Mimics EnIV lproutbinQs in Varliament.

M/ N IsTERIAL EXPLANATioNs.

The number of 3lembers in the I lou,;(_. of Conmums on Monday evening was unusually large, as it was expected that Sir Robert Peel and Lord John Russell would enter into explanations respecting the re- cent negotiations for 1:01`structing a Tory Administration and the re- sumption of ollIce Ly the 31-elhourno Caliblets As Lord John Russell and other distinguished 1.11Histerial Members passed to their seats, loud explosions of elwering horst from the Treasury iumehes, white the Op- position maintained perfect silence. Soon after five o'clock, Lord JwIN 11.17s,o.u. rose to address the ffoose ; but. le-hog inter- rupted by the proves,: lighting candles, resumed his seat, at the re-

quest of several Moirin•r. Ile again and spoke as follows-

" Since I la9t had Clii ii, ur of addressitig this house, the right ho- 11,11r:tide gentleman eppo e received from her Majesty authority to form the plan for a n...w ',,hoinktration, to be sulaniited for bee -Majesty's approval. Tlw alit-pt of the right h000tiralde gentlonem to form an .1ffininistvation kolas; failed, her 31ajesty hues heist grunts -',v pleased to peratit the right knows:dile gonflemin to shte liii eirconistances which ket to that thiffire. What I propase i tv, therefore, is, that the right ho- nourahle gentleman shoidd state to the House what he inay think it neces- sary to in porsranee of the permis-don thus granted to him by her Ma- je,dy ; and I will then iiiffirin the House of the ri a.oins which love indueed her Majesty 's advisers Ii resiinw the offices whieh I hail declared on the former or- casnal they had reHeil into i■cr hands no hirh 1 no,' ropOQO to take, is to move the mijoinainient of the Douse on its rising this evening to Wedneslay next ;plc1 u iid-lee that win% it meets on that day, I shall move tinit, on its rising, It adjourn to Friday sennight, for the Whitsuntide holy- days." Sir ROBERT PEEL then addressed the House. He began by stating, that he felt it his duty to explain the circumstances under which

he had relinquished the attempt to form an Administration ; that he was wholly irresponsible for other statements, which had appeared without his sanction and contrary to his wishes ; but that if he were willing himself to become the victim of misrepresentation, the public interests were so deeply involved in any question relating to a total change of Ministry, that private feelings ought not to prevent the ex- planations which Parliament and the country had a right to expect. He had therefore applied, through Lord Melbourne, for the Sovereign's permission to communicate to the House the circumstances which had induced him to give up the attempt to form a Cabinet ; and Lord Mel- bourne (in a letter which Sir Robert Peel read to the House) signified her Majesty's permission to Sir Robert to make the explanations he considered necessary. Sir Robert declared that he was chiefly anxious to do entire justice to the illustrious lady who had been a party in the transactions referred to ; and that if in making his statement any thing should be omitted which Lord John Russell considered important, Lord John would supply the deficiency himself, or put such questions as would enable Sir Robert to make the explanation complete. After these preliminary observations, delivered in a very emphatic tone, Sir Robert Peel proceeded as follows- " I waited upon her Majesty, by her Majesty's desire, at two o'clock on Wednesday the 8th of May. Her Majesty had previously seen the Duke of Wellington, and had invited him to assist her Majesty in the formation of a

Government. The Duke of Wellington hail informed her Majesty that, in his opinion, the chief difficulties -which a Government would have to encounter

would be in the House of Commons, and, therefore, partly upon other con- siderations, but chiefly on that account, the Duke of 'Wellington mlvised her Majesty to send for one who would have the advantage of appearing in the House of. Commons as her 'Majesty's Minister, and at the same time suggested niy name as the person best qualified to undertake the task. I waited upon her Majesty, and was asked by her Majesty whether I was willing to undertake the duty of formin.e. an Administration ? Her Majesty observed to me that she had parted with the Administration which had just resigned with great regret. 11er Majesty also said that in all respects her late Ministry had given her entire satisfaction ; but that it had become necessary, in consequence of their resignation, that her Majesty should take some steps for the formation of a new Administration. I do not think it necessary to enter into detail ; but I must say that it is utterly impossible that any one could express feelings of regret more natural and more becoming, in parting from her servants than her Majesty had done on this occashm, nor principles more strictly constitutional

with respect to the formation of a new Government. (Cheers.) I informed

her Majesty that I was not insensible to the enormous obstacles with which I had to contend ; hut I stated that, having been a party to the vote and pro- ceedings of the House of Commons, which led to the present difficulty, nothing should prevent me from tendering to her Majesty every assistance in my power. I thought a paramount obligation was imposed upon me to take that course, by the fact that I was the cause of the difficulty in which her Majesty was placed. I undertook, therefore, the duty of foeming an Administration, and proposed to her Majesty that 1 should return on the following day, hoping that I might be enabled to present such a general arrangement Mr the formation of a Government as should insure the Administration of the chief Executive offices of the State, and give an assurance to the public that I was prepared

proniptly and energetically, to execute the duty I had undertakes'. Sir, I

conferred in the course of 'Wednesday with those whom I had the more im- mediate opportunity of so seeing, and I requested from them permission to

submit their MIMS for her Majesty's approval to constitute a pert of the

Government. Those to whom I refer were eight in number, and were the fol- lowing—the Duke of Wellington, Lord Lyndhurst, the Earl of Aberdeen, Lord Ellenhorough, Lord Stanley, Sir James Graham, Sir Henry Hardinge, and Mr. Goulburn. I waited upon her Majesty the following day, and sub- mitted those names for her Majesty's approval. I mentioned to her Majesty that while the Duke of Wellington placed his services entirely at her Majesty's distress], yet his own inclination would rather be gratified if he were permitted to be in the Cabinet without any office, and take the lead in the House of Lords. Her Majesty expecssed a particular wish that the Duke of Wellington should hold some impoisernt office. I told her Majesty I should, of course, submit that wish, on the part of her Majesty, to the Duke of Wellington, and I could not doubt that he would tbrego any private inclination of his own, and consent to undertake any office, however important. No question arose as to the formation of the Administration, or the conduct of the Government, that I think it necessary to refer to."

It was not till Thursday that any difficulty or misconception arose- " Sir, that difficulty related exclusively to that portion of the Household which is filled by the ladies in her Majesty's service. Her Majesty conceded what could be wished or expected with respect to that part of the Household

which is filled by noblemen or gentlemen -holding scats in the House. The difficulty arose with respect to certain portions of that part of the establishment

which is tilled by the ladies of the I household. Sir, I think it infinitely better on this point—the one on which the difficulty arose—I think it infinitely better, after mature consideration, that 1 should enter, in the first instance, into no statement whatever of impressions with respect to what passed, but that I should refer exclusively to the letters which passed on the subject ; because I think if I were to state here impressions of my own, I should be merely stating them from communications that passed where two parties only were present ; and I must bear in mind that I alone am in this House to offer explanations of what did occur. (Cheers from Loth sides.) Now, I approach that point with respect to which the difficulty on this occasion arose. I shall give no version of my own of any thing that has transpired. I shall not state what my own impressions are, nor refer to them again, unless invited or pressed by the noble lord opposite to do so. I shall confine myself altogether to the written letters which passed on the occasion. I must, however, state what my intentions were. Tshall be chargeable altogether for any imperfect explanation. If mis- conception has arisen from imperfect explanation, whatever blame may be at-

tached to it, let that blame fall upon me ; but with respect to my intentions, those I must state, for or these I must be the best judge. Sir, on the Wednesday

evening, that is the day before I saw her Majesty, I had an opportunity of con- ferringwith all those whom I, on the next day, proposed to submit to her Ma- jesty as Ministers. I saw them on Wednesday night at my own house about ten o'clock. I then stated to them—and there Inc four of them now present who heard the communication—my right honourable friend the Member for the University of Cambridge, my right honourable friend the Member for Lauuceston, my right honourable friend the Member for Pembroke, and my noble friend the Member for North Lancashire-1 stated to them and to the others whom I named, the course which I meant to pursue with respect to the

