NEWS OF THE WEEK.
THE Reform Bill has been reported, without amendments, falsely so called, numerous as were the amendments threatened. Mini-
sters have agreed to give Carmarthen and Pembroke an additional member each ; and, by way of balancing the increase of county members, Ashton and Stroud have been placed in Schedule C.
These are real amendments. Scotland may now confidently ask
an increase of representatives, and so may Ireland. Mr. DUNCOMBE has lost his motion for placing. Aldborough in Schedule A; it still stands in B, a foul blot in a-fair measure. The Duke of NEW- CASTLE will give Ministers neither vote nor thanks for their super- fluity of justice.' The third reading commences on Monday ; and will probably last two or three nights. Before the end of the week, the Bill will be read a first time in the House of Lords ; and on the Monday or Tuesday following, comes the tug of war between the units and the millions!
In both Houses during. the week, there have been, besides "the Bill," a variety of topics touched upon, and some discussed. Mr. HUNT has at length made his motion on Corn—not roasted. In the course of his speech, he announced a discovery in economics which Mr. MACCULLOCH will do well to note—it seems the land- lords can fix rent at any sum they like. We hope no one will in future talk of them as grasping : taking this fact into considera- tion, they are the most moderate set of men in Christendom. • The Irish* Church has been alluded to. Mr. HUME thinks it ought to be given up at once. Mr. HUNT will not consent to have the tithes touched until the abbey-lands are surrendered. Mr. SHAW says that if the Government cease to support religion, the people will cease to care about it. An Irish Protestant must, it seems, be carried to heaven without expense, or tie will book for another quarter. .
Lord_AnrnortP does not mean to do any thing for the Press this year, but •he intends to do great thinvs for it next year. In the mean time, the newspapers may libel Ministers as much as they please : if they do so With a stamp, they are assured of tole- rance—if without, of forgiveness.
Mr. SIBTHORP'S motion on Monday, for declaring the reporter of the Times guilty of libel, in adding a laughing chorus to his speech, was lost. For this attempt of the member to maim the Times, the Times has determined to cut the member.
The. Wine-duties Bill has passed the Commons. It has been twice discussed, by anticipation, in the Lords ; and may be ex- pected next week to furnish matter for a third discussion. Indeed, the affairs of Portugal, now that Belgium is as good as settled, very properly engross a large share of their Lordships' attention. Lord ABERDEEN has been quite pathetic, and Lord LONDONDERRY ,poetical, on the wrongs of poor clear DonMiouEa ; and the former -still threatens more last:worda on the interesting subject. :Last' night, Lord MELBOURNE introduced a-bill for permitting -farmers to protect their farm-yards and out-houses by spring-guns :and Man-traps. The bill may operate in terrorem to strangers, .and. may occasion death or damage to the ignorant or the negli- .gent.. It seemed to be generally conceded last winter, that " Swing" was' neither a stranger nor uninformed in respect of those whom he !visited.
1. THE REEinur BILL. Lord JOHN RUSSELL, in moving the ,order of the day for considering the Report of the Committee on the Reform Bill, mentioned the alterations which it was proposed to make in the Bill at:the present time, as well as those which it was meant- to move. at a future period of the discussion. The former were partly verbal. Where " township " or " parish" oc- curred,. i( was proposed in certain cases to substitute " town." This was rendered neceasary in consequence of the enlarged powers now given to the Commissioners. The period when the registration was, to commence was conditionally fixed for the 1st November, a etate•which was no longer applicable. He proposed to change it to the 1st February. This alteration of date necessarily called for other alterations.
It was provided in time Bill that all the poors' -rates and Assessed Taxes which should have become due previously to the 1st day of July in the present year, should be paid up previous to registration, where the right of voting was in respect of rent, in order to enable the voter to commence registration on the 21st August. Ilis Majesty's Ministers thought that it would answer their object as well if the 6th day of April were inserted instead of the 1st day of July. There was also a proviso which Ministers proposed to add to the Bill, on a point on which the honourable member for -Worcestershire had asked him a question in the Committee, and that related to the power of the Sheriff to hire a house for election purposes, instead of erecting booths. The Sheriff would in future have the power to hire a house, or to erect a booth to take the pull, as he might think ex- pedient. It was proposed to give one additional member each to Carmar- then, which contained 96,000, and to Denbigh, which contained 76,000 inhabitants. To balance this increase of county members, it was at the same time meant to give two members to Ashton- under-Line, and two to Stroud and Minehinhampton. Further than these, Lord John Russell added, Ministers contemplated no alteration or addition, nor were they prepared to admit of any. To a question of Mr. GOULBURN, Lord ALTHORP said that he hoped the House would get through the Report so as to take the third reading on Monday next. A desultory conversation ensued ; in the course of which Mr. C. FERGUSSON observed, that by the alterations last proposed, a greater proportional representation was given to Wales than to Scotland, where the county members had been reduced from thirty to twenty-eight.
The order of the day having been read, the Speaker observed on the rule of procedure, that before any amendments were made in the Report, it was necessary that the amendments in Committee should be read a second time.
The amendments in the clauses, as far as the 22nd, were then read a second time. In that clause, Mr. A. Taman, moved a pro- viso, extending the distance to twenty instead of seven miles, within which existing voters must reside in order to retain their votes. On the suggestion of Mr. CROXER, the amendment was not pressed. Lord ALTHORP explained, that the seven miles were to be reckoned from the nearest part of the borough.
On the clause which fixes the Commissioners (clause 23rd), a lengthened discussion took place. Mr. CROXER said, he objected, on public grounds, to several of the names, but would not urge his objections until the third reading.
Mr. SIBTHORP objected to members of the House being Com- missioners.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, one of the members selected (Mr. Littleton) had voted for, and one (Mr. Davies Gilbert) against the second reading of the Bill. Sir RICHARD VYVYAN spoke against the Bill generally. He had hitherto abstained from taking any prominent part in this Bill, because he believed that Ministers would never be able to carry it, or to make it a permanent measure. If they had wished for a sound plan of reform, they might have one more general and simple,—one embracing Inure of the property of the country. Time plan they had proposed was full of the most glaring anomalies ; but none were greater than that of naming a commission, to say who should, or who should not, have the • right of voting. He would state his belief that this Bill would never pass into a law. (Cheers from the Opposition, echoed from the Ministerial benches.) But if it should,pass, it would be by resorting to measures so strong as had never before been resorted to for any political purpose; for unless the principle of vote-making, on which: this commission was founded, were extended to higher places—unless the plan of faggot-votes were adePted—:the Bill would .never pass. But if this were adopted, what would be the opinion of the country ? When inquiry should be made, why this man or the other had been raised from what they were to what they ShOuld then have become, and to what, from the very nature of the circumstances out of which the change in their station had arisen, they could not lon,, enjoy,—the answer would be, that they were Faggot Peers who were made 'for a particular purpose, and who could not be expected to enjoy their elevation for more than a year or two. He repeated his conviction that, without some faggot-votes elsewhere, the Bill would never pass; amid even then, if it did, it would be necessary to have another bill, to give the people that which this Bill professed to give, but which it would never confer—a full, fair, and free representation in Parliament. On the names being read over, Mr. SIBTHORP formally objected to Mr.Iittleton, Mr: Gilbert, and Mr. Wrottesley (son of Sir John Wrottesley), as being members of Parliament or'sons of members. Lord INGESTRIE seconded the motion for omitting these names.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, the member for Staffordshire had been named because he was a person who could apply his mind most usefully to the object of the commission. Mr. Davies Gilbert, .who had lately. been President of the Royal Society, Was a .man more eminent, in this country and in foreign countries, for his sci- entific pursuits, than for any degree of party zeal or party, spirit. It had been propOsed to put Mr. Frankland Lewis and Mr. Sturges Bourne in the list of Commissioners, but they declined acting, He replied to the prognostications of Sir Richard Vryan,...
