&ban nuit Vrnrrtitingn in Varliantrut.

PRINCIPAL BUSINESS OF THE WEEK.

Hones OF LORDS. Monday, May 13. University Reform ; Remarks by Lord Brougham and the Duke of Wellington—The Greek Question—Distressed Unions Advances and Repayment (Ireland) Bill, read a second time. Tuesday, May 14. Parochial Assessments; Committee on the Laws granted to Lord Portman—Judgments (Ireland) Bill, and Estates Leasing (Ireland) Bill, read a second time—Distressed L nions Advances (Ireland) Bill, read a third time. Thursday. May 16. Affairs of Greece—Distressed Unions Advances and Repay- ment of Advances (Ireland) Bill, read a third time and passed—Sunday Trading Prevention Bill, reported. Friday, May 17. Defects in Leases (Ireland) Bill, read a second time—Parish Constables Bill, read a third time and passed—Explanations on the French Rupture —Adjournment till Monday the 27th instant. MUSE or COMMONS. Monday, May 13. Australian Colonies Bill; Mr. Gladstone's Resolution to suspend the passing of the Bill, negatived by 220 to 128; Bill read a third time and passed—Stamp-duties ; Sir Charles Wood's new Resolutions agreed to—Factories Bill, considered in Committee pro formil to make amendments. Tueaday, May 14. London and Watford Spring Water Company Bill, and Metro- politan Waterworks (Henley-on-Thames and London Viaduct) Bill, thrown out— Agricultural Protection; Mr. Grantley Berkeley's motion, negatived by 298 to 184— Municipal Corporations (Ireland) Bill to amend the Act of last session so far as re- lates to Dublin] presented by Sir William Somerville, and read a first time—Police and Improvements (Scotland) Bill, as amended, considered—Registration of Deeds (Ireland) Bill, considered in Committee, and reported—Borough Courts of Record (Ireland) Bill [to amend the attachment law] presented and read a first time—Ad- jOurned over the day appointed for celebrating the Queen's Birthday, till Thursday. Thursday, May 16. Affairs of Greece—Transfer of Assurance Policies ; Life Poli- cies of Assurance (No. 2) Bill, considered in Committee; Motion for stopping the Bill's progress carried, by 69 to 66—Public Libraries and Museums Bill, considered in Committee—Mr. Wortley's Marriage Bill, considered in Committee; Sir Frederick Thesiger's Amendment, to limit the retrospective effect of the bill, negatived by 111 to a; Mr. Fox Maule's Amendment, to exclude Scotland, negatived by 144 to 137; progress reported—Court of Prerogative (Ireland) Bill; second reading opposed, with three divisions, and withdrawn—Court of Session Scotland (Bill), as amended, considered—Stamp-duties (No. 2) Resolutions, reported, agreed to, and bill ordered to be brought in—Sunday Fairs Prevention Bill, considered in Committee, and re- ported—Pirates (Head-money) Repeal Bill; Lords' Amendments considered ; one disagreed to, and Committee appointed for a Conference—Engines for Taking Fish (Ireland) Bill, presented by Mr. Chisholm Anstey, and read a first time—Borough Bries Bill, read a first time.

Friday, May 17. Explanations on the French Rupture—Stamp-duties (No. 2) Bill, read a first time—Lord-Lieutenancy Abolition (Ireland) Bill, introduced by Lord John Russell, and read a first time—Committee of .Supply—Drainage and Im- provement of Land Advances Bill, and Alterations in Pleading Bill, read a second time—Sunday Fairs Prevention Bill, read a third time and passed—Mr. Cobden's Motion for return of Naval Forces in the Bay of Salamis in March, April, and May, negatived—Adjourned till Thursday next.

TIME - TABLE.

Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Sittings this -- this

The Lords.

Hour of Hoar of Meeting. Adjournment.

61175 m 15m Na Sitting. 5115h 450t Cl, 10m

Monday

Tuesday Wednesday Thursday Friday Sittings this — this

The Commene.

Hour of Hour of Meeting. Adjournment.

415 ... (n) lh m ..(n) 2h 15m No Sitting. 4h. (n) 21116m

— ..(si) 2h in

Week, 4; Time, 71540m

Session, 62 , —10Ih 59m

'Week, 4; Time, 89h 40nt Session,118; --SIM 56ra

RECURRENCE TO AGRICULTURAL PROTECTION.