Household. I had very little information of, and hurl very little considered the

Household—I am speakimrof the female part—I really scarcely knew of whom it consisted. I took the .fted Book, and saw there the different appointments of the Household. I said to those who were intended to be my future col- leaigues, with respect to all the subordinate appointmcnts—meaning every ap- pointment below the rank of a Lady of the Bedchamber—I said to them, I ' Buckingham Palace, leih May It ' The Queen, having considered the proposal made to her yesterday by Sir Robert Peel to remove the Ladies of her Bedchsmber, cannot consent to adopt a cosine which she conceives to be contrary to usage, and which is repugnant to her feelings.' Immediately—in two or three hours after having received this letter from her Majesty—I addressed to her Majesty a letter,

of, slvIiiivich itatahui i los that )sc jo!iyy

iffil Sir Robert Peel presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and has had the honour of receiving your Majesty's note of this morning. ' In respectfully submitting to your Majesty's pleasure, and humbly return- lug into your Majesty's bands the important trust which your Majesty had been graciously pleased to commit to him, Sir Robert Peel trusts that your Majesty will permit him to state to your Majesty his impression with respect to the circumstances which have led to the termination of his attempt to form an Administration for the conduct of your Majesty's service. In the interview with which your Majesty honoured Sir Robert Peel yesterday morning, after he had submitted to your Majesty the names of those whom he proposed to recommend to your Majesty for the principal exeentive appointments, he mentioned to your Majesty his earnest wish to be enabled, with your Majesty's sanction, so to constitute your Majesty's Household that your Illajesty's confidential servants might have the advantage of a public demonstration of your Majesty's full support and confidence, and that at the same time, as far as possible consistently with that demonstration, each in& vidual appointment in the Household should be entirely acceptable to your Majesty's personal feelings. On your Majesty's expressing a desire that the Earl of Liverpool should hold an office in the Household, Sir Robert Peel requested your Majesty's permission at once to offer to Lord Liverpool the office of Lord Stem* or. any other which he might prefer. Sir Robert Peel then observed, that he should have every wish to apply a similar principle to the chief appointments which are filled by the ladies of your Majesty's Household, upon which your Majesty was pleased to remark, that you must reserve the whole of those appointments, and that it was your. Majesty's pleasure that the whole should continue as at present, without any change.

The Duke of 'Wellington, in the interview to which your Majesty subse- quently admitted him, understood also that this was your Majesty's determina- tion, and concurred with Sir Robert Peel in opinion that, considering the great difficulties of the present crisis, and the expediency of making every effort in the first instance to conduct the public business of the country with the aid of the present Parliament, it was essential to the success of the com- mission with which your Majesty hail honoured Sir Robert Peel, that be should have that public proof of your Majesty's entire support and confidence, which would be afforded by the permission to make some changes in that part of your Majesty's Household, which your Majesty resolved un maintaining entirely without change. Having had the opportunity, through your Majesty's gracious consideration, of reflecting upon this point, lie humbly submits to your Majesty, that he is re- luctantly compelled, by a sense of public duty, and of the interests of your Majesty's service, to adhere to the opinion which he ventured to express to your Majesty. 'He trusts he may be permitted at the same time to express to your Majesty his grateful acknowledgements for the distinction which your Majesty con- tbrred upon him, by requiring his advice and assistance in the attempt to form an Administration, and his earliest prayers, that whatever arrangements .your Majesty may be enabled to make for that purpose, may be most conducive to your Majesty's ,personal comfort and happiness, and to the promotion of the public welfare."

Having read these letters, Sir Robert adverted to the misrepresenta- tions of his conduct which had gone forth to the world-

" I have heard, even since I came into this House to-night, that I made sonic proposal to the Queen, as to the noblemen and gentlemen of her Household, which ought not to have been made. I can only say, that the only names I submitted to her Majesty for situations in the Household, (besides that of Lord Liverpool, whom her Majesty mentioned herself, as one whom she was anxious to select for such ail office,) were those of Lords Ashley and Sidon., whose appointments, if they could be induced to accept them, as compatible with the discharge of their present duties, would, I sincerely and earnestly hoped, proved satisfactory to her Majesty's own feelings. (Opposition cheers.) And I have also heard it stated that I, in an unusual manner, called for the dismissal of the ladies of the Household. It has been said that even the earliest friend of her Majesty, the Baroness Lehzen, I insisted should be re- moved. I heard that on the evening of Friday, and my answer to the person who informed me of it was, this is the first time for the last four days that the name of the Baroness Lehzen was ever uttered by me; nor did it ever occur to me that she was one of the ladies whose removal I ought to-seek;' (Loud Opposition cheers.) I must refer once more—still charging myself with all blame for any misconception which may have been occasioned by un- perfect explanation—to the testimony of my noble and right honourable friends near Inc as to the truth of the statements which I have now made. Sir, I did decline to undertake the duty of forming an Administration on the understanding that the whole of these appointments should without excer_ tion be continued. But I did so on public principles, and from a sincere belief that it was impossible for me to encounter the difficulties by which I was efl7. compassed, in attempting to conduct public affairs, unless I had the fullest and most unequivocal proof that I possessed the confidence of her Majesty. (Opposition cheers.)

There never was a time when a demonstration of entire confidence was more absolutely necessary to a Minister- " The duties of the office of a Prime Minister ere, I conceive, the most ao•

should submit to her Majesty no change whatever with respect rt.00rtbefeass,o. (Loud cheering on the Opposition benches:) With respect to the superior I stated to them that those ladies who held such offices, and who were diate connexion with our political opponents, would probably relierein5jr",0; from the Opposition.) But I stated at the same time that I did th* k i:Of" any difficulty by relinquishing their offices. (Loud and continued aut! deerofri- lu right great importance, as conveying an indication of her Majesty'sneonbtie' and confidence, that certain Aces in the Household of the higher rank should be subject to some change. I did expressly, with respect to the high which, from the absence of any strong party or political connexion I th eugglii namely, the Ladies of the Bedchamber, state that there were seine insetranaef6ces' it would be wholly unnecessary to propose such a chang.e. My honourable friends will confirm what I assert. (" Hear, hear!" from ire sunset Stanley and Sir James Graham.) That passed on the evening of Ihrednestlayrd; and I mention it only in vindication of my intention, being perfectly will' .g under the circumstances, to have transferred exclusively to me whatever blame may attach to the imperfect explanation of my views. I saw her Maj styrcl Thursday, and a communication took place on this subject. As I statedebe4 into the nature of that communication I shall not enter in the slightest deer ' I shall merely read the two letters which passed, one conveying the impresiit of her Majesty, and the other my own. The letter which Iliad the honour of receiving firm, her Majesty is dated May 10, '39. I received it at an early hout on Friday morning: and it is as follows. (mood the most important that any human being can be called on to die- . It is the greatest trust almost without exception in the civilized ct' which can be devolved upon any individual. Sir, I was ready to under- tike the reerformance of those duties ; but could I look around me at the pre- ondaion of public affairs—could I look around me, and not see that it Lie my absolute duty to this country, and aboveall to her Majesty, to require liteiery aid that could be given me should be given ? What were the ques- tam which would immediately press for my consideration ? The state of toda--the state of Jamaica—the state of Canada—would all require my im- radiate consideration ; and with respect to some of them, perhaps, the pro- of legislative measures. Sir, t considered the internal state of this co' antry-1 saw insurrection in the provinces—I saw the letter of the noble opposite, inviting the respectable part of the population of this country totem themselves into armed societies for resisting outrage. In addition to the ordinary duties devolving upon a Prime Minister, there are therefore cir- „mauve which render that position at the present moment peculiarly 0„-ersus and arduous. Sir, I hail a strong bnpression that it was my duty to make every effort to conduct public affairs through the intervention of the meant parliament. I did not think it was desirable to follow the course Wan in 1834, and commence the Government by a dissolution. After the frequent dissolutions that have taken place, and the balanced state of parties, gala my deep conviction that it was my duty to make every effort in the first instance to conduct public affairs through the intervention of the present Par- lament.”