Sir Richard Vyvyan, in the warmth of his dechunistion, had reMinde& them of what had been said by him on the last day of the last Parliament, when he had uttered a prognostication, as if he was influenced by a pre- .sentiment of that rejection which he met with from his constituents. He had thought fit to attack the Ministers of the Crown, on these nomina- tions, forgetting what other members more temperate and sedate were aware of—that these Commissioners had not the absolute power of de- ciding the boundaries of counties; that their office was merely to make a report, and on the adoption of that report by both Houses of Parliament, and an address to his Majesty, those boundaries and limits would be settled, not at the will and pleasure of the Commissioners, but by the de. liberate adoption of their report, and its confirmation by his Majesty and both Houses of Parliament. Sir Richard had travelled into other sub- jects, and uttered other prognostications. He had said that this Bill would not pass ; that was his affirmation ; Lord John would meet it with an affirmation on the other hand, that the Bill would pass. (A loud cheer burst from the House, which was echoed from the gallery, with a slight clap- , ping of hands.) " The difficulties," continued the noble Lord, " I admit, are still great, but the feeling of the country in favour of the Bill con.. /limes unabated. (Renewed claws.) I trust, therefore, as well to the in- herent merits of the Bill (" Oh, oh !" from the Opposition), as to its adop- tion by the country, that I shall see this Bill soon pass into a law. But I v611 not be seduced by any remarks or allusions which the honourable Baronet may make, in the height and summit of his indiscretion, to enter into discussions as to what will be its treatment in the other House of Parliament ; where, when it shall have passed this House, it will go to re- ceive that consideration which it will deserve, seeing that it will come from a House of Commons elected by the people, called, as they had been, to elect a House of Commons on the special ground of Reform. I say, coming from a House of Commons so elected, and in which this Bill has received a deliberate consideration, I am sure it will obtain in the other /louse that consideration which is due to a question supported by such authority, and coming from such a body, backed by the feelings of the country. I am sure, much as the honourable Baronet and his friends have tried to vilify this measure, and to diminish the benefits which we say 1011 flow from it, that a Bill which has obtained the approbation of the llouse of Commons, of the Government, and of the country, deserves to be passed into a law." (Long-continued cheers.)
After some interruption on the point of order, Sir RICHARD VYVYAN was permitted again to address the House. Having remarked on the clause under discussion, and the appeal to the people of which Lord John Russell had spoken, Sir Richard Trent on—
In the last Parliament he bad said that it was his intention to propose some measure of reform ; what that measure might have been,—whether the enfranchisement of large towns, or the disfranchisement of what were called rotten boroughs,—he had not made up his mind : he should have been guided by the opinion of that House. But the appeal had been made ; the King's Ministers had set themselves at the head of a move- ment which had never been paralleled before in the country. The time vas, therefore, past for resisting a change in the representation ; but it was now the object of those who were anxious for the safety of the coun- try, to introduce a principle of permanency—a system of Reform which should not oblige Parliament to quail before a seditious assembly, to pro- vide some security to property, and to the remaining institutions of the country. This was his apology for saying that he would now go to a much greater extent in reformt ban before this Bill had been introduced. The Bill now before the House contained as many anomalies as the old system which was complained of; and in no instance were those anomalies more gross and flagrant than in the clause under consideration. It was no doubt satisfactory to gentlemen who approved of the Bill, to hear that it would pass and receive the Royal assent ; and some were led to bug themselves with the idea that they could terrify those whom they could not persuade. This was the course pursued by the organs out of the House. It was difficult to say that the Bill would not pass into a law: the power was now in the hands of his Majesty's Government, and they were charged with a more fearful responsibility than any Government : lie believed the power was in their hands, and they might decide by a single dash of the pen whether it should pass into a law or not. Minis- ters incurred a terrific responsibility, and they should take care lest they annihilated a body they attempted to increase. He feared they did not perceive the position—the tremendous position—in which they stood at the present moment. Let-persons of high rank, however high their rank and power might be, bear in mind, that that rank and that power were supported by those who considered they existecrfor the advantage of the country, not for themselves ; it was possessed by the few for the benefit of the many. If he had no other reason for making these remarks than -what was now passing on the other side of the water, they were suffici- ently justified. This appeared to be a time when change and innovation were dominant from one end of Europe to the other.
Mr. H. GURNEY said a few words on the fairness of the list of Commissioners ; in which Mr. BARING concurred, while he ob- jected to the power lodged in their hands. Mr. HUNT spoke strongly against the Bill. The people, he said, cared nothing about it, neither did he. As for the Lords, there was an attempt to bully them into the passing of it. If he wee a Lord, he would for that single reason vote its rejection.
Ultimately, Mr. SIBTHORP, on the suggestion of Mr. CROKER, withdrew his motion, and the clause, together with the five that follow up to the 29th, passed without amendment.
The amendments of the Committee were proceeded with on Wednesday night, as far as clause 44th, without observation. On clause 45th some conversation took place, but that clause also was ultimately agreed to.
The amendments in the various clauses being finished, Alder- man•Woon offered a clause calling on the clerks of Companies in London to 'sh lists of the Liverymen ; which was agreed to. ;Mr., ered a clause for including the Lincoln free- hold th'iof the Witham in Lindsey, and those in the gout 013 but withdrew it, with a notice that he would agaiAhe third reading. The same member afterwards offer- : tirdisqualify persons holding Government offices ; whic - tion of Mr. CROKER, he also withdrew.
L amendment, giving an additional member to Den.- rthen, was then moved and agreed to, in the fort' 1+. to clause 13th. The provisoes at the end of claus.- c0:44th were omitted, as unnecessary. These, and a few more additions and amendments strictly ver- bal, having been agreed to, the House reverted to the amendments in the schedules, which had been left for consideration after the amendments in the clauses were disposed of. Mr. T. S. BUNCOMBE, pursuant to notice, moved that Aldbo- rough be transferred from Schedule B to Schedule A. Sir W. INGILBY seconded the motion.
Lord JOHN RUSSELL said the case was simply thus—
His Majesty's Ministers had, in framing this schedule, adopted a well. known rule ; and as that rule excluded from this schedule all boroughs which had more than 2,000 inhabitants, this borough obtained the benefit of that exception. It was true that Aldborough in the first instance stood in this schedule ; but it having been subsequently represented to Minis- ters that by adding the borough and the parish together, the population would amount to more than 2,000, and they having found, on consulting the population returns, that that representation was correct, Aldborough was excluded from Schedule A, and transferred to Schedule B. Beyond that statement he had little to say why Aldborough should not be included in this schedule.
