,—viz. by abolishing the law of 1812, by which all intercourse between Swedish subjects and the house of Wasa was forbidden.
He likewise, immediately on his accession, placed the Norwegians on that foot- ing of equality with the Swedes in regard to the royal arms and title,' and na- tional flag, which the spirit of the act of union enjoined, but which the Nor- wegians had hitherto laid claim to in vain. The periodical press had been subject since 1812 to a particular kind of censure called " indragningsmakt," or
wer of suppression. This power of the Government has been relinquished by Oscar. We are henceforward to have triennial instead of quinquennial Dar iaments. By a law of the 19th December 1844, most of the " fora privilegiata" have been abolished. By a law of 28th November 1844, several troublesome regu- lations affecting foreigners travelling in Sweden have likewise been abolished. By law of 21st March 1844, all lotteries in Sweden, as also the sale of tickets in foreign lotteries, have been prohibited. The Government has proposed to the States now assembled, among other things, the adoption of a new criminal law; of which the King in his speech observes, with justice, " that he has found its principles in accordance with the loftiest aspirations of the age "; and that " its regulations showed respect to the dignity of man, joined to a due strictness in the punishment of crime "—the abolition of slavery in the Swedish colony of St. Bartholomew, and the erection of a National Museum.
In Sweden the nation cannot be said to be divided into any distinct parties. The great bulk of the people, the middle classes, as likewise the richest and most enlightened parts of the nobility, have no recognized political leaders. If, for the sake of distinction, I designate those here enumerated by one common appellation' of the Centre, there remain two other parties, which I may call the Ultra- Conservative and the Ultra-Radical. Of these two, the former is by far the strongest and the most united. The Radical party is hardly anything but a faction. At the opening of the Diet in 1840, there was a very general though temporary dissatisfaction with the old King, arising principally from some prose- . onions of the press, and the supposed undue influence of some unpopular men. A portion of the Liberals availed themselves of this feeling to drive out of office the whole of the then existing Alinistry, to effect some changes in the constitu- !ion, and to form all the Committees (ntskott) so as to give a Liberal tendency to moat of the measures of that Diet. It was evident that the Centre had been roused into momentary activity, and, so long as it kept moving, was all-powerful. In the mean time, the Conservatives took fright: they set to work to rally their forces, and, with the assistance of a large part of the " bureancratie," which ad- hered to the former Ministers, they formed a compact party; and, by dint of flat- tering the old King and his favourites, had in May 1840 already acquired so much influence, that when some vacancies in the Ministry should be filled up, this was done in such a manner as to compromise the dignity of the whole Ministry. Two of its most effective members, Count Posse and Baron Stjenaeld, retired soon after; And the reaction went on gradually as long as King Charles John lived. His death changed the face of things. Ring Oscar dismissed several of the old lirmibters, and chose new men out of-the "Centre." The nation was delighted, the Conservatives in consternation, the Radicals on the " qui rive." Such being the position of affairs inJuly 1844, the Diet assembled. The great question now was, would the Estates adopt the bill proposed by the Committee of 1840, for a reform . a King at lion-war and Sweden, In Norrnstan state-acts, instead of Sweden and )torway. in the representation? The King had declared that be and his Ministers would observe perfect neutrality on this subject until it should have been decided by the Estates. He wished, ke said, to know the opinions of all the Representatives upon this question, and not to have his own.opituons reechoed by any of them. A few and but a few of his friends knew, and still know, what the King's own opinion is. Both the Ultra parties tried to induce him to act in their interests on the occasion, but in vain. The 28th August was the day when the question was to be decided. The Nobles threw out the bill, by a majority of 450 against g2; the Clergy followed in the frame track, with 49 votes against 7; the .gberei and fronnausters passed the bill, by a matitaity of 47 against It; and the Peasants like- wise, by 89 against 14. A great deal has been written for and against this bill, but very little anti 4m- partiahty and calmness of view. Some of the worst articles havoheen sent to your English papers, and thence reimported for insertion in out.• Conservative journals, in order to show the Swedes " the opinion of the English nation"upon the subject. You remember, perhaps, that according to some of those articles, the bill was nothing but the offspring of the wildest sans-cukttism. This was made out by the grossest misrepresentation of the real enactments of the blll- such, as a man should have been ashamed to insert in a Chinese news- paper; though it has formed no obstacle to the impudent reproduction of these very articles in the Swenska Biet and Swenska Minerva on the presumption, I imagine, that the good folks who base their political creed upon those papers would spare themselves all further trouble in investigating the details of a measure so stigmatized. It would be a tedious and uninteresting task were I now to enter upon a minute statement of the particulars of the bill. Suffice it to say, that some of our wisest, most respected, and wealthiest men have voted, or otherwise de dared themselves, in favour of it. For myself, I confess I did not approve of it on its own absolute merits, but solely with reference to our actual very faulty system of representation. The author of the bill had, no doubt, given an undue influence to our peasantry, and too little to the middle ekeses This would have been a bulwark against excessive .taxation, but at the same time an obstacle to progress in various legislative matters. • You know that as soon as a man has any thing to lose, be generally is Conservative on all subjects which he does not understand: and he is no doubt right in acting