But what was his position with the present Parliament ?•••••

'I I should begin the Government in a minority. I did not shrink from the consciousness of such a state of things. But, if I were insensible to the im-

portance of the crisis—to the difficulties that I or any Minister must have to

weed with—could I overlook this important fact, that in the House of Corn- eons I should not commence commanding a majority ? Sir, if then I began

he administration of public affairs without the confidence of the House of Commons, could I ask for less than that I should have the demonstration of tbe entire and unqualified confidence of my Sovereign ? Iler Majesty's Ministers retired on the question of Jamaica, being in a majority of five. I

should have had to'undertake thee settlement of the Jamaica question being in minority of five, and that minority consisting of ten gentlemen on whose support I could not calculate probably on any other question which I should have occasion to bring before the House. (Laughter front the Ministerial side.) The first conflict I should have to fight would have .been on the selection of a speaker. On the very first day that I took my seat as Minister of this great country and Member of the House of Commons, I should have to risk, per- haps, the fate of Government or the question of dissolution, upon the choice of a Speaker. Sir, I say that all these considerations impressed inn with the clearest conviction that it would be a public duty on my part—an indispensable public duty which I owe to the Queen—to seek for every possible demonstra- tion that I possessed her Majesty's entire confideuee. And I do confess to you, without reserve and without hesitation, that it appeared to me that if the chief offices of the Queen's Household were to be held by the immediate relatives of those Ministers whom I displaced—( Tremendous cheering front the Opposi- tkn)—the relatives of my rivals for political power—it did appear to me that I sever could impress the country with the conviction that I, as a Minister, was possessed of the entire confidence of my Sovereign. (Reiterated eheeriay.) geld me take that particular question on which my chief difficulty would arise. Who can conceal from himself that my difficulties were not Canada.— that my difficulties were not Jamaica—that my difficulties were Ireland ? god ironical cheers Pm the Liberals, especially front Mr. O'Connell.) I limit it, Sir, fully. But what were the facts ? I, undertaking to be a Minister of the Crown, and wishing to carry on public affairs through the intervention of the present House of Commons, in order that I might exempt the country from the agitation and possibly the peril of a disso- lution—I, upon that very question of Ireland, should have begun in a minority of upwards of twenty. A majority of twenty-two had decided in favour of the policy of the Irish government. The chief members of the Irish Government, whose policy was so approved of, were the Mar- quis of Normanby—(A vociferous cry of "hear l" from Mr. Christopher, which caused some confusion)—and the noble lord opposite, the Member for Yorkshire, The two chief offices in the Household are held by the sister of the noble lord and by the wife of the noble Marquis. Let me not for a moment be supposed to say a word not fraught with respect towards these two ladies, who net a lustre on the society in which they move, less by their rank than by their virtues; but still they stand in the situation of the nearest relatives of the two members of the Government whose policy was approved by this House. Now, I ask any man in the House whether it is possible that 1 could safely undertake the conduct of an Administration and the management of the Irish affairs in this House, consenting, previously that the whole of the ladies tow forming the Houeehold of her Majesty should continue in those situations. Sir, the policy of these things depends not upon precedent, not upon what has been done in former time; it mainly depends upon a consideration of the pre- sent crisis, The Household has now assumed a political character, and that on

, account of the nature of the appointments which have been made by her Ma- i jeny's present Government. I do not complain of it ; it may have been a wise . Polley to place in the chief offices of the Household Indies closely connected with the members of the Athuinistration ; but observe that this change does seriously tend to the public embarrassment of the successors of Ministers if i

these ladies continue n their present situations. I do not say that there would be the slightest use made of unfair means ; I might be confident that these ladies would confine themselves to the duties of their proper situations ; but observe,that is not the question. That remark will apply equally to the Lords of the Bedchamber ; for the presumption is that they do not interfere with public duties. But the question is, would it be considered by the public that a Mkister had the confidence of the Crown when the relatives of his immediate political opponents held the highest offices about the person of the Sovereign? My impression decidedly was, that I should not appear in that situation to the country ; and upon that impression I acted. Who were my political opponents ? Why, of the two I have named, one, the Marquis of Normanhy, was publicly stated to be a candidate for the very same office which it was proposed I should fill. The other noble lord has heels designated tithe leader of this Ilouse—(" Hear, hear :"); and I admit that his talents might justify such designation, in ease of the retirement of the noble lord the Member for Stroud. But this was the fact ; and I ask you to go back to other times ; take Pitt or Fox, or any other Minister, and answer for yourselves r this question : shall yon, entering on so grave a contest—shall you be Minister 1 --but shallthe wife of your political opponent hold an office which will place her in immedia' te connexion with the Sovereign ? I felt it was impossible that !could contend successfully with the difficulties that encircled me, unless I had , that proof of the entire confidence of her Majesty. As I stated !Jethro, 1 be- , Pu without the certainty of commanding a majority of the House of Coin- menu. I began, having only to rely upon an appeal to their good sense, upon on appeal to their forbearance—to thew political forbearance—for the hope of support in the present House of Commons ; being perfectly prepared, on the failure of my attempt in the present House of Commons to govern, to advise oer Majesty to resort to the onlv alternative which might present itself' to made me to maintain my post. But if the agreement—if the understanding °Pun which I was to enter upon office was that I should encounter all those difficulties—that the hulks of those who preceded me—of those with whom 1 was to be in daily conflict, were to be in immediate contact wiah the Queen, and considering the political character given to the Household, that I was to acquiesce in that selection—there was something stronger than personal Con- siderations which urged me to decline the honour thus tendered to me. Though the public would lose nothing by my abandonment—though the public would, perhaps, lose nothing by my eternal exclusion from power— yet the public would lose, and I should be abandoning my duty to myself, to the country, and above all, to the Queen, if I consented to hold power, per- mittin,g, as an understanding on my acceptance of office, that the ladies con- nected-.with nty warmest political opponents shoulil continue to retain House- hold offices. There was something that told me that I most not undertake the office of Minister of this great country on such a condition. Sir, I have at- tempted to give this explanation in as fair and unexceptionable a manner as I can ; and I owe it to truth to state, that intervening reflection has only con- firmed niy previous impression."

Lord JOIIN RUSSELL rejoiced that Sir Robert Peel, who was the only person who could state in Parliament what passed in his communica- tions with the Queen, had abstained as much as possible from allusion to those conversations. There had been some misconception ; and he would mention a particular instance, to whieh he was authorized to refer, in which a different impression .existed in the mind of her Majesty from that entertained by Sir Robert Peel ; leaving it to Sir Robert to explain what he leul said. The last time Lord John saw the Queen before announcing the resignation of Ministers to the House, was on Tuesday last, when he informed her Majesty that Ministers had resolved to tender their resignation. Afterwards, Lord Melbourne, whose pro-

vince it was formally to tender it, advised her Majesty to send for the Duke of Wellington. It had been said that lie (Lord John Russell) gave similar advice ; but such was not the case—in the situation he held, it was not competent for him to advise the Queen on the selection of a future Minister. The Queen sent for the Duke of Wellington ;

who referred her Majesty to Sir Robert Peel. A statement had been made, respecting which Lord John Russell asked the Queen what was the impression on her mind ; and Sir Robert had stated nothing in contradiction of her Majesty's impression—