The motion of Mr. BUNCOMBE was rejected by 149 to 64.
The Marquis of CHANDOS'S motion for transferring Evesham from Schedule B to Schedule A, was,. after some conversation, withdrawn.
On Mr. CROKER'S motion for striking out Downton from Sche- dule A, the House divided: when the motion was rejected by 96 to 43.
On Thursday, in answer to a question of Mr. STUART WORT.. LEY, the LORD ADVOCATE said, it was intended that the Scotch Bill should be made to conform to the alterations which the English Bill had undergone in passing through the House.
The Speaker proceeded to read Schedule B. Mr. PUSEY objected to Dorchester ; and Mr. DENISON objected to Guildford's being included in the schedule. Mr. HERRIES ex- pressed a hope,—which, however, Lord JOHN RUSSELL assured him would be disappointed,—that the case of Guildford would be conceded on the third reading. No division took place on these cases, nor on any of the rest.
The schedule being concluded with its amendments, Lord AL- THORP moved the addition of Ashton-under-Line and Stroud with Minehinhampton to Schedule C.
On the question being put on the former, Sir CHARLES NVE.. THERELL exclaimed against the inconsistency of those who could support a bill in which so many alterations had been made. He was astonished how Members could reconcile it to their con- sciences to sanction a measure which differed in every letter from that to which they had been sworn to their constituents to sup- port. Sir Charles was anxious to know why, while Chelsea and many more important and populous places were neglected, Ash- ton-under-Line or Stroud should be selected as objects of Minis- terial favour ?
Lord ALTHORP replied, that Chelsea had not been put in either schedule, simply because it was not wished further to augment the number of metropolitan members.
With respect to the honourable and learned gentleman's taunt of the sup- porters of the Bill not possessing the freedom of their own judgment on its provisions, it was perhaps enough to remind the House of the fact, that while many of these pledged supporters of the Bill had divided on more than one occasion against Ministers, the—he supposed he must say —unpledged gentlemen opposite moved in such close party alliance that they never even by accident had voted with Ministers in any of the nu- merous divisions which had taken place during the progress of the Bill. (" Hear, hear !") Lord EBRINGTON said, he was one of those who had pledged himself to his constituents to support the Bill. But was it to be borne, that for thus acting consonantly with their own opinions, and in furtherance of the wishes of their constituents and the general weal, they should be taunted, as if so doing were a crime, and that, too, by Sir Charles Wetherell, who had no constituents to whom to pledge himself, who was notoriously the mere nominee of a peel., and who, as such, was as much, indeed more, fettered and tied down to a particular line of conduct as he would fain insinuate the pledged support- ers of the Bill were ? (Continued cheers.) Mr. GOULBURN said Lord Ebrington himself had till very lately sat as the nominee of a peer ; a rebuke on that account came with an ill grace from such a quarter. Lord EBRINGTON admitted his former subjection ; but he had never, when the nominee of a peer, ventured to censure gentlemen who had pledged themselves on the hustings to a free constituency. Several other members spoke in vindication of the support they had given to the Bill. Lord GEORGE LENNOX remarked on Sir Charles Wetherell's description of the Bill as a farce. The people of Sussex, Lord George said, were universally convinced that the opposition to the Bill, in which Sir Charles had been chief actor,. was a farce, and a very dull one. The conversation was terminated by Lord JOHN RUSSELL; who observed, that as both sides of the House stood pledged to-be exceedingly angry on the third reading, it would be as well if they agreed to treat the subject with good humour now.
The amendments of Lord Althorp were then agreed to. Mr. CROKER repeated his motion for separating Workington from Whitehaven, but no division took place. The -remaining schedules were agreed to without observation. The Bill was then ordered to be engrossed and printed with the amendments - and the third reading was fixed for Monday—for which day Ar. O'CONNELL had previously moved a call of -the House. Lord JOHN RUSSELL gave notice, that, in a fortnight, he would introduce a hill, strictly connected with the :Reform Bill, for the- better preventing of bribery and corruption at Elections. 2. FOREIGN RELATIONS. In the House of Lords, on Wednes- day, Earl GREY stated, that the papers respecting Portugal, which were so anxiously desired by the Marquis of Londonderry, were in a state of forwardness. The opinion of the Judge Advocate would also be produced, accompanied by the case on which it was founded. This, however, was done as matter of favour, and with the concurrence of the Judge Advocate, and was not to be drawn into precedent.
Lord ELDON corroborated Lord Grey's views, that legal opinions were not to be called for as matter of right.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY hoped Government would be able to make out a case for their conduct towards Don Miguel, which he considered to have been disgraceful. He loo`eed on the conduct of the French in carrying away Dorn Miguel's ve-sels to be most discreditable; they would, as soon as they reached Brest, be manned by French sailors, and probably employed in further aggressions on their former owner. The Marquis went on to as- sert that Dorn Migael had strong claims on England; it was the Miguelites, the Royalist party, that had assisted England to drive the French out of the Peninsula ; he had served with them, and knew their value. He would ask, for what purpose two Eng- lish line-of-battle ships had been sent to the Tagus ? Ile wished to know if any new grievances had occurred at Lisbon, to require their presence ? The Marquis said he could prove, on the testimony of Sir John Campbell, that there was no cause for such an expe- dition. The Marquis justified his attack on Mr. Hoppner. The letter of Sir John Campbell, was sent to Sir Herbert Taylor three months before. Sir John had done all that he considered to be his duty, in first applying to Government ; and that done, he had a right to ask of any member of Parliament to bring the matter under public consideration.
If their Lordships believed the statement which had been made by Sir John Campbell to Sir Herbert Taylor, they must come to the conclusion that the proceedings of Mr. IIoppner were any thing but proper. It was Earl Grey himself who was alone mistaken. He wished to state that, as he would not allow any Minister to say he was mistaken, or that he had made a statement which he could not prove. He thought it necessary to say so much, to defend his character in these times, when persons were disposed to asperse the motives of those who had the determination to do their duty.
Earl GREY said the noble Earl seemed to feel very indignant that any one should suppose that he could be mistaken: now all men were liable occasionally to make mistakes ; it was happy for the noble Earl that his superior intelligence raised him in this re- gardabove the common lot of humanity. (A laugh.) His Lord- ship went on to observe on the letter of Sir J. Campbell to Sir Herbert Taylor, which he said he had not seen when the case was formerly mentioned by the Marquis— It was a mere private communication, not of sufficient importance to be brought forward. It was very different from the letter which had come under the inspection of the noble Earl—it only contained some general observations and a very high panegyric of the conduct and private worth of Dom Miguel. Earl Grey confessed that its statements did not create in his mind any high opinion of the accuracy of Sir John Campbell. Sir John was not himself cognizant of the transactions. He must have re- ceived his information from others, and could not be considered good au- thority in this case.
In answer to the Marquis's question about the twoline-of-battle ships sent to the Tagus, Earl Grey said, that complaints had been made by the English residents in Lisbon and Oporto, and also by the English commander in the Tagus. With respect to future questions from the Marquis of Londonderry, Earl Grey said, if the Marquis persisted night after night in putting questions which ought not to be put, and being put ought not to be answered, the only proper way of meeting them would be a determined silence. The event would show, when the papers on the subject of Portugal were produced, that the information of the noble Marquis, and on which he so confidently relied, was founded on mistake.
