NEWS OF THE WEEK.

LORD MELBOURNE'S Ministry is set up again : by what means, under what conditions, and with what prospects, will appear in the course of this narrative. Our authorities are the speeches deli- rued by Lord JOHN RUSSELL and Sir ROBERT PEEL in the House of Commons, and by Viscount MELBOURNE and the Duke of WEL- LINGTON in the House of ,Lords.

When the old Minist6, resigned, it was by Lord MELBOURNE'S &MCC that the Queen consulted the Duke of WELLINGTON in pre- ference to all other public men : Lord JOHN RUSSELL offered no opinion to her Majesty on the subject, though it does not appear that he disapproved of the course Lord MELBOURNE recommended. The Duke Of WELLINGTON having, as he says, reflected on all the points, and especially " the Household," went to Court on Wed- nesday morning ; when " nothing there passed inconsistent" with the result of his cogitations; and the Duke, for reasons given, advised that Sir ROBERT PEEL should be placed at the head of the new Ministry. The Queen acquiesced ; but at the first interview informed Sir ROBERT that she entirely approved of the conduct of her late Ministry, and parted from them with 'great regret. This was not very encouraging to the Premier aspirant; but he assured her Majesty, that as he had been instrumental in placing her in difficulty, nothing should pre- tent him from tendering his best assistance. The Queen em- powered Sir ROBERT to select a Cabinet ; and on the next day, Thursday, May the 9th, he submitted to the Queen a list, containing the names of the Duke of' WELLINGTON, Lord LYNDHURST, the Earl of ABERDEEN, Lord ELLENBOROUGII' Lord STANLEY, Sir JOAN GRAHAM, Sir HENRY HARDINGE, and Mr. GOULBURN. The Duke of WELLINGTON was ready "to lead" in the Lords, but wished that his seat in the Cabinet should have no office attached to it: the Queen, however, expressed her desire that he should hold some important place, and the Duke consented. Thus far all went on smoothly; but on Thursday afternoon the question of the Household appointments arose. In discussing this portion of the arrangements with his prospective colleagues, Sir ROBERT PEEL had said that he should make no changes in the subordinate offices of the Household held 1, miles. Below the rank of a Lady of the Bedchamber he should , ;uire no removals; and with re- spect to the superior offices, he assumed that all difficulty would be prevented by the voluntary resignation of the ladies who held them. On this subject a verbal communication took place with the Queen, into the particulars of which Sir ROBERT declined to enter ; but he took care to place upon record a narrative of what passed between the Queen and himself, in the form of a letter to her Majesty, which he had obtained permission to read to the %Use. It appears that he stated his desire of regulating the household appointments in the manner most agreeable personally to the Queen ; and on her Majesty's wish being expressed that the Earl of LivisitrooL should be included in them, he immediately *Based that his Lordship should take the office of Lord Steward, Or any other he might prefer. Sir ROBERT tlICH'advanced a step farther, and proposed "to apply a similar principle "—the principle Of consulting her Majesty's predilections—to the chief appoint- ments which are filled by ladies. The Queen stopped him by the remark, that with respect to the ladies, she would admit no change Whatever . Subsequently, her Majesty stated that resolution to the Duke of WELLINGTON; and the Duke agreed with Sir. .ROBERT, that, if the Queen adhered to this determination the attempt to form a Ministry must be relinquished. The determination, consulted Lord MELBOURNE ; he summoned a council of his colleagues, at Which the matter was discussed ; and her Majesty was advised to send an ultimatum to Sir ROBERT PEEr, in the following note- " The Queen, having considered the proposal made to her yesterday by Sir Robert Peel to remove theLadies of her Bedchamber, cannot consent to adopt

course which she conceives to be contrary to usage, and which is repugnant to her feelings."

Three hours afterwards, Sir RonEirr resigned, and the negotiation ended.

Then the Queen sent for Lord JOHN RUSSELL : and in reply to a question distinctly put to him by her Majesty, Lord Jous de- livered an opinion that she was justified in refusing to displace the female part of her Household. Upon which the Queen ob- served, that as she " had hitherto given her support to the Admi- nistration," she hoped Lord JonN would consider himself bound to " support her Majesty in return." This is Lord JOHN Rus- SELL'S own account of what passed. The question of dismissing the ladies of the Household was again considered by the old Ministers, then formally reinstated in office, at a Cabinet Council ; and a " minute " recorded the deliberate judgment of " her Ma- jesty's confidential advisers," "that the Great Officers of the Court, anti situations in the House- hold held by Members of Parliament, should be included in the political ar- rangements made in a change of the Administration ; but they are not of opi- nion that a similar principle should be applied or extended to the offices held

by ladies in her Majesty's Household." •

The responsibility of the Queen's act was thus assumed in- the most formal manner by the restored Ministers.