"It was, that in the first interview with the Duke of Wellington and the right honourable baronet, the rialit honourable baronet alluded to the formation of her Majesty's Household. ller Majesty's apprehension of what took place

was this : that Lord alelbourne informed her AI:nest y that it had been usual in later times when an Administration Wag changed, to change the great officers of the 'Household, and also to place at the disposal of the person in- trusted with the formation of a new Administration, those situations in the Household which were held by Alembers of either House of Parliament. With respect to the Ladies of the 13edeltamber, Lord 'Melbourne did not tender any advice whatever, nor offer any suggestion as to what lie considered to be the usual practice upon that point. It did not occur to Lord 'Melbourne that there was likely to be any question upon that subject. (('heers and laughter.) The right honourable baronet has observed that there had been maily things stated to the public, and that minty iinpressions have obtained. in the general mind with respect to the transactions of the last few days. Under such cir- emnstancea, I really believe it will be better that I should state the bare facts, as fir as they have come to my knowledge, being perfectly convinced that in the end, between the right honourable baronet and myself there will be no material difference as far as those facts are concerned. The right honourable baronet saw her Majesty, I believe, on 'Wednesday. He has stated what took place upon that occasion, and also what subsequently transpired between him- self and his own political friends. He has furtlier stated that lie again saw her Majesty on Thursday, and mentioned to her the names of some persons whom he proposed to form part of her Majesty's new Affininistratiou. Now, I am informed that her Alajesty having in the first instance expressed (as the right honourable baronet has stated) regret at the necessity which compelled her to change her Administration, at the same time declared her determination to deal with him with perfect openness and frankness; and that, lain sure, would. be the nature and character of the treatment which any gentleman admitted to the same high and distinguished honour ns the right honourable baronet would be certain of receiving at the hands of her 'Majesty. The right honour- able baronet has stated that with regard to the politic-al offices of the Adminis- tration, and with reganl to the great offices of the Household and other offices In the Household, held he :Members of either House of Parliament her Majesty's concessions were all that he could desire, in order to impart efficiency to his Administration. There, then, occurred the question with respect to the ladies of the How:el:old. TIo• right honourable baronet has stated in his owa letter what -.took place upon that point, and 1 shall beg again to call the attention of the -House to it, omitting that part of the letter Which refers to Lord Liverpool."

Lord John then read the greater part of the letter to the Queen, quoted entire in the preceding report of Sir Robert Peel's speech ; laying particular stress on the Following passage—

'Sir Robert Peel then observed, that he should have every wish to apply a si- milar principle [that of appointing persons agreeable to the Queen] to the chief appointments, which are tilled by the lathes of your lluj.oty's Household ; upon which your Majesty was pleased to remark that you nuist reserve the whole of' those appointments, and that it was your Majesty's pleasure that the whole should coatinue 0 at present, without any change.'

That he considered the main point of the letter ; though Sir Robert Peel now said that he had not sufficiently explained his meaning- " He tells its that Ids meaning was not to interfere with the inferior alms of the Household, but merely to extend the prineilde fur which Ike contended to the chief appointmento in the Household. The impression upon the mind of her Majesty certainly was, that the right honourable gentleman requested the power to constitute that part of the Household which related to the Ladies of the Bedchamber, and that those offices, as well as other inferior appoint- ments, should be subject to change at the recommendation of the Minister."

But whatever might have been the understanding or, this point, there was at once an end to a proposal of' a partial or general change, when the Queen declared that she wished all the htdies of the House- hold to remain. Sir Robert Peel having declared that he could not assent to this the Queen again sent for Lord Melbourne, who after- wards consulted his colleagues. They advised her Majesty to snake the following communication to Sir Robert Peel, which Sir Robert Peel had also read.

Ita,aagliato Palace, 1011i May 1839.

The Queen having considered the proposal made to her yesterday by Sir Robert Peel to remove the Ladies of her Bedchamber, cannot consent to adopt a course which she conceives to be contrary to usage, and which is repugnant to her feelings.'

Now, whether the change, of ladies of the Household were to be partial or total, such change would, it appeared, be equally repugnant to her Majesty's feelings- " It appeared to her Majesty, and as I think most truly, that if in pursuance of the powers granted to him, the right honourable psalmists should. propose the removal of some of the ladies of the Household, and that afterwards any one or two other ladies should be proposed, the right hononrable gentleman, being then Prime Minister of this country, and that principle !raving been conceded, it would have been utterly bnpossible for her Majesty to say that, for the sake of any one particular lady, or for the sake of any one jewticular friend of her Majesty, she would risk the breaking up of an administration in con- testing the principle, to the practice of which she had given her assent. The question then is—her 'Majesty feeling so strong an objection to this proposal— whether her Majesty was authorized in saying that it was a course which she conceives to be contrary to usage and repugnant to her fiielings. Now I can- not on this occasion admit—I do not think that I should be in the least justi- fied in admitting that if the practice proposed by the right honourable baronet iss contrary to former usage—if the kings and queens of tins realm have not acted in conformity to it, I ion not prepared to admit that her present Majesty is to assent to a course repugnant to her feedings, if former usage does not justify the request."

And what had been the usage in this respect ?-

" It will be difficult to find cases exactly suited to that of a Queen regnant, a case which, since the death of Queen Anne, has not occurred in this country. In 1710, however, Lord Sunderland having been removed from the office of Secretary of State, and Lord Mahon from the office of Comptroller of the Household, the ladies of those noblemen, both daughters of the Duke of Marl- borough, remained ladies of the bedchamber from the month of August 1710, when their husbands were dismissed, till December 1711, when they—their father, the Duke, having been removed in a manner which they thought was unjust to that great man—resigned voluntarily their situations. Since that time we certainly have not had any precedent exactly in point. There have been from time to time changes in the household consequent upon changes in the administrntion ; but all those chauges have been far more limited in extent than the change proposed by the right honourable baronet. In 1782, Lord Rockingham allowed the Hulce of Montagu to remain Master of the Horse, and none of the Queen's household were changed. Again in 1783 the Lord Chamberlain, the Lord Steward, with the Lord Treasurer, were removed ; but all the ladies of the bedchamber remained. In 1806 the same principle was acted upon. In 1812 a question was raised. with respect to the Household by Lords Grey and Grenville. The question addressed by them to Lord Moira was in these terms : Whether full liberty extended to the consideration of new appointments to those great offices of the household which have been usually included in the political arrangements made on a change of Administration; intimating their opinion that it would be necessary to act upon the same prin- ciple on the present occasion.' Lord Moira answered, 'That the Prince had laid no restriction on him in that respect, and had never pointed in the most distant manner at the protection of those officers from retrieval; that it would be impossible for him (Lord Moira), however, to concur in making the exercise of this power positive and indispensable in the formation of the Administration, because he should deem it on public grounds peculiarly objectionable.' Now, it would be observed, that the power asked by Lords Grenville and Grey, and upon the refusal of which their efforts to form an Administration failed, was a power to change only the great officers of the Household, and did not in any way apply to the Lords of the Bedchamber, or to the smaller offices in the Royal establishment. During the late King's reign there were several changes of Administration, and on those occasions the great officers were changed, but not other percents holding other offices ; they were not changed, as in the case of Sir William Fremantle. It appears, therefore, that the power claimed by the right honourable baronet at the 'sande of her Majesty was a power greater than has ever before been conferred on any similar occasiou, and that the power actually given was equal to any plower that was ever extended to a person charged with the formation of an Administration by any Sovereign on the throne of this realm. I cannot put out of the question these theta with regard to usage, and I think that her Majesty having, as the right honourable baronet says, given him full power with regard to the political Administration— having given into full -power also with regard to the great officers of the House- hold, and to those offices held by Members of either House of Parliament— the failure of the attempt to form an Administration mullet justly be laid either to her Majesty or to those who have tad-twitted, upon the proposition being made to them, to support her Majesty upon tins occasion."