so; but they are wrong who give the ignorant too much influence ni the legislation of a country. The bill left.also inother respects a good deal to be wished for. Yet it would have been a step in the right direction; and—when shall we take one now? Let me try to answer this question. The present Diet is certainly one of the worst we been had in Sweden for a long time. Party-spirit, class-interests, selfishness, ignorance, and narrowness of view, have seldom had a more unbridled sway. The patriot might indeed despair were he obliged to think that the present representation expressed the opinions of the country. But, thank goodness, it is not so. The chief reason for a change in our representative system is, that one never can calculate with any certainty on a conformity of opinion between the four Chambers of the Diet on the one hand and the enliplitened and influential part of the indent on the other. There are good reasons for believing that this conformity is more than usually. deficient at the present Diet The Ultras on both sides were very active in getting their friends up fast summer. The happy, moderate, and busy Centre, did nothing in this way. The King and his then but half-formed new Ministry were likewise passive. In consequence of this, the Conservatives mustered in great strength among the Nobles and Clergy, and have some clever and active men liaising the Burghers and Peasants. The Radicals got in some Peasants, whom they can manage. The relative strength of the parties is about as follows. The Ultra-Cen- servatives beaded by M. Von Hartmansdorff the Archbishop of Wingard, the Burgomaster Legerwren, and Peasant Strinellimd, and represented in the premby Swenska Minerva and Morgonen, late Swenska Biet, command two-thiids of the Nobles, three-fourths of the Clergy, one-twelfth of the Burghers, and one-eighth of the Peasants. it is odd enough, that although fear is the principal tie which unites this party, it finds its chief support among old Generals and young Lieutenants. The Ultra-Radicals have but a member or two in each Chamber; and I abstain from offering any names, lest I might commit a mistake. This party is for ever calling out for reforms, but almost always against such as have any chance of being carried. This circumstance, and the private character of some of its leaders, has given rise to the suspicion that the party are not bona flele, but enter- tain subversive or Legitimist plans. hi trade, it is of Prohibitive principles; and here, as in some other points, it agrees with the Conservatives. Less on account of any conformity of opinion than perseeal connexion and the talent for political intrigue of M.Sh. Sandstrom, who acts as Clerk in the Chamber of Peasants, the Ultra-Radicals, an many questions lying beyond the port& of these good fellows, command a majority in this Chamber. The Centre, as I have before said, fortes no party. But it may become one at any time under the influence of fear lest either of the others acquire too much power, or whenever the " gros bon sew' of the nation is shocked. On such occasions it is easily made to move for a time, and generally in a contrary direction. At the Diet of 1840, the Centre bad a leaning towards Radicalism, as well as its most disting-uisbed members and its chief organs of the press, Aftanklarlet and Dagliyt Allehanda. At the present Diet, there are of the Centre, about one-third of the Nobles, one-fourth of the Clergy, eleven-twelfths of the Burghers and Ironmasters, and one-fourth of the Peasants. In general, the Centre at this Diet is far less Medically inclined than at the last. Its fraction among the Nobles, consisting of the middle-aged men in the House, its richest, most independent, and enlightened members, is of course more Conservative than the fractions in the other Chambers. Thus, the Centre May be divided into Centre Dreit and Centre Gauche. yet the difference is as yet not broadly marked. The whole Centre now generally votes with the Ministry, unless some member feels bound by former declarations in a contrary sense. The Ultra, Conservatives, although vehemently opposed to all the Liberal measures of Govern- ment, are always ready to grant money out of the pockets of the people; be
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themselves almost all of them, public functionaries deriving their chief main- tenance from the public purse. You can easily conceive, that .parties being as I have described, there is Tittle hope of the four Chambers coining to any agreement this Diet concerning a bill for representative reform. A discussion took place upon the subject lately. The Nobles and Clergy were for reinforcing the four Chambers with a fifth, to consist mainly of ca-devant or actual public functionaries; and for effecting some alterations in the machinery of the Diet. The Burghers were in favour of a modification of the bill of 1840; and the Peasants were for calling the whiile bill into life again. The chief point of disagreement is the election—whether to take place according to class or not. The Nobles and Clergy will not give up the class-representation; the other two orders insist on its abolition. There is at present no prospect of either party, if left to itself, giving way on this point-in fair and peaceable concession. Government, however, Kill, I suppose, soon find it necessary to take the reform in hand, because nothing can in fact be done with a representation despised by the whale country. In that case, I do not think it will be difficult to bring the matter to a more satisfactory issue. Should the Ministry embrace the Liberal side, the opponents, consisting almost entirely of public functionaries, cannot very long make a stand against the nation headed by a popular Government. At all events, the fruit is not ripe yet. Nor do I blame Ministers for not having taken any step at this Diet beyond that of declaring the necessity of reform, and expressing themselves strongly against the present systtm of representation. It is but during the last few years that there has been any serious public: discussion on the more important topics connected with the sub- ject- kuhlie enlightenment has, to be sure, advanced wonderfully fast; yet the true and great principles must be allowed to gain more ground ere the Ministry, as such, steps forward to indicate their practical adaptation.
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