Mr. GRANTLEY BERKELEY, in moving "That this House will resolve Itself into a Committee of the whole House, to take into consideration the laws relating to the importation of foreign corn," assumed the universality of agricultural distress, trenching on immediate ruin ; maintained that no reduction of rent would lessen the distress ; and called on the House, not to come to any distinct resolution with respect to protection, but simply to reconsider their present erroneous policy, and to devise some remedy for the sufferings of the agricultural interest.

He had contemplated a real free trade when he gave his consent to "the experiment," and expected that it would be such as would enable our farm- ers to compete fairly with foreigners, instead of the present hybrid measure, Which would ruin all interests if persevered in. Looking to the state of the country, it is time the dangerous experiment should be put an end to. If the Government can't reduce the burdens which press on the farmer, let them at once confess their inability. For himself he should say, he claimed to be a Free-trader; and he complained of the Government as bringing odium on the principles of free trade by the manner in which they sought to carry their measures into practical operation : as they want the power to put all their Free-trade measures into full action, let them retrace their steps, and give the suffering classes some chance of escape; he claimed nothing but pro- tection for all classes alike.

The debate, thus vaguely opened, was CIRCO like to come to a premature end. Colonel DusrNE seconded the motion. Mr. AnenniAmi Haar= threw in a few adverse corn statistics. Colonel Simmons cast a few epi- thets at the present and past Ministry—" a precious set altogether." Mr. PLUMPTRE deprecated disloyalty, in terms of bewailing reference to the distress. Mr. &Arun' stated himself disposed to try the present system, which he thought must fail at last, "until the next session at all events " ; adding from his own observation, that there is very little distress among the peasantry of the Northern counties, because food has fallen more than Wages.

At this point no further speaker presented himself for some moments, and cries of " Divide !" were raised from the Ministerial benches. The Marquis of GRANBY rose and continued the debate, with a brief speeeh of Some political animation. He "looked upon that motion from the Minis- terial side as the first ripple that had been caused by an alteration of the wind in the political atmosphere—as the first Protection wave that had broken from the opposite aide of the House, and as significant of the

storm that would soon arise." Still the House took but a languid in- tenet in the proceedings.

Sir Bssrastpt HALL asked, if it was Dots perfect farce for the Pro- tectionists to go among the people in the recess stimulating their minds,

and dissatisfying them with the law, when ont of two or three hundred

having seats In that House from seventeen to twenty-seven came down on this occasion to adVoeate the interests of the deluded beings of whom they put themselves forward as the defenders ? if he and his friends had walked out there would not have been any House at all. From this point the -debating fell into more regular course. Mr. WIL- LIAM MILES contributed a fact. " Formerly the banks of Scotland made advances to the agricultural interest : from the pressure of the times, the farmers not being able to meet the demands on them, the banks of Inver- ness-shire have, as I have been credibly informed, called in their money from the tenant-farmers to no less an amount than 200,0001." Mr. MITCHELL contended that the farmers have foolishly sold their wheat cheaper than they need have sold it : he looked for a further -rise beyond the consider- able rise which has happened in the last month.: . He *challenged Mr. Sanders to make good his late statements as to the cheapness of Baltic corn. Mr. Seicrans answered the challenge in detail, and then proceeded to contribute facts bearing on the general questiini bf the future range of

prices. .

The 5,600,000 quarters which we imported in 1649 were folly needed to repair the hiatus caused by the deficient previous harvests and by the Irish famine : it is therefore a great mistake to suppose that our consumption of wheat has been to that extent extra. In the present year we are likely to receive less than 3,000,000 quarters ; but the steck is larger by half than Lord Lansdowne lately stated—it is 1,000,000 instead of 442,000 quarters. Four-fifths of our imported corn in 1844-5 came from Europe alone : now, a bad harvest here generally comes with a bad harvest season all over Europe • even under free trade, therefore, we may occasionally have higher prices ;ban even before : but on the whole, he believed that the natural prices of corn under free trade will be between 30s. and 408. a quarter, and not between 40s. and 50s. SS others suppose. Mr. Sanders has stated on the hustings that the free trade ought to have a fair trial : it has only been in operation fifteen months, and that is not a fair trial : therefore he should not vote for the motion.