In the late reign, there never was any intention on the part of Lord Grey or his successors to interfere with the Queen Consort's choice of ladies fbr her Household. With respect to the difficulties winch a Prime Minister would have to contend against, Lord John admitted that they were formidable, but he did not think that Sir Robert Peel would have gained strength by imposing upon the Queen conditions repugnant to her feelings: on the contrary, so far from gaining strength by insisting on such a change in the Hoasehold, Lord John thought it would have been a source of positive weakness to the new Administra- tion—

" These are matters merely of delicacy of feeling. Supposing that her Ma- jesty, against her will, had cemented to the removal of certain of these ladies, and that others had been appointed in their ;Ames, it would have been quite impossible for the right honourable baronet to insist that her Majesty should

receive the slew corners with the same grace and favour ins she had been in the habit of receiving those who, contrary to her wish, had been dismissed. I think, therefore, that in point of policy, immediately that the right honourable baronet found that there was an objection iii the Royal mind to his proposal, it would leave heel: far better—I mean fbr the right honourable baronet's own sake—(Lastekter rrud eheers)—if he had at once withdrawn it ; because, 1 say

this, that the knowledge that in conditiou lout been imposed upon her Majesty with regard to the ladies of the Household, against her .Majesty's consent, Insist have been for a long time a source of irritation and discontent in the mind of the Sovereign with whom the right honourable baronet would have to deal ; whilst, on the contrary, if he hid at one relinquished a proposition which he found to be so highly distasteful, it waa more likely that lier Majesty would -treat him with the greater confidence, because her Majesty, being herself of a high and generous spirit, would have Ii. It the generosity on the part of the right honourable baronet which dictated such: conduct. And this, he it re-

melts eyed, was a propasition made to a Sovereigm of no mature age, very young when she Mlle to the thr011e, Mid of a sex Whiell calls for the peculiar exercise

of generosity. But I am sure the country and the world will be convinced that neither the sex of her Majesty will prevent her wanting courage, nor will the age of her Majesty prevent her having a just discrimination and a sound and calm understanding. I ant saying tins, snot because the right honourable gentleman, either in the manner in which he conveyed his proposition to her Majesty, or in what Ise said to-night, has either said or done any thing except upon public grounds, which he is not entitled to state as a public man; but I am putting the case of a feeling which the proposition of the right honourable gentleman might Inc expected to excite with those who would be likely to take an impression of what had been done."

After receiving Sir Robert Peel's letter of resignation, the Queen, Lord John said, was pleased to send for him—

"Her Majesty stated the circumstances to me very much as the right

honourable gentlemen has stated them ; with respect to herself, ewe% sza right honourable gentleman had stated them. But with regard to tlei.er,,-e shim of the right honourable gentleman, her Majesty certainly lier,„, gathered the precise nature of the manner in winch the right hem ,:e." gentleman proposed to use the power which was to have le._,ee grantee -0. Majesty, after making those statements to me, was pleased to askv' dieth;,-; thought she was justified in making that refusal; and when I atatee thought her Majesty was justified, her Majesty was then tibteene,pdldeaseee:tideobsemtthi.h."

given her support to the Administration, she hoi

that us her Majesty, m -possession of the powers of the Crown, had° bound now to support her Majesty in return. On the next day, a Cahcelnet ";;„ held in Downing Street ; and her Majesty's confidential servants, afte ea; sultation, expressed their opinion with regard to these matters in a minr extract from which I will take the liberty to read to the flour Majesty's confidential servants having taken into consideration the suldressed by her Majesty to Sir Robert Peel on the 10th of May' garb, reply of Sir Robert Peel of the same day, are of opinion that, for the perm; of giving to the Administration that character of efficiency and stability —ell those marks of the constitutional support of the Crown which are reei4ed-j, enable it to act usefully to the public service, it is reasonable that the officers of the Court, and situatious in the Household held by Mymber" Parliament, should be included in the political arrangements nude in -I change of the Administration ; but they are not of opinion that a 9111111a? Dm' ciple should be applied or extended to the offices held by ladies iii her .111jes4; Household."

Great laughter from the Opposition benches followed the reading g this document ; in the midst of which Lord John Russell proceeded.-

" I have stated that what her Majesty conceded was as much as evens conceded by any Sovereign to a person honoured with the task of forming u Administration. I have also stated that what was further proposed by at right honourable baronet was not conformable to any usage, and that it cc proposal which was at the same time repugnant toiler Majesty's feelings. The question then was whether her Majesty's former Ministers, notwithstandiet the difficulties which had made them tender their resignations, were far to act as to state their concurrence with her Majesty in her refusal, and tie to become constitutionally responsible for that refusal. (Cheers and laugher) I see that honourable gentlemen opposite seem to think it a subject of grai derision, that her Majesty's servants should have come to the decision to sq. port that refusal. They appear to treat it as a matter of lightness and gayety, But 1, for my part, airs prepared to say that, great as those difficulties any have been, though compelled, as I felt snyself by a sense of duty, to tender el resignation to her Majesty, I do conceive that it is no matter of derision, ha matter of great public import, that those who think that her Majesty auks. tided in what she has done should not refuse to assume the responsibility which belongs to their opinims—(Great eheering)—that they should lichen conceal nor evade the avowal of it, and that they should trust to the opiaionel Parliament and of the country as to the result." (Ministerial cheering.) Sir ROBERT PEEL said, that Lord John Russell had relieved hie from the greatest load of anxiety he had ever suffered under duringla whole life—he was so fearful that he should appear in the slightest manner to do injustice to his Sovereign. There was no important dit ference between his statement and Lord John Russell's ; and therefore, though souse of Lord John's remarks invited discussion, he thouglitit More respectful to the Queen to let the matter remain where it wai and he would only reply to one point— "Tire noble lord inquired of me whether her Majesty did not state to la that it was her intention to act towards me with openness and fairness, Ile Majesty certainly did state that I should find her act with perfect openness mi fairness, and I thought I had conveyed my impression upon that point wheal stated that nothing could be more becoming or more constitutional than the whole of her Majesty's conduct. Let me now, however, distinctly declare tlut her Majesty did treat me throughout with perfect openness and frauknea" (Cheers.)

Lord J011N RUSSELL was ready to declare, that he for his part had no complaint to make of Sir Robert Peel's statement.

Mr. W. DUNCOMBE wished to know why the House was to adjourn to Wednesday—an inconvenient day for business, and besides, the Derby day ? Was not the proposed adjournment also unusually long? home templated changes in the Cabinet were the reason of so long a holyday, he thought the House ought to be told so. Was it intended to proceed to the election of a Speaker immediately on the reassembling of the House?

Lord JOHN RUSSELL said the course proposed was not unusual— He believed that the adjournment generally was for ten days at Whitson. tide. Thursday was the Queen's birthiliiy, and therefore it was not proposed that the House should adjourn till that day. He should, therefore, persevere in proposing that the House should adjourn to Wednesday, and from Web& day to Friday se'llnight. With respect to the other ensestion, if there emu technical objection to the elections of the Speaker taking place on the day the the House met, the House would proceed to the election ; but lie had thought that a message from the Crown was necessary. Sir Roneur PEEL earnestly hoped there would be no objection to the proposL a adjournment, under existing circumstances. lie thought, how- ever, that perhaps some progress might be made in private business. Lord Jolts Russem. would not object to the meeting of the Honor on Tuesday ; on the understanding that private business only:was to be forwarded. In consequence of their important occupation elsewhere, Ministers would not be able to answer any questions on that day.

The House adjourned to the next day. The Lords met ; but no questions were put to Lord Melbourne; and his Lordship did not volunteer any communication.

On Tuesday, Lord MELBOURNE addressed the House, lie eon' mewed his speech with an apology for not having given any explans- tion of his own conduct or account of the Ministerial negotiations on the previous night-

" My Lords, I hope your Lordships will excuse me when I come forwarded throw myself upon the consideration of your Lordships for having for ont. night after the announcement that I made on Tuesday last of my laying tea demi' to her Majesty the resignation of the office which I held, of her Melee/ having accepted the same, and of her Majesty having graciously requesteduf and my colleagues to retain office, until her 'Majesty should have made NM arrangements as would lead to the appointment oeour successors,—I sayinlY Lords, that I owe to .your Lordships an apology for having appeared for one_ night again OS a Minister of the Crown without at the same time seizing! opportunity of explainin,g what has taken place, and stating the grouuroassz which I departed from the resolution which I before announced to your ships. My Lords, I thought it not unnatural—those negotiations, ofwluel account was to be given, having been conducted by other persons, I neceoni abia wholly ignorant of them, and they being known only to two persons, one of CM0111Y, RS had been well expressed, .was present in Parliament to give an ac- oat of them—I say, my Lords, it dyi appear to me not unnatural to ex-