It might be in the recollection of the. House, how confidently it was stated, on a former occasion, that French ships were retained in the Ta- gus, for the purpose of overawing the Portuguese government, and forc- ing that country to concede great commercial advantages to France. When, however, a letter was written to the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, he expressed the greatest surprise, and disclaimed any such in- tention.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY complained of Earl Grey's per- sonality; he did not think such conduct creditable to his high station. The Government might be silent if they chose, but he would not abstain from putting such questions as members of the Rouse were accustomed to put.
He would now ask, whether the tone of the Government had not been changed in consequence of the questions which he had put, and by the part which had been taken by noble Lords on his side of the House ? He wished to know whether the noble Earl had not changed the high opinion which he had entertained of French honour ? He thought he had. He hoped he would also change his opinion of Portugal, and reestablish our relations with that country.
Earl GREY denied that he had uttered any personality or un- parliamentary expression. He also denied that the Government had derived any advantage in the conduct of their foreign policy from the Marquis's interference.
He would assure the Marquis, that what had passed with regard to the affairs of Belgium, had not been owing to any thing which had fallen from him. The Government had not changed their policy ; they had gone on as if he had never given an opinion on the subject. The Mar- quis might flatter himself that he was counsellor for Foreign Affairs from the Opposition benches, but Earl Grey would only say, with regard to his advice, that if perchance it did coincide with his own, that fact would form good grounds for him to reconsider his opinions.
The Marquis of LONDONDERRY repeated his charge of per- sonality, and its unworthiness of Lord Grey's station and dignity. He repeated, also, that it was he that had prevailed on Ministers to change their policy towards Belgium. He wished that the Prussian and Austrian Ministers, who had urged Lord Grey on that subject, had urged him, with similar success, on the subject of Portugal.
Lord BROUGHAM left the woolsack to defend Mr. Hoppner front the Marquis's attacks in his absence.
It was an observance dictated by right feelings and by sense of justice in both Houses of Parliament, to abstain from all attacks upon men thus circumstanced, and who could not defend their official conduct, because the scene of that conduct necessarily kept them far distant from the scene of the a` tack. This measure of justice was meted out alike by friend and adversary—men neutral or indifferent.
He commented on the nature of the evidence on which the de- parture from the rule in the case of Mr. Hoppner was justified by the Marquis of Londonderry. The noble Marquis had a correspondent (Sir J. Campbell) in the Por- tuguese service, and of the Mignelite party ; and all his party zeal against Mr. Hoppner, inflamed only by Mr. Hoppner's determination to do his duty and protect his count ry from the tyranny- and violence of the Mi- guelites, was absorbed by the noble Marquis, became a part of his sys- tem, and agitated his whole frame. Such a witness or such a judge of any man's conduct he had seldom seen appealed to. 'l'he Lord Chancellor knew nothing of Sir John Camobell excepting by his letters. Of those to the noble Marquis be could not well jiidge having heard them only partially ; he vet could form some notion Of Sir John's capacity as an arbiter of official merit, by others which he was better acquainted with. Of the letter to the nol,le Marquis he would only say, that whatever might be the wisdom of its contents, its address betokened very little discretion. (" Hear, hear !") But the other left Sir John's unfitness to judge Mr. Hoppner out of all do'.ibt. He said there were six thousand persons in Miguel's dungeons. " But what of that? Whose fault but their own was it ? Why had they made themselves unpleasing to Dorn Miguel ?" And the parallel case to -which he wisely referred in vindication of this enormous outrage was the imprisonment of Prince l'olignac in Ham Castle ! Prince Polianac, who was there in execution of a regular sen- tence, and a mercifuCone, after being accused of the foulest treason, pub- licly tried by his peers, solemnly convicted by evidence, and leniently sen- tenced by the court that tried him. This was the case which Sir J. Campbell sagely deemed the same with that of six thousand, or he might rather have said, thirty thousand persons, torn from their beds by night, and swept from the streets by day, and flung into dungeons, unsentenced, unconvicted, untried, unaccused—in utter ignorance of the charge against them
Lord Brougham expressed his astonishment at the sensitiveness which was displayed to any attack en Dora Miguel—at the zeal in his defence which As exhibited. Nothing in the former his- tory of party warfare equalled it. It surpassed his comprehen- sion how the desire of attacking a Ministry—how even the de- sire of attacking Earl Grey's Ministry—should show itself in so singular a shape.
" I have," said Lord Brougham, " been a party chief, and given suck to faction ; (Laughter.)
'Awl know how tender 'tis to love the babe ;
Yet could I tear it smiling. in my face, And dash the brains out,
sooner than he won and coaxed to give it for its rattle the praise of Dam Miguel, of whom, meaning to say no evil, I must of necessity say no- thing ; but, of the class he belongs to, I may speak in the words of one than whom no one could paint a tyrant more expressively. ' A tyrant,' said the great orator, ' is one quo non ullum monstrum, nee fcedi us, nec tetrius, neque dis hominibus que magis invisum terra genuit, qui quern- quam fornia hominis tamen immanitate morons vastissimas viucit "
The equanimity with which the Marquis of Londonderry bore what he called the personalities of Earl Grey, belied his descrip- tion of the pain they occasioned. But did the conduct of the noble Marquis afford no provocation to personalities ?
What did the Marquis think of a constant charge against Ministers, of degrading the country under the feet of France ? Was that not per.. sonal ? degrading did any man in the House, the Marquis only excepted, think of the assertion that the Marquis was the mover of all the Minis- terial measures ; that Ministers were mere tools in the noble Marquis's hands—that he inspired them—that their whole foreign policy was the dictate of his sense and wisdom ?
" Spiritus intus alit, totosque infusa per artus Mens agitat molem et magno se corpore miscet."