Mr. JAMES WILSON quoted the statistics of past years to establish that the present is an exceptional period of prices ; that the distress is not con- fined to the agricultural class, but affects the manufacturing and trading community, and is duo principally to those railway speculations which expended 51,000,000L in 1846, that have produced absolutely no return whatever. He quoted poor-relief returns to show that the labouring class is generally unaffected by the distress which bears on the middle classes; and maintained, from the experience of the past and from existing circumstances, that corn will rise, and that it is most probable Europe will actually export corn to America within two months from

this time

Mr. HEERLEN felt justified in assuming, from a motion announced by Mr. Grantky Berkeley some time back, that his present object would be to propose in Committee a fixed duty.of 88. on imported corn ; it was for

that reason he gave the motion his support. •

With reference to the term "experiment," he never understood the HOUS6 to be making an experiment; but it is clear that the effects of the measure have been deplorable, and that the prophecies of its promoters have totally failed. There is a depreciation in agricultural produce involving a loss equal to the imposition on the fanner of ten income-taxes. He was not disposed to join in the domestic opposition which the Government experienced night after night—one night upon the window-duty, gnothor ii*ht upon another tax, all in the way of attack upon the finances of the country on the part of those who call themselves their supporters. Their mainstay in the hour of difficulty, in the time of trial, would be the landed interest of the country; and he trusted they would never fail in the maintenance of that great arti- &mai fabric of taxation which must be maintained if the public credit, the honour, the safety, the integrity of the kingdom is to be upheld. But there

must be good-will ; and the men whose loyalty andsupport must be relied upon should not be tempted. No one can doubt that reaction is taking place in the public mind on the subject of protection, and in the ultimate suooess of the question he had the most perfect confidence.

Sir CHARLES WOOD was exceedingly glad that the motion had been brought forward. He quite agreed, it was full time that the opinions of parties should be openly stated in one House or other of Parliament, rather than go forth to the public in the reports of deputations or in manifestoes published in newspapers. We have at last come to some definite decision with respect to opinions, and the noble Lord at the head of the party in the other House has put forward his manifesto of principles, and unfurled the standard of Protection. (Loud cheering front the Opposition benches.) Sir Charles was glad that was so. (Renewed chem.) Gentlemen were chary in their ex- pressions, earlier in the session, but now it is fairly stated that the object of the motion is the imposition of a fixed duty of Si. Mr. Miles thinks it of little use to appeal to the present Parliament, and would postpone the me. tion till we have a new Parliament, which he trusts will listen to his views : there is no fear that the honourable gentleman would obtain a reversal of the past policy of the country by any Parliament he could get. The greatest benefit has been conferred on the country by that policy ; and he did not believe that the great body of the people who have tasted the benefits and advantages of cheap food, or that the constituency of the country, would return a body in three years, or at any ftiture time, who would reverse it. (Loud cheers and counter-cheers.) He was astonished to see that Lord Stanley supposed he had ever used a word or let fall one syllable from which an inference might be drawn that he considered free trade as an experiment. The expression had been used by others, but he disclaimed in the strongest terms for himself ever having used a single expression from which an inference could be drawn that he considered the policy of Government as an experiment ; and when the Marquis of Granby talked of "the ripple of the wave," he was utterly mistaken if he supposed he saw the slightest indication of a doubt on the part of himself or of his noble friend at the head of the Government as to the wisdom, policy, or justice of the course they had pursued. (Cheers.) He said it was manifestly unjust and impolitic to raise the price of the food of the labouring population; and the principle on which he and Lord John Russell had supported the measure of free trade when introdueed by Sir Ro- bert Peel, and had since done so, was because they believed it undoubtedly the wisest policy to pursue, and that which was advantageous to all interests. (Derisive cheers from the Protectionists.) It was not as an experiment that policy had been proposed by Sir Robert Peel, or had been supported by himself and his friends behind him : they had supported it on the one plain prin., ciple that it was advantageous to the large and increasing population of this country to have its main articles of food—its wheat and its bread—as cheap as the world can afford it. That is the principle on which the Government is prepared to stand or fail; and let him assure honourable gentlemen op- 1.e, there is not the slightest shade of doubt or misgiving in the minds of that this policy is just and sound. (Loud cheers.) These general avowals formed Sir Charles Wood's introduction to a statisti- cal vindication of the Free-trade policy to which the Government adheres. He commenced with a reference to the admissions made by Mr. Sanders, one of the principal authorities on the Protectionist side,—in the first place, that the importations of corn last year were no more than sufficient to sup- ply deficiencies, therefore that they had not unduly depressed prices—that, in fact, it was God's mercy the corn came in time to prevent starvation; and in the second place, that there having been a good harvest last year, the importations have considerably fallen off—another proof that the present prices were not caused by foreign importations. The same allegations of general distress which are now made, were made month after month last year. He had shown from poor-law returns, that both the amount expended in relief and the number of persons relieved have diminished in 1849 and 1850 as compared with the preceding years. The Marquis of Salisbury, dissatisfied with the returns, moved in the other House for a return up to the middle of February last : the result exactly corresponds with the previous result. Mr. Slaney's statement that the peasantry of the North are undistressed has been met by the Marquis of Granby's statement that in the Midland Counties there is a great increase of pauperism. Now the Marquis of Salisbury's returns show that in the three counties with which the Mar- quis of Granby is most connected—Leicester' Northampton, and Rutland— the persons relieved in the last week of February 1849 and the last week of February 1850 were 18,731 against 15,715, 15,885 against 15,530, and 1,410, against 1,29'2.' In Sufiblk, the same comparative numbers were 30,329 in 1849 and 29,319 in 1850. Ireland is said to be more pauperized : that is even more untrue than the other statement ; the returns extend to the 13th April last, and the totals were 815,829 relieved in 1849 and only 338„897 in 1850—a decrease of more than the present whole. On a former occasion, Sir George Grey showed that crime had diminished : Sir Charles Wood now showed that it continues to diminish; the present year shows a diminution not only in comparison with last year, but with other preceding years. Lastly, the Customs, the Excise, the Stamps, the Taxes, and the Exports, have all increased ; and concurrently with all these advances, wages are good, and food is cheap. A policy producing such results cannot be called improper, unwise, or unjust: far from sowing dissension, it must tend to bind classes together, to promote peace and preserve it. He did not much mind the violent language at public meetings, nor fear that the farmers will mount their horses and ride against the towns : he believed that the policy is calculated to Secure the permanent institutions which we all desire to maintain.