A great deal has been said respecting the extent to which Sir ROBERT PEEL intended to exercise the power of changing the Household. According to Lord MELBouRNE, the Queen had re- ceived an " erroneous impression" on this point ; supposing that

more removals would be made, than it appeared were actually in- tended. But the question of degree is of minor importance ; for the Queen took her stand upon the ground that no changes should

be made in the female department; and the Duke of 'WELLINGTON declared, in terms far more explicit than Sir ROBERT PEEL, that

he would not take office unless with the "control" of the Royal Household ; that it would be a dereliction of duty on the part of any Minister to make stipulations or conditions as to the exercise of his power over the Household appointments, inasmuch as it im- plied neglect to give advice where it might be his duty to tender it. The Queen and her Whig Ministers on the one hand, and the

Duke of WELLINGTON on the other, are directly at issue on the constitutional principle; and the intention of' applying that prin- ciple in one case or in twenty, or any misapprehension on that point, is not properly sub life.

It is also beside the real question to pretend that regard to the Queen's private friendships ought to bar a Minister from altering the composition of the Household. Her private friendships are in

no way interfered with. If her Majesty has an affection for the Dutchess of SUTHERLAND, she may invite her to the Palace every

day : their social intercourse needs not be interrupted for an hour

in consequence of the appointment of another Mistress of the Robes. The Bareness LEHZEN may remain at the Palace as the

Queen's friend though the Ministry were changed every week.

Why ? because she holds no public office, performs no part of the State ceremonial, and is not paid; as the Dutchess of SUTHERLAND'

is, by the country, in order to keep up the dignity of the Court.- If such facilities exist for private communication, why, it may be asked, make such a point of removing the near connexions of po-

litical opponents from the Household? There are two reasons.

First, to deny the power of appointing to the Household, indicates a want of confidence in the Sovereign towards the Minister : it

would, undeniably, be so deemed by the public, and pro tanto would weaken his Government. Secondly, the refusal deprives him of very valuable patronage. This reason has not been alleged, but that it exists is certain.

With respect to the constitutional principle, we are informed that the highest living authority, on such questions pronounces

the Queen and her Ministers in the wrong. The Household ap- pointments are State appointments, for State purposes; and for them the Minister is held responsible. This reason, were there no

other' is sufficient for placing the Household under his control Lords MELBoinistE and Joint RussELL virtually admit that the con- stitutional-principle is against them, when they undertake the re-

sponsibility of the Queen's refusal to allow changes in the House-

hold. Were it a matter relating strictly to the Queen's private affairs or predilections, in which the Minister had no right to

meddle, there would have been no need of the Cabinet "minute." It is as much an interference to prevent, as to effect, changes; and. very promptly did the Whigs make that an affair of State which they declared to be one in which the State had no concern. By their own act they are out of court.

But "usage," according to Lord Jonis RUSSELL, is aga BERT•PEEL'S course. On the contrary, the " usage " principal members of the Household to "go out ters who put them "in." There have been exce

prove the rule ; and Lord JOHN RussELL did nsct ease when, on going back for a precedent to Quilt

he found that two ladies had not resigned offices ra till some time after their lords had retired from 'Vista:: vernment. It has not been the practice its more make a clearance of the Pa!me on a change of but the control of the Household has rarely been withheld from the Minister of the day. The accident of the govereign being a female does not alter the case. The law and constitution recognize no such distinction as that which Lord JOIN RUSSELL would set up. The Sovereign's powers are not extended or privileges curtailed ac- cording to the variation of sex.

Sir Ronsier PEEL'S justification rests chiefly, after all, upon the reasonableness of the demand. It was most unreasonable to expect that he should acquiesce in the continuance of the wives and nearest relatives of his political enemies in public appointments of the first distinction and great influence at the Queen's Palace. Would the Whigs be altogether satisfied to see Lady GRAHAM, Lady STANLEY, and Mrs. Goyim-as:, in the places now occupied by the Dutchess of SUTHERLAND, the :Marchioness of NORAIANBY, and the Countess of IluaLissolass; ?