Lord Brougham went on to notice a more serious charge against
the Marquis— He and some of those he acted with were constantly using topics of irritation towards France, and doing all they could to plunge us into war: this seemed their sole object, their ruling desire. Was a member to be selected for attack—a point of onset to be chosen ?Friendly disposition. to Prance was the chosen theme of abuse. Was a charge to be pointed, and rendered more fatal than all the rest ?—The disposition to conciliate our great and powerful neighbour was the burden of the accusation. Now, in this country, it might signify less, where the disposition of the Parliament and people, and the weight of the noble Lord's authority, were better known. But the prophet having more honour out of his own country, his language was in France believed to be of serious import. Men saw a noble person, of high rank and connexion, frequently ad. dressing the House, and always to the same points of invective, irritation, and hostility. The noble Lord, too, was a leader of the Opposition party in that House, and it was thought he spoke the sentiments of his followers. The Lord Chancellor, as much as any man, abhorred all idea of base truckling or submission to France, or to any foreign Power. But be saw no spirit of aggression there : he was rejoiced to see a spirit of peace and friendship prevail, and he deemed it his most sacred duty to meet it in the cordial feeling of mutual goodwill. France and England friends, might preserve the peace of the world. (" Hear, hear !") Let France be irritated into warlike courses, and the whole human race is cursed with war. (" Hear, hear !") That it would be popular in the House and in the country to break the peace, seemed the notion of some noble Lords ; butit was none of his. On the contrary, he believed the Minister who rushed heedlessly into war, would certainly forfeit his popularity, as he assuredly deserved to lose his head. (" Hear, hear ! ") HL could assure their Lordships, that the speeches in that House alarmed all our ,friends. in, France, and they were the best friends of peace. He could read private letters, as well as official ones, to prove the effects ,daily produced by these inflammatory discussions—those cavillings at our neighbours and their rulers. He was anxious to lift up his voice in solemn protestation against such perilous topics. He utterly denied that those who bore their heedless part in them, spoke the sentiments of any portion of the British people. He should not regret the trouble he had now taken and Oven to their Lord- ships, if it gave him the occasion he cheerfully seized, to utter this declaration in the face of the Parliament and the country. He de- sired it might go on his authority and on his responsibility, to France, where he knew it would carry comfort to all true friends of France and England, and peace, for they were the same party and the same persons. (" Hear, hear.") It was with unbroken comfort and unspeakable delight that he pronounced the proposition, alike interesting to the country he be- longed to and the King he served, and served all the more faithfully for proclaiming this truth—that the Minister who plunged the country into war would be overwhelmed with the loud, universal, unn paring. execration of the whole English, Scotch, and Irish people. But that execration, he added for himself, would not be more loud, our more universal, nor more unsparing, than such madness and such wickedness well deserved from the wh sic of that united people. (Cheers.) The Marquis of LONDONDERRY objected to condemning Dorn Miguel until he was tried. There could be no doubt he was King of Portugal, whatever quarrel they might have with his title. The Marquis said he was no scholar, and could not quote so well as the Chancellor. That noble Lord would be the Cmsar of the House-
" And bestride this narrow world Like a Colossus, while we petty men
Walk under his /eng. legs."
(Great laugh/cr.) He really believed the noble and learned Lord was brought to that house for the purpose of assisting; those who, when questioned, wished to be silent. (Cries of " Otyler !") No sooner was a question asked, than the noble and learned Lord started up from the woolsack, and took his position between it and the Opposition side of the House, for the purpose of—
Lord HOLLAND called the Marquis to order ; but the Marquis went on notwithstanding to repeat what he had repeated twice be- fore—the Ministerial truckling to France, the disgraceful robbery of the fleet of Don Miguel, and the personalities to which he alleged he had been sun jetted. No one replied to this fifth speech of the Marquis, and the con- versation in consequence dropped.
3. LIBERTY OF THE PRESS. A discussion of some length took place on this topic, on Thursday, when a petition from Mr. Car- penter, editor of the Political Letter, was presented by Mr. HUME.
.Mr. Hume quoted the opinions of the present Cabinet on the act Goth Geo. III. cap. 9, under which Mr. Carpenter had been
prosecuted; and adverting to the opposition that the act received from them at its passing, expressed his astonishment that they `should stand forward to carry it into execution now. He described Mr. Carpenter as confined to bed—to his death-bed Mr. Hume believed—while his wife and family had no means of supporting themselves.
Mr. O'CoNNELL supported the prayer of the petition, which was for the remission of the fines of 2441. 5s., for his inability to pay
wlfich, Mr. Carpenter was imprisoned. He observed, that the Political Letter was not a blasphemous nor seditious publication. It indeed violated the law, but its author was ignorant that he had done so. He was a person in all respects worthy of having the Royal prerogative of mercy exercised in his behalf.
Sir FRANCIS BURDETT concurred in the sentiments expressed by Mr. Hume and Mr. O'Connell. He expressed his belief, that the present Government would take the earliest opportunity of altering the law, so that information might be accessible to every one, and particularly to the lower classes.
Mr. WARBURTON observed, that among other effects of the present law, it supplied the poison, but denied the antidote. The blasphemous and seditious penny publications now circulating would meet with a ready refutation if the law allowed them to be met on equal terms. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL having observed that the case would, no doubt, receive its proper consideration, went on to state the facts.
He found the prosecution instituted when he came into office. After the institution of the prosecution, and while he was in office, Mr. Car- penter published a prospectus, in which he declared that be could and would evade the law. This was a tolerably bold declaration of war, and if Mr. Carpenter had proved successful in it, others would have followed his example, and a very serious loss to the revenue would have been the Yesult. He had therefore thought it right to carry on the prosecution, as a matter materially affecting the revenue. The first subprena which had been served upon Mr. Carpenter ran in the name of George the Fourth, instead of William the Fourth ; and this technical error rendered it ne- cessary that other proceedings should be taken. During the time which elapsed, Mr. Carpenter went on publishing his Political Letter. He be- lieved that no gentleman who was at all conversant with the law on this subject, and who had seen Mr. Carpenter's publication,. could doubt for a moment that that publication came under the description of a news- paper. In the prosecution, it was necessary to proceed against Mr. Car- . penter for two offences against the statute; the first was, for not using the regular stamp, and the other for not making the prescribed affidas:t at the office. By the decision which was given against him, Mr. Carpen- ter incurred penalties to the amount of many thousand pounds; but the Attorney-General had taken only one penalty, because the decision of the question, and not the punishment of the individual, was his object ; and be did not until this moment know that Mr. Carpenter was not in a situ- ation to pay the penalty. Sir Thomas concluded by expresiing a wish that the question of this law should be brought forward in a direct shape, and he would do his duty by it as independently and with as much ardour as any other. member of the House. Lord &THOU observed, that Mr. Hume bad mixed up the state and effects of the law with the peculiar circumstances attend- ing the case of the petitioner. " With regard to Mr. Carpenter's case, all I can say of it at present is, that if the circumstances which have been now stated turn out to be cor- rect, I have no doubt that it will be taken into consideration. With re-
gard to the law, it was my intention, but for the course which the public business has taken, to have brought under the consideration of the House, in the present session, the subject of the consolidation of the Stamp-
laws. In dealing with that subject, I should have brought under consi- deration the amount and effect of the stamps at present imposed upon all organs of intelligence, and I should have proposed certain changes in the law with regard to those stamps. I need hardly observe, that, for the present, I am prevented from executing this intention. My honourable friend the Member for Middlesex has said that I opposed the Six Acts. No doubt I did as eagerly as any other member, and perhaps more eagerly ; for I believethatI was the only member who made a distinct mo- tion in opposition to those acts. My honourable friend does me injustice if he supposes either that I have myself forgotten the part i took upon that occasion, or that I am desirous that others should not bear it in mind. I am now, as I was then, most anxious that the liberty of the press should be protected to the utmost possible extent that is consistent with the pre.. vention of the dissemination of immorality, and the circulation of attacks upon the characters of private individuals. As to public men, I think, that as far as they are concerned, the press ought to be perfectly free and unrestricted. We take our situation in the face of the public, and put ourselves forward to undertake the regulation of public matters ; and if, in the discharge of the offices which we thus voluntarily assume, attacks are made upon our public conduct,. I do not think that we have any right to complain. It is very seldom that I read any attacks that are made on me. I do not think it a very aerceable occupation to read attacks upon oneself ; and therefore if I hear thatthere are attacks upon me I avoid reading them. At present, I have very little time for reading newspa- pers,—so little, indeed, that I am not aware whether I am attacked in them or not; but if I were, and if those attacks should come under my observation, I hope I should not mind them much. Sure I am, however, that my being attacked would not induce me to alter my opinion that the press ought nut to be restrained from censuring the public conduct of public men. I admit that private individuals ought to be protected by the law from being dragged into public notice, and having their charac- ters assailed in a newspaper ; but the prominent position which we as- sume before the public, and the forward line which we pursue in public affairs, ought, I think, to prevent our complaining, if our public conduct is visited with criticism, and very severe criticismItoo." (Lord Althorp sat down amidst loud cheerimr.) Mr. E. L. BULWER spoke of the moderate tone and good tend- ency of the Political Letter. He expressed a hope, from the tenor of Lord Althorp's manly and sensible observations, that all restraints would speedily be removed from the free circulation of political opinions. By this removal, and by it alone, it was that all permanent Reform could be effected. The petition, out of which the disCussion had arisen, was then ordered to lie on the table.-
4. BREACH OF PRIVILEGE. On Monday, pursuant to notice, Mr. SIBTHORP brought before the House the conduct of the Times for what he denominated a breach of privilege ; and moved that the printer should be ordered to appear at the bar. The breach of privilege consisted in the report of Mr. Sitithorp's speech on the passing of the last clause of the Reform Bill, which we copied
from the Times last week. Mr. TREVOR, who seconded the motion, noticed the attack of the Times on the Duchess of Kent, and what Ile called an attack on the House of Lords, which appeared in the same paper on Monday.