Mr. Disneura felt that the House would allow him to set before it a more accurate conception of the views and intentions of the party with which he cooperates than the criticisms of Sir Charles Wood would present. Ile, and those who occupy that aide of the House, maintain as the real principle of protection, as a general rule extending to every producer in this country, that free imports should not be received from any foreign country which by hostile tan& refuses the offer of an equally fair interchange. That he called ,the principle of protection to native industry—one which could be supported not only as a matter of high policy but be defended as of scientific truth. But exceptional circumstances solicit attention. It has been calculated by men of great eminence and whose works are continually cited, that a fixed duty of 6s. to 8s. should be imposed on foreign grain, as eountervailing the burdens to which the agriculturist is liable. Mr. Disraeli is not one of those who wish the agriculturist so compensated. He would rather see the question of the peculiar burdens settled as he had indicated it ought to-be, by a fair adjustment of taxation; so that we should no longer

go i on as we have n this country, one-third paying for two-thirds who go scot free. But if the Legislature persist in the system which makes the tiller of the soil maintain the roads, support the poor, build magnificent establishments for the reception of lunatics, out of his hard-earned gains, the agrioulturists have a right to say, that having been placed in com- petition with the whole world, they cannot longer postpone the question whether compensation should be given for these burdens, either by their taking a share or by their giving a countervailing duty. A tax for the benefit of a ohms 18 not protection ; it is plunder. He thought that foreign grain, like all other productions of foreign labour, ought to contribute to the public exchequer ; but he should deplore any partial or limited legislation on so important a matter as the reconstruction of our commercial code—that, bit by bit, they should reconstruct it, and that the first article dealt with should be that in which many Members of Parliament are interested. (Ironical cheers.) He wished that such a reconstruction should go upon the broadest basis : but when he was taunted with not bring- ing forward a motion on the whole subject—in