that those who had beeti engaged in those negotiations, or some person on

ibea part, would began by making some statements of those parts of the trans- fon ofwhieh they woe witnesses: 1 had, my Lords, some expectation :nt such a course would in the that mstree have been pursued in this House ; and I imperfectly, at least almost certain, from the communications that have tam PIOCC, that the course would have been pursued in this House which has ban pursued in another plac!f;* and I thought that it would much more tend wan accurate, a comprehensive, and a dispassionate consideration of the sub- 'at, that a statement of those parts of these transactions should be made by jhoe cognizant of them, because from the statement so made and from the benments produced, I should be able to judge how far it would be necessary foi bie to make a supplementary statement, or to produce more intim.- wan or other documents, or to state generally what might be necessary a be said, in order to place the mattea before this House in the. fullest manner, nal at the same time in the most satisfactory form. My Lords, these are the oses by which I have been delayed from making a statement on a former onion, for which omission I very humbly beg leave to beg your Lordships' /oda" Permission had been given to the Duke of Wellington mid Sir Ro- bert Peel to state what had passed between the Queen and themselves ; ad Lord Melbourne would mention very succinctly the part he had bone in the transaction— It Tuesday morning, the vote of the House of Commons occurred, and in the course of that day, namely, on Tuesday, as 1 have already stated, I and my alleagues tendered our resignations to her Majesty, and upon the meeting of ais blouse on Tuesday, I declared to your Lordships the fact. On Wednes-

daymoraing I had, as I conceived, my last audience of her Majesty. As I

understand the negotiations, in the first place, the noble duke opposite was sent for by her Majesty, and afterwards the right honourable baronet %rho took so

extremely prominent a part in the other House of Parliament. On Thursday

trtning about six o'clock, I was again aurninoned by her Majesty ; aud upon being admitted intolier Majesty's presence, her Majesty informed me that her

iblesty considered that the negotiations with the right honourable baronet

INC, In effect, at an end, and were terminated ; that her Majesty had lad one or two audiences with the right honourable baronet, and that at

the audience of that morning the right honourable baronet proposed to her btsjesty the arrangements that had been made by him for the construction of Ministry ; but that at the close of that audience, the right honourable baronet made a proposal that he should have the power of dismissing the ladies of herMajesty's Household, not stating to what extent he would exercise that power—not stating how ninny, or whom, it Ives his intention to propose to remove—but asking the power of dismissing the ladies of the Household, and leaving unquestionably upon her Majesty's mind it very strong impression that it we Intended to employ that power to a very great extent—to such an extent, certainly, as to remove all the Lalies of the Bedchamber, as well as ame of those Ailing an inferior situation in the Household. Such, my Lords, ins the impression on her Majesty's mind—an impression which, front what

bassinet transpired, is evidently erroneous. (Loud cries of " !" front the Opposition Peers.) No doubt, such an impression was a mistaken one. The nght honourable baronet has distinctly stated that he had no such inten- tion,and there cannot be the slightest doubt upon the point. 1Ier Majesty Informed me that she considered the negotiations at an end, and that she had

promised the right honourable baronet to send him a final answer, and that she bad recourse again to my advice and assistance ; and her Majesty begged

Alp) quested f;Ix, to advise her with respect to the form of the ^^swer by

Ilbleholie should communicate her determinaiion, of which the right henour- able baronet had been already apprised. My Lords, it is evident that it was *for me alone to come to any determination on this subject, and 1 imme- diately, therefore, summoned the rest of may colleagues. We held a meeting : Hold the whole circumstances of the case, and unquestionably being of opi- nion that her Majesty was justified in the course which she had taken—being unquestionably of opinion that it was not advisable, not fitting, not just, either for her Majesty's present comfort or for the future happiness Of her reign, that the ladies of her Household should be subject to the changes and vicissitodes of polieal parties—unquestionably we did advise her Majesty to return to the right honourable baronet the following anwer."

Here Lord Melbourne read the Queen's note and Sir Robert Peel's letter, as already quoted in the account of the Commons proceedings; end then went on as follows—

"I entirely agree in the principles laid down by her Majesty. I entirely agree that it is not expedient to apply the principle in the manner for which it vas contendeul by the right honourable baronet ; for there was no objection to otherparts of her Majesty's Household. We do entirely concur in the opinion of her Majesty, for reasons which I need not now go into, as it does not appear necessary on the present occasion to argue the subject ; but we en- tirely agree with her 'Majesty that it is inexpediertt to apply the principle that the fakes of her Majesty's household should be removed, that all or tiny part of them should be removed in consequence of changes in the Administration ; and thus entirely agreeing in opinion with her 'Majesty on this principle, we hare come to the determination to support her Majesty on the present ocCaSi011. I know very well, my Lords, that in coming to this determinatioll, NA in arriving at this conclusion, not only all my colleagues, but ;Mr- tieularlv myself; may be exposed to an kinds of insinuations. I know that we shall be exposed to the clutrous of having intrigued—of having laid down a preeoneerted phui—of having b'efurehand taken care that this objection should ! be made, and of' rendering abortive any attempt to form another A dministra-

. lion, My Lords, I know very well that in situations like mine men are ex- posed to insinuations and to accusations of this kind. I know, my Lords, they sill not be made in this, as they have not been made in the other 1 louse of

Parliament; but then they are made hi quarters of' considerable weight and in- flame, and Come from quarters of considerable weight and jai uence, and therefore [cannot allow them to pass either unnoticed or uncontratlicted. I know that it butt bad thing to have nothing to oppose to charges and to imputations of this nature, except it be one's own personal assertions. 1 can say, my Lords, that when I parted with her Majesty on Wednesday morning last, I tendered to her 'Majesty advice as to whom she ought to apply, and the course which her Ma- jesty should take. Ithought it to be my duty to give that advice, in consequence ofthe novelty of the situation in which her Majesty was placed, and the difficul- ties by which she was surrounded. But I most distinctly assert and affirm, and this, not using many assertions and protestations—because I think that many assertions and protestations might have the elYeet upon your Lordships, as they have upon me, of throwing a doubt upon the veracity of the man who uses them—(Laugh(er)—but I distinctly declare, and decidedly affirm, that as to the ladies of the Household, I gave her Majesty no advice whatsoever, because, I fairly declare, that I did not expect—that I did nut entertain—and that I could not conceive—that that proposition could have been made. I had not unquestionably anticipated it, and most undoubtedly I never mentioned the subject to her Majesty. I do not know why it was suggested. There arc

Cunning. Lord MELBOURNE, hut tint wise: hi the ' other place," Lord JouxRes SELL began,

au.. Sir ...OBE= PEEL thilOWed, on the Minister's imitation. many reasons, in my opinion, why the propo..ition should not have been made to her i‘lojesty. There are many propositions that it is very obvious arc wrong. I say nothing now of the prudence, the policy, or the expediency of such a pro-

position as this It is not for me to instruct the noble duke opposite, or the right honourable baronet, or the noblemen and gentlemen who acted with them. They have had much greater experience In the conduct of political affairs than myself. Bat I too, my Lords, have had some political experience in the reign of his late Majesty ; and can from that have some idea of the re- lations that ought to subsist between the Sovereign and the Minister. I have load some experience as to the bearings of these matters, anti I can assure your Lordships that in these: personal matters strokes of trace never work well; they are never worth the while that is expended upon them ; and that they give a tone and a character to the beginning of a career which never produce any good ; but, on the contrary, produce alienation of feelhar, and irritation, which. are ten times worse than any inconvenience which it is intended to obviate. I have, any Lords, had sonic experience its these matters, and I give you this 1/5 my decided opinion. 1 do not deny that there might have been some of the

supporters of the noble lord opposite who might have spoken on thus matter, and who might have felt strongly ; but there, my Lords, is the difficulty, as I

well know by experience. But then, it happens that these inconveniences are often imaginary, and they are always much exoggeroted ; and depenul upon it, they are as nothing when compared with the inconveniences attendant upon the sort of force which NVAS adopted upon the present occasion."