The reading of the reported speech by the Clerk produced at first a suppressed titter, and at last uncontrollable laughter. Mr. HUME expressed a wish to learn of what it was that Mr. Sibthorp complained—whether that his words were misrepresented, or of the interpolated remarks of "laughter" and " bursts of laughter." Mr. SIBTHORP said both his words and the manner of their recep- tion were greatly exaggerated.
Mr. HumE thought that to call the printer of a paper to the bar on a question whether the whole House laughed or only a dozen of its members laughed, would be to-turn the privilege of the House into ridicule.
Mr. O'CormELL agreed with the member for Middlesex, that such a vindication of the privileges of the House could only tend to bring them into question. The case was one which, if prose- cuted in Westminster Hall, would be laughed out of court. He advised Mr. Sibthorp to withdraw his motion ; but Mr. SIB mar only shook his head. Lord ALTHORP enforced the recommendation of Mr. O'Coiv- NELL, with equal success. His Lordship said, he recollected but one instance of decided laughter,—namely, when Mr. Sibthorp, in the speech in question, spoke of the Bill as passed too speedily. Mr. LAWLEY said, the report was an exceedingly accurate one, though the number of laughs might be exaggerated. Mr. SIBTHORP said, he would not only press the motion to a division, but would take the same method on every recurrence of the offence. The House accordingly divided; when there appeared—for the resolution 7, against it 73.
5. CHARACTER OF THE HOUSE OF PEERS. On Tuesday, in presenting a petition - calling on the House of Lords to pass the Reform Bill, Lord KING took occasion to observe, that if the Bill were rejected, the people might be led to ask, of what use a House of Lords was ? He was called to order by Lord WYN-. FORD; when he said that his reason for warning the House inthat strain, was, that he thought it had not much character to lose. This called up Lord Kioryorr and the Marquis of LONDONDERRY; the latter of whom moved that the words should be taken down. After an assurance, however, from the Lord CHANCULOR, that this could not he done agreeably to the practice of the House, as another speech had intervened, the Marquis withdrew his motion. Lord KING having, in explanation, repeated the expression, the Marquis of SALISBURY Moved that the words should be taken down then. The Lord CHANCELLOR again interposed; and Lord KING was allowed to finish his explanation ; which amounted to this,—not that their Lordships character was small, but that many of the people so esteemed it. The Marquis of SALISBURY ex- pressed himself satisfied; and the discussion ended with Lord WHARNCLIFFE'S assuring the House, that if the Lords rejected the Bill, it would not be from their love of the rotten boroughs, but from their love of the Constitution, and because they were not prepared to give way to clamour.
6. CORN-LAWS. On Thursday, Mr. HUNT brought forward his motion for a committee of the whole House for an inquiry into
the laws affecting the importation of corn, with a view to their total repeal. The principal points of.the member for Preston's
speech consisted of an address to the landed proprietors, in which he told them that the repeal of the Corn-laws would deeply injure their interests, and must be followed by a great fall of rents, a large reduction of tithes, and an equally large reduction of taxa- tion—a calculation of the amount which the difference of price in Brit:sh and Foreign corn cost the public in the course of the year, which he said was thirty-two millions sterling—an attack upon Mr. Benett of Wilts—and a quotation from an article in the Times newspaper of the 27th of last month, written, Mr. Hunt said, by a briefless barrister, who did not forget, while advocating the opi- nions of Ministers, that it was necessary to sell his paper. The attack on Mr. Benett was, that he had raised the rent of an estate, which was let forty-five years ago at G00/., to 1,S00/., while the wages of the labourers on it had only been raised from 6s. to 7s. Mr. Hunt admitted, that he did not expect that his motion would be successful then ; but he felt assured that it would be successful in the first Reformed Parliament that met, although Ministers seemed to be of opinion that it would not. Mr. JAMES seconded Mr. Hunt's motion ; which, he at the same time observed, was ill-timed, and had not the slightest chance of being carried. Mr. James went on to argue that—
England must ever be an importer of corn ; that any restriction on the importation of so great a necessary of life must act most injuriously upon the working classes in a double sense—first, in enhancing the price of bread; and next, in depriving the country of a market for the produce of their industry ; and that it would al5o have the effect of making foreign nations encourage native manufactures, which must be greatly injurious to our manufactures and our shipping interests.
He denied that the protection of the Corn-laws was necessary to the landed interest. Many of the imposts that peculiarly af- fected them had been removed. Mr. James added, that he was influenced by no self-interest in supporting the motion, but the contrary, for all his property was in land. Mr. BENETT replied to the charge made against him by Mr. Hunt. The same charge had been brought forward fifteen years before, and he was then at considerable expense in publishing a refutation of it. It was repeated four years ago, without the slightest notice of the refutation, which he then republished. The charge had now been made for the third time, still without notice of the answer, which he must therefore repeat. The facts were these —Mr. Benett had pad 10,000/. for the redemption of the great tithes, which he added to the estate in question ; he exchanged an estate of 5001. a year for tile vicarial tithes, which he also annexed to it. Thus, from the augmentation of the rent from 6001. to 1,8001., there was to be deducted 5001. per annum, and the in- terest of 10,0001., which, calculated at 5 per cent., left only 2001. for the real rise in the course of the forty-five years mentioned by Mr. Hunt ; in other words, for the money expended on the estate, Mr. Benett received an interest of 7 per cent. Mr. Benett con- cluded— He had no doubt that the question was now brought forward for the purpose of diverting public attention from the Reform Bill, or with the still more sinister view of persuading the farmers into the belief that a Reformed Parliament would not repeal the Corn-laws. Attempts of this kind were industriously made in the country to excite indifference or opposition amongst the farmers ; but the attempts would fail, as other insidious attacks upon that measure had failed. The farmers knew very well that a Reformed Parliament would best attend to their interests as well as to those of the other classes of the community. (Cheers.) Mr. HOME remarked on the extraordinary assumption of Mr. Hunt that the landlords could fix the value of-land as they pleased. They could no more fix the value of land than the farmer could fix the value of its produce. He said the change in the Corn-laws must be a gradual one : a sudden repeal would be most injurious to the country.