The position in which the Queen has been placed excites un- pleasant reflections. Had she yielded to the requisition Of the Tory leader and permitted some changes among the ladies of her Household—not the " ftiends of her youth," but the decorations of her establishment—no offence could have been taken by the Liberals : and had there been, which we see there was not, any harshness or domineering behaviour on the part of' the Duke of WELLINGTON and Sir ROBERT PEEL, public sympathy would have been strongly excited in her favour, and a speedy delivery from Tory thraldom effected. As it is, she will soon find that the fidse excitement of the hour has passed away with the delusions on which it rested, and all that remains is the resentment of a powerful party, whom her Ministers themselves have recently acknowledged as their legitimate successors. The Queen has not thrown herself in the breach to pro- tect a popular or respectable Administration, but one which the great majority of her subjects distrust, and many despise. These are not times for stretching the Royal prerogative ; and the dispo- tion to exercise questionable powers does not promise a happy reign.

In the meanwhile, this Household quarrel materially affects the prospects of parties.

The Tories have been forced backwards for a time. They can- not now pretend that indisposition to office alone prevents them from assuming the conduct of affairs. They were ready with an embryo Cabinet ; and severe is their disappointment at PEEL'S mis- carriage. But their main strength is unimpaired. Already are they actively preparing for a general election, in which all their re- sources will be brought into play. A party commanding a large majority in the House of Lords, and, barring improbable accidents, sure of a decisive majority in the next House of Commons, cannot be long excluded from office by any other power in the state : such is the consolation of' the Tories under what must be felt as a heavy blow.

The Melbourne-Whigs have obtained a fresh lease of office, which will probably endure till after the next general election— bow much longer, is matter of speculation. But they cannot go on with the present Parliament ; and what chance have they of in- creasing their numbers by a dissolution ? They do not occupy a more respectable position in the public eye, than before the crisis of the Jamaica Bill. They return to office, not like Earl Gam, in 1832, on the shoulders of the People, or like Mersiouass in 1835, by the recorded votes of Liberal constituencies ; but as the nomi- nees of a Court—the suspected spawn of a Bedchamber intrigue —a Petticoat Administration. As yet, there are neither acts nor promises which justify the belief that their future conduct will ren- der them more worthy of support than their past performances. The presence of' Lord JOHN Russid,r, in the Cabinet affords a strong presumption that the system of Finality will be maintained. And Lord Jolts' is now under a strong personal obligation to remain in office. Ile has pledged himself to support the Queen. Should Lord Joust, however, obtain her Majesty's permission to retire, the Liberals would not gain much ; for the menaced deser- tion of a section of Whig Conservatives would prevent his col- leagues, who remained, from adopting measures calculated to ob- tain the confidence of Reformers. Much reliance is placed on the effect of the Queen's name : but we notice that, at the most im- portant meetings which have been held to address her Majesty, the necessity of Progressive Refbrm is coupled with expressions of gratitude for her resistance to the Tories. " Progressive Reform" includes a great deal,—electionsftee and inexpensive; independence of the Representative body as against the Iinistry, responsibility fo the electors ; extension of the most valued privileges of citizen- ship to classes now unwisely and unjustly deprived of them ; and the right of representation so ordered as that tell shall no longer count as ten thousand ill the Legislature : these, with administra- tive improvements in considerable number and variety—such as untaxed bread, and the substitution of cheap postage for the present enormous tax on communication by letter—are what the people mean when they ask for " Reform." It' Ministers are ready to carry these, and can only persuade the country that they may be trusted with another House of Commons, they may safely appeal for support even to the present constituencies. Men, whose confidence in the Ministry as now constituted is irrecoverably gone, might be induced once more to exert themselves to produce "union among Reformers," if the Cabinet were re- modelled and some trustworthy persons introduced into the Go- vernment. The names of Lord Du tuts st and Lord NORMAN BY are often heard in the races anthiguas of Whig-Radical coteries. Delu- sion all ! Of Lord Dual LAM it is unnecessary to speak : though fair opportunities have offered themselves to him, he seems to decline leading in any rally of the English Reformers : to Liberal politics as a sentiment, fie will always be true—once committed in action, he

.■••■■..

never flinches—but he lacks active ambition, and loves his home—Sie gives no sign of an intention to "follow these wars." The Mar. quis of Nomeamay is understood to be ambitious, and ready to risk much to retain office, or to rise higher : he is of a class of public omen who are sometimes useful when a dashing exploit is needed. but for statesmanlike qualities, capacity for affinrs, and steady per: flamenco of laborious duties, we believe nobody looks to Lord NORMANDY. Ills personal appearance at City feasts is brilliant,

and he has experience at T i attersall's ; but s scarcely qualified to rally a disorganized and dispirited party. hus it seems, that of

the two persons whom many Liberals have fixed upon fbr leaden, one refuses to take, and the other IS unequal to the post of honour.