He cared very little for personal attacks on himself- " There are many accusations which have been put forward—accusations of

the general anti usual character, upon a person in my situation, to which I am

exceedingly callous. There are some accusations the truth of which I do not feel, and towards which I am very insensible. These are the accusations of

tenacity of office—a desire for plate—the imputation of being actuated by motives of ambition, or motives of avarice. I do not, my Lords, say that II altogether deny them—(Laughter)--for I care but very little about them; but I should be exceedingly sorry if the accusation conld be made, and justly made, against me, of running away from my past amid the dangers and difficulties of the country, or of abandoning any party in the country'hy whom I have been nmintained and supported. -I own, my Lords, thal"-I have a very strong feeling upon this subject, and I should be very sorry if the reproach or the accusation could with any show of justice be cast upon Ille. When I took office in 1835, I declared, upon the occasion of addressing- may fellow sulfjects, that it was by disunion the party to which I belonged had been destroyed, and that nothing but complete union could establish it power, or maintain it in power when It 'MIS so placed there. I thought, my Lords, that that union had been broken—I

thought that there were to be found the seeds of disunion amongst my sup- porters, and therefore that it was perfectly impossible for one to expect to be rffile to conduct the Government of this country with any hope of success, or take measures winch I knew to be necessary for it-1 resigned my office. I will not use flue harsh expression that I resigned my office because I was aban- doned by my supporters; but because there had, as I conceived, arisen amongst my supporters that runount of difference of' opinion which led me to suppose that 1 could no longer with honour to myself, or advantage to the country, conduct the affairs of Government ; and I now, my Lords, frankly declare that I resume office unequivocally and solely for this reason—that I will not aban-

don my Sovereign in a situation of difficulty and distress, and especially when a demand is made upon her Majesty with which I think she ought not to com- ply ; a demand, in my opinion, my Lords, inconsistent with her personal honour, and which, if acriesced in, would make her reign liable to all the changes and variations of political parties, and render her domestic life one constant scene of unhappiness and discomfort."

The Duke of WELLINGTON said he would endeavour to imitate the moderation which Lord Melbourne had preserved during a part of his

speech; and he would til'Atilla from noticing mere reports,—although, were lie so disposed, he could find something to say about these reports as well as Lord Melbourne. In respect of reports, however, he would just remark, that he had an advantage over Lord Melbourne- " I have served the Sovereigns and floe patine of this country for fifty years, and throughout the whole of that period 1 have been exposed to evil report mid to good report, and 'Alive still continued to serve on through all report, both g,00il and evil, and thus I confess ro■self to be completely indifferent to the nature of reports. It does, however, surprise Me toi Itotol that in the course of the last few days I have been traduced as having illtreated my most gracious

Sovereign—I, Whe WS about to enter into her service, and to be responsible fin. her G overn ment —for no other rea,on bat I know of save that 1 was going,

at my time of life, to take upon myself the trouble of sharing in the Govern- ment. Having been so treated all my life, I sore gained the advantage of being able to preserve my temper under it, and this advantage I have over the noble viscount, who seems strangely sensitive about certain reports circulated respecting him, with as little foundation as the reporis about myself which I have just mentioned to your Lordships."

Lord Melbourne had commencel his observations boy remarking, that Joe had expected the Duke of Wellington to have made a statement be- fore making one himself'. The Duke was obliged by the compliment, but unless a question was pointedly put, he was not aware that it would have been necessary for him to offer any explanations. However, he admitted, tlmt when a Member of the House had been engaged in such negotiations as had lately occurred, it was fit that he should explain what had passed, especially when upoil by one of his brother Peers. It woos well known, that he had long entertained the opinion, that the Prime Minister of' this country too lot to have a seat in the other House of Parliament ; and when Lord Molts acne' announced huts resig-

nathm, he had turned his attention to the 6t3te of the Government, the state of the Roynl authority, and the composition of the Royal House- hold, and to all those circumstances likely to eome under consideration in case he were called upon to assist in tite formation of another Ministry-

" I confess that it appeared to me impossible thItt any s...t °from tthould take charge of her Maji,stv s Government without having the mmal influence and control over the establishment of the Rept Household—that influence and

control which their. immediate predecessors: in °Hive had exereised before them. ( Great cbect.s ,from the Onnisition benehes.) As the Royal House- hold was finaned bv their prel'ecesaffs in office, the possession of that influence and that control over it am ears to me to be especially necessary to let the public see that tbe Minis!ers who were about to enter upon Olive 'had and pos- sessed the entire confidenc.: of her Majesty. I considered well the nature of Sloe formation of the Royal Household under the tivil lost Act passed on the commencement of her Majesty's reign. 1 consithaad well the difference be- tween the I lousehohl of a Queen Consort and the Household of it Queen Reg- nant, the Queen Consort not being a political person in the same light as it Queen Regnant. I considered the construction of her Majesty's Household; 1 considered who filled offices in it ; 1 considered all the circumstances attend- ant upon the influence of the Household, and the degree of confidence which it might be necessary for the Government to repose in'the members of it. I was sensible of the serious and anxious nature of the charge which the Minister in

-possession of that control and influence over her Majesty's Household would have laid upon him. I was sensible that in every thing which he did, and that .in every step which he took as to the Household, he ought to consult not only the honour of her Majesty's Crown and her Royal state and dignity, but also

her social condition, her ease, her convenience, her comfort, in short every thing which tended to the solace and happiness of her life. I reflected on all these considerations as .particularly incumbent on the Ministers who should take charge of the affairs of this country. I reflected on the age, the sex, the situa- tion, and the comparative inexperience of the Sovereign on the throne ; and I -must say that, if I had been, or if I was to be, the first person to be consulted with respect to the exercise of the influence and control in question, I would „suffer any inconvenience whatever rather than take any step as to the Royal Household which was not compatible with her Majesty's comtorts. There was another subject which I took into consideration—I mean the possibility of snaking any conditions or stipulations in respect to the exercise of this influ- ence and control over the Household. It appeared to me that the person _about to undertake the direction of the affairs of this country who should make such stipulations or conditions, would do neither more nor less than this—stipulate that lie would not perform his duty, that he would not advise the Crown in a case in which be thought it his duty to advise the Crown, in ,order that he might obtain place. I thought that no man could make such a stipulation, and. Consider Ininself worthy of her Majesty's confidence or entitled to conduct the affairs of the country. I thought it impossible that such a sti- pulation should be made. Nor did I think it possible that the Sovereign could _propose such a stipulation or condition to any one whom her Miijesty consi- dered worthy of her confidence. First of MI, the Sovereign making or pro- posing such a stipulation must suppose that her Minister was unworthy of the .confidence of the Crown ; but suppose him to be worthy of confidence, and. to break off all communication in consequence of the proposal of such stipulations, why, I really thought that the Sovereign would be placed in a very disagreeable and 'awkward position—a position into which I am thoroughly convinced, from what I have seen of the Sovereign now on the throne, she never will be .thrown."

With respect to his own share in the negotiations— " I waited by command on her Majesty on Wednesday Inst. I am not au- thorized to state what passed in conversation between lier"Alajesty mid me upon

that occasion, not having felt it necessary to request her ;Majesty's permission

-to do so. 'What I will state to your Lordships is this—that nothing there passed inconsistent with the opinions and pnnciples which I have just ex- ,plained, neither with respect to myself personally, mid my own conduct as to

the formation of the Government, nor with respect to the principles on which the patronage of the Household should be managed, and its conduct, control, -and influence, supposing her Majesty should think proper to intrust me with -the administration of affairs. Her Majesty acted on the advice which I humbly -tendered to her, and sent for a right honourable baronet, a friend of mine in .another place. In proposing to her Majesty to send for Sir Robert Peel, I

ventured to assure leer Majesty that I was perfectly ready to serve her, in office or out of office; I preferred serving her out of office. I was willing to under-

take to conduct the affairs of the Government in this House, not in ollice ; but

if her Mujesty and her Ministers preferred it, I was ready to conduct the duties of any office—to do, in short, whatever would be most convenient to her Ma- jesty and to her Ministers, being disposed to lend all my assistance in every