Mr. Hunt, he said, had made out no case, such as might be made in more judicious hands. He had given a meagre statement involving the most inaccurate calculations, and then branched out into numerous subjects which had nothing at all to do with the question. In fact, the motion, as brought forward by Me. Hunt, was calculated only to mislead and delude the country. Mr. Hume therefore moved the previous question.
Lord ALTHORP agreed with Mr. Hume, that this was the best way of meeting the motion, as it rendered an examination of Mr. Hunt's argument unnecessary, which, had a negative been moved, it would have been proper to enter on. Lord Althorp was i the more inclined to this mode of meeting the motion, as it was only for a Committee to inquire into the Corn-laws, not for a re- peal of them.
Mr. Huni, expressed a determination to press a division, if it were only to test the sincerity of Mr. Heywood, the member for Lancashire ; who had pledged himselt to support toe repeal of Inc Corn-laws, and in consideration of that pledge the working classes had subscribed 40e/. to defray the expenses of his election. Mr. HEYWOOD said, he felt strongly the impropriety of the re- strictions on the trade in corn ; and he also felt strongly the un- fortunate moment for discussing them chosen by Mr. Hunt. He was grateful to the working classes of Lancashire for the support alluded to, and happy at the same time that it was not needed, and that their subscriptions were in consequence returned. The House then divided: for Mr. Hunt's motion 6, for the pre- vious question, 193.
7. WINE-Dories. On the third reading of the Wine-Duties Bill, on Thursday, Mr. HERRIES spoke at length against its principle : he described it as one of the most unwise, impolitic, and ill-digested measures ever introduced into Parliament. Mr. Herries repeated the objections so often urged against the Budget, of which the bill in question was a part. Lord ALTHORP claimed at least the praise of relieving the coun- try from the Coal, Calico, and Candle taxes, by that Budget which Mr. Herries thought so objectionable. He had been compelled to give up several of the taxes which had been proposed as sub- stitutes for those that were removed ; and he could not afford to give up the revenue derivable from the equalization of the Wine- duties. The reduction of the duty on French wines would, as it was considerable, lead to an augmented consumption; while the increase of duty on Portuguese wines was so small that it could hardly lead to a diminished consumption. By the equalization, the public would have their wines cheaper on the whole, and yet the revenue would benefit.
A long conversation ensued ; in the course of which Mr. BRIS- COE took occasion to remark on the continued high price of coals. If there were no fall in the course of next session, he said he would move the reimposition of the duty, and the reduction of some, other tax instead. Mr. S. WORTLEY explained the cause why coals remained high: the truth was, the workmen had struck immedi- ately on the 'duty being taken off, and they had not yet returned to work. There was not nor could there be any monopoly among the coal-owners.
The Wine-duties Bill, into which this discussion on another though not very cognate heating material was grafted, passed without a division.
8. SUGAR REFINERY BILL. On Monday, on the order of the day for the House going into Committee on this bill, Mr. KEITH DOUGLAS moved as an amendment, " That the House do resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House,' to take into consideration the statements, calculations, and explanations, submitted to the Board of Trade, relating to the commercial, financial, and political state of the British West India Colonies, and printed by the House of Commons on the 7th February 1831."
The argument in support of the amendment was the general one, that to permit foreign sugars to be refined in England, had a tendency to bring down English sugars to Continental prices. 3fre Douglas said, if Government persisted in their present course of policy, he would consent to absolve the Colonies altogether from their allegiance to the Crown of England, that they might seek elsewhere a more advantageous protection than England afforded them.
Mr. P. THOMSON instanced the permission to introduce molasses and sugars into distilleries, as a proof of the disposition of Govern- ment to promote 1 he interests of the West Indians. He added, that no body could he more divided as to what species of relief should be afforded or denied, than the West India body them- selves.
Colonel TORRENS advised a more earnest and rigid endeavour at suppressing tile foreign slave trade, by settlements at Fernando Po, and the establishment of agencies at the mouths of the various African rivers.
Mr. Ronixsoer argued for a reduction of duty ; which Mr. HUME also contended for, on the ground that it was a Ivar duty, and ought not to have extended beyond the termination of the war. Lord-ALTHORP observed, that the amendment now hared was the same as was offered last session ; it was a resolution 'of delay, when the parties required some substantial measure. The West Indians would possess a monopoly of the home market as well under the bill as before. He had been quite willing to allow the planters to refine on the spot ; but he found the permission would be useless, as the whole of their machinery and establishments for that purpose had been broken up.
Mr. BURGE contended, that to permit foreign sugars to be re- filled in England, was, in reality, to encourage the importation of slaves into foreign colonies, after we had passed an act of Parlia- ment to abolish it in respect of our own. In consequence of their trade in slaves remaining free, foreigners, he con- tended, could produce sugar at one half of the price that we could ; and it was gross injustice to foster competition between them and our own planters. Mr. Burge requested Mr. Douglas to withdraw his motion, which was done, for the purpose of sub- stituting a motion for a select committee to inquire into the effects of the Sugar Refinery Act on the interests of the West Indies. • Mr. P. THOMPSON said, the object of the bill was simply to have those sugars refined. in England which were sure to be refined elsewhere if not refined here, and to compete equally with the sugars refined from West India sugars. It was sought to make England the workshop of the world in this as in other manufac-. tures. To show the utter groundlessness of the notion that the 'refinery Acts had seriously injured the West India planter, Mr. Thomson gave a statement of their working- . In 1828, after the first bill passed, the quantity of foreign sugar refined m this country was only 4,000 cwt. In 1829, when the act was in full operation, the quantity of foreign sugar refined was 9,072 cwt. ; the quan- tity of sugar the produce of British colonies refined was 8,000 cwt., and the quantity of British colonial sugar consumed was 4,013,000 cwt. In 1830, the total quantity of foreign sugar refined was 42,000 cwt., whilst the consumption of sugar, the produce of British colonies, was 4,604,000 cwt., and the quantity of British colonial sugar refined and exported was 1,032,000 cwt.
The House ultimately divided on Mr. Burge's amendment ; when there appeared—for the Select Committee, 73, against it, 77. On the House going into Committee, Lord ALTHORP was urged not to press the resolution where the majority was so small. Lord ALTHORP thought, however, where there was so captivating a motion and the House was so thin, the smallness of the majority was no reason for abandoning the bill ; which, if the amendment were acceded to, must be the issue, as there was no time for in- quiry at this period of the session.
The resolution that it was expedient to continue the Sugar Refi- nery Act for another year, was accordingly carried.