possible way to serve leer Majest.y in whatever manner it might be thought most

desirable that I should do so. t Load cheers.) After I had this interview, nay right honourable friend also waited by conmiand upon her Majesty. He certainly did consult me and take the opinion of others, as stated in this paper, on the important point of the construction of her Majesty's Household. I may state, my Lords, that all who were present upon that occasion, my noble and learned Irma Wand (Lord Lynallurst), and several °inert+, :31:katati ixityl in conformity to what my right honourable friend has stated in his letter he waited upon her Majesty the following day, with the view of submitting such propositions as Inc should think proper, according to wheat he had stated to his intended colleagues. In the course of the conversation which Sir Robert Peel had with her Majesty on Thursday, a difference of opinion arose with respect to the ladies of the Household. My right honourable friend suggested, • I believe, that I should be sent for, in order that her Majesty might have nay opinion on the subject. The right honourable baronet came up to my house and informed me of what had occurred, the discussion which had taken place on the subject, mid what he lend proposed, entirely in conformity with the 'principles which I have stated to your Lordships. I returned with him to Buckingham Palace, and after a short time I was introduced to her Majesty's presence. It is not necessarr, and junked I have not permission, to go into the -details of the conversation which passed between her -Majesty and me on that occasion. All that I shall say on the subject is, that nothing passed on my part inconsistent with the principles I have already stated—which, I maintaiu, sure the correct principles to govern a case like the present, and most particu- larly that part of the subject which related to the administration of the in- fluence and control of the Royal Household, supposing her Majesty should think proper to call me to her Goverinnent. My right honourable friend has stated correctly that part of the conversation which related to the interpretation and decision to which her Majesty hind come—' that the whole should continue as at present, without any change. This was her Majesty's determination, and accordingly I did, as stated hi the paper, innnediately communicate to Sir Robert Peel, who was in the next room, the decision of her Majesty to that effect. I do not know, my Lords, that it is necessary fur inc to go any further into this matter; we afterwards lind a communication with other noble lords and right honourable gentlemen, and we found it impossible for us to under- take the conduct of her Majesty's Government unless this point was put to rights."

Lord Melbourne had said that he gave leer Majesty advice upon this subject ; that he advised her to write a letter on a statethent which he -admits to be erroneous- 4, I don't mean to draw any conclusion from this, except that possibly it might have been better it' the noble viscount bad taken some means to ascer- tain what the right statement was before he gave the advice. 'Whether the statement was erroneous or not, the noble viscount had a right, if he chose, to act on the principle that our advice was erroneous ; that'our demands were such that they ought uot to have been made ; but it would be well for noble lords not to be in so great a hurry in future as to give their opinion and advice upon sucla important matters without well assailing themselves that they have a really correct statement before them. My Lords, I cannot but think that the principles on which we proposed to act with respect to the Ladies of the Bedchamber in the case of a Queen Regnant, were the correct principles. The public will not believe that the Queen holds no political conversations with those ladies, and that political influence is not exercised by them, particularly considerhig who those persons are who hold such situations. I believe the history of this country affords a number of instances in which secret and improper influence bas been exercised by means of such conversations. I have, my Lords, a somewhat strong opinion on this . subject. I have unworthily filled the office which the noble viscount now so worthily holds; and I must say, I have felt the inconvenience of all ano- malous influence, not exercised, perhaps, by ladies, but anomalous influence, undoubtedly, of this description, and exerted simply in conversations; and I will tell the noble viscount that the country is at this moment sufferingn In, inconvenience from the exercise of that very secret influence. ("Hear, hia8rri My Lords, I believe I have gone further into principles upon this subject thin' may, perhaps, suit the taste of the noble viscount ; but this I must say thai at the same time we claimed the control of the Royal Household, and u''s not have proposed to her Majesty to make any arrangements which would her been disagreeable to her, I felt it was absolutely impossible for me, under the' circumstances of the present moment, to undertake any share of the go're e merit of the country without that proof of her Majesty's confidenc5. ri now, my Lords, in concluding this subject, I hope with a little more modemn tion than the noble viscount, I have only to add the expression of any psi; tilde to her Majesty for the gracious condescendence and consideration with which she was pleased to listen to the counsel which it was my duty to offer- and I must say I quitted her presence not only impressed with the feeling oi gratitude for her condescendence and consideration, but likewise with dees respect for the frankness, the intelligence, the decidon, and firmness, vita characterized her Majesty's demeanour throughout the proceedings." Lord MELBOURNE said, there was one part of the Duke of Welling. ton's speech to which he wished for a moment to advert— The noble duke bad stated that be, Lord Melbourne, had admitted the state- ment on which he gave his advice to her Majesty was erroneous. It was not so. He did not say that the statement was erroneous, but that the impressio

i n on

her Majesty's mind, after the statement made n the other House of Parlia- ment last nigdit, must have been erroneous. The statement was, theist Sir Rs, bert Peel had required the power of dismissing. the ladies of the Household, not stating the extent to which he would put it in execution, but leaving on her Majesty's mind an impression that he meant to carry it out to a very great extent. H that e did not say at th e statement itself was erroneous, but that he now believed the impression on her Majesty's mind to have been erroneon. (" Hear, hear I") The noble duke had adverted to an influence which had troubled him in his career ; he did. not know to what the noble duke referred;

but when he said time country was suffering wider a similar influence

Lord BROUCHAM—" No, no ! the expression was 'secret influence."

Lord MELBOURNE was sorry to have misunderstood the noble Duke: he begged, however, to deny the existence of any such influence at the present moment.

The conversation closed here, and the House rose.

RETIREMENT OF THE SPEAKER.

Lord JOHN RUSSELL, on Wednesday, moved the adjournment of the House of Commons to Monday the 27th instant ; on which day, if Mr. Abercromby persisted in his resolution to relinquish the Chair, he should communicate the pleasure of the Crown for the choice of ano- ther Speaker, and the election would immediately take place. He pro- posed that the House should meet at half-past three on the 27th.

When Lord John sat down, Mr. ABERCRO3IBY rose and spoke as follows- " As this is the last occasion on which I shall have the honour of presiding over the deliberations of this House, I cannot retire without expressing my most grateful acknowledgments for that kindness and support which lens been so generously afforded to me, and which has sustained me in the discharge of my duties. It was natural that the circumstances under which I was first placed in the chair should create in my own mind a feelin,.,e of embarrassment, and weaken myconfidence in my efforts. I must gratefully and unreservedly declare, that I have throughout received as prompt and cordial support from those who epposed, as from those who supported, my election. This siren - stance gives ino ttim grestest tleasure, lrecituis: itIsni convinced me that the desire to uphold authority which is necessary for enforcing propriety and regularity in the proceedings of this House is the first and strongest feeling amongks Members. I am very sensible of my own imperfections, and I claim no otifer merit than that of having been influenced by an earnest and sincere desire to discharge any duty in all departments of the business of the House, and towards all persons, with courtesy, firmness, and impartiality. I shall always retain the strongest feeling of gratitude for the favourable construction which has been put on all my acts ; and any last wish will be that this House may be so guided and governed in all its proceedings and conduct as to insure the peace, the security, and the happiness of the people whose destinies are con- fided to its care." (Loud cheers.)

MISCELLANEOUS.

AnsrEn CHARTISTS. In reply to some questions and remarks from Mr. Wvmst and Mr. THOMAS ATTWOOD, on Wednesday, Lord Jon RUSSELL stated, that it might perhaps be necessary to pass sense law to prevent the abuse of the privilege of bearing arms conferred by the Bill of Rights. He was very reluctant to ask for extraordinary mea- sures : he had held frequent consultations with the Attorney-General and his colleagues in the Government on the subject; and as it illegal that the two proclamations issued against drilling and llegal arming had produced a very salutary effect, he thought it better to ad- here to his present course than to have recourse to fresh penal enactments.

JAMAICA BILL. Lord JOHN RUSSELL announced, that on Thursday the 30th of May, Mr. Labouchere would bring forward a motion on the subject of Jamaica, and that they should not prv 2eed further with the bill for the temporary government of Jamaica.

THE Broce.r. Colonel SIBTHORPE asked when the Budget would be opened ? Lord JOHN RUSSELL replied, that in the absence of Mr. Spring Rice, Inc. could not tell.

REGISTRATION OF VOTERS. Colonel SIBTIIORPE wished to know when the Attorney-General would bring forward his measure for nil- proving the system of registering votes ? Sir JOHN CAMPBELL promised ample notice of the day when the bill would be brought forward. EDUCATION. Lord JOHN RUSSELL gave notice, that on the 31st Of May, he should propose a vote of 30,000/. for the purposes of education.