9. SortiNG-Guns. Last night, Lord MELBOURNE introduced a bill to repeal so much of the Spring-gun Prohibition Act as applies to farm-yards. His motion was grounded on the incen- diary acts of last winter, against a renewal of which it was most desirable to provide. It is the object of the present bill to allow spring-guns and man-traps to be set on the licence of two justices, regularly applied for, and issued after actual survey of the premises. The bill is for one year only, and will contain a heavy penalty against those who set guns without the licence described. [Lord Melbourne did not say why the penalty of the present act should not be applied to these, more than to other infractions of it, nor mention what kind of enclosures would be required by his bill. No notice can inform an ignorant person or a child, and stacks are often put up in open fields.] 10. THE DEACLES. Several petitions were presented last night, calling on the House of Commons to take measures for vindicating public justice in the case of these persons. It was mentioned by Mr. D. W. HARVEY, that Mr. B. Baring Meant next term to challenge the verdict, in which ease a new trial might be ordered, which it would be improper to prejudice by any extrajudicial measure. If no application were made, or if it were refused, it would then be proper for the House to interfere. Mr. C. FERGUSSON agreed with Mr. Harvey ; but at the same time o1 served on the unjust treatment Mr. and Mrs. Deacle had Mr. C. F. PALMER spoke of the difficulties of the Hampshire Moe-.gates when the committal took place.
Mr. PoNsoarav thought, if further proceedings were intended, it was unnecessary and improper to debate the ease then.
Mr. F. BARING thought, as prejudice must be done to some party by the discussion in Parliament, it should never have been brought forward.
11. THE IRISH MASTER OF THE ROLLS. A legal dispute has existed for some years between this officer and the Lord Chancellor of Ireland, touching the extent of their respective powers. Mr. NORTH presented a petition on the subject last night, praying that the Master of the Rolls should be permitted to bring the question to issue before a competent court, which he was at present pre. vented from doing by the Lord Chancellor. The opinion of the }louse seemed to he in favour of the Master's right ; and Mr. J. CAMPBELL expressed an opinion that Lord Plunkett would at once bow to the feeling of the House on the subject.
12. PUBLIC WORKS IN IRELAND. A conversation took place in the Committee on this bill last night, which led to a remark by Mr. H UME of some importance, and which, though new to Par- liament, has long been trite out of Parliament. Mr. G. DawsoN complained of certain appointments under the bill: he did not blame Ministers for serving their friends, but he thought they ought to do justice to their enemies also. On this Mr. HumEjob- served— The right honourable gentleman had talked of Ministers "serving their friends." God knows they did any thing but that. We saw every day that they were appointing persons to important situations who were known to he doing every thing in their power to thwart their measures. These appointments were the subject of general remark in public and private. He regretted to say it, but truth compelled him to state, that he had never witnessed a more incapable and mistaken notion of liberality than Ministers had displayed by appointing those who opposed them, and even took little pains to conceal their opposition. See what took place is Dublin the other day, where Government were defeated. If he were in power, he would get rid at once of half the official men who took an active part against Government on that occasion. What was now taking place in the counties ? Lords Lieutenant were heading the opposition to Government. (4 member here observed, that this was "from the Morning Chronicle.") Well, suppose it was. It was not the less true, and Minis- ters would do well to take a leaf out of the Morning Chronicle on that sub- ject. They would find there what was the opinion of the public with re- spect to their conduct. Some conversation took place on a clause of the bill which gives Grand Juries the power of advancing the money to be appro- priated under the bill to the relief of Ireland, for the making of roads. Mr. HUME moved as an amendment, that five years should . be substituted for ten as the term of repayment. It was rejected by 102 to 33. Another diiision took place on the interest clause: the clause was carried by 81 to 43. 13. NEWTOWNBARRY MASSACRE. On Tuesday, in presenting a petition respecting the Kildare Street Society, Mr. MAXWELL read a certificate from the surgeon who attended the funeral of- Mary Mulrooney, who was killed at Newtownbarry. The certifi- cate run thus- " That she died from the effects of a gunshot wound ; that a bullet had passed through her body, entering at the right hip, and passing out at the navel ; that there was no child protruding, nor was the said Mary Mulroney in a state of pregnancy ; that she had no other marks of vio- lence than the ordinary appearance of a gunshot wound ; the orifice of said wound not being by any means larger than just sufficient for the exit of the bullet ; and that it fs untrue that said Mary Mulroney was ripped open, either by a bullet or by any other means."
Mr. Maxwell did not state what conclusion he meant to draw from the fact that the female in question was not mangled as well as murdered.
14. Thom SYSTEM. Mr. Littleton's bill was committed on Monday. It was opposed by Mr. HUME, who moved the com- mittal that day six months, by Mr. O'CONNELL, Mr. PAGET, Lord a Somanssr, and Mr. LEADER ; and supported by Mr. STRICK LAND, Mr. RUTHVEN, and Colonel TORRENS. Colonel TORRENS wished the bill to be tried, although it was at variance with the principles he professed. The committal was carried by 68 to 24.
15. NEWFOUNDLAND. Mr. ROBINSON, on Tuesday, brought forward his motion for giving a legislative assembly to Newfound- land. He stated shortly the grounds on which the motion rested.
Agriculture was now discouraged in the island; and though the soil was fertile and productive of roots, the inhabitants were compelled to im- port even potatoes from America and Ireland. The people had nut even the power to make roads or to levy assessments for any purpose, and the colony was virtually in the state in which it was a century ago. England had all the advantages of a trade with Newfoundland, without any of the disadvantages of restrictive duties which attended her trade with her other colonies. There had been an excess of revenue in the colony for the last twelve years ; but the late Ministers had sent over there a civil establishment totally beyond any necessity of the case. The people of Newfoundland had likewise to complain that they had not been able to ascertain whether they had any right to fish off the French coasts, though the settlement of that question was of great importance to them. The colony now contained a population of between 80,000 and 90,000 resident inhabitants, and it was too late to retain the old policy by which their go- vernment had hitherto been misdirected.
Lord HowicK deprecated the discussion of such a motion, on a day which had by universal consent been set apart for bringing up the report of the Reform Bill. There were also local difficul- ties to be overcome, which Mr. Robinson had not sufficiently con- sidered. He therefore requested Mr. Robinson to withdraw the motion for the present, on the understanding that next session Go- vernment would be prepared with a plan of colonial legislature for Newfoundland, which would render it unnecessary. Sir J. NEWPORT, under these circumstances, advised Mr. Ro- binson to withdraw the motion.
Mr. HUME was of opinion that a local legislature might be as easily granted this session as the next. It was merely proposed to grant that boon to Newfoundland with its 80,000 inhabitants, which was enjoyed by Nevis and St. Kitts with their 8,000. Mr. C. FERGUSSON thought a select committee would be the better plan, as a preliminary to Mr. Robinson's motion. Lord ALTHORP repeated what had been stated by Lord Howick- The subject was at that moment, and had been for some time, under the anxious consideration of Ministers ; who expected to be able, if not in the present, certainly in the next session, to come forward with a mea- srre granting the colony of Newfoundland all such representative and civil institutions as were compatible with their colonial existence, and that local circumstances could permit. There might be a difference of opinion as to the means or form by which they hoped to attain this de- sirable object, as well as a difference between their machinery and that proposed by the honourable member ; but the end that both had in view was, he was sure, precisely the same. On this understanding, after some farther conversation,—in which Mr. LABOUCFIERE, Lord HOWICK, Mr. O'CONNELL, Mr. BURGE, and Mr. C. PELHAM took pact,—Mr. ROBINSON con- sented to withdraw his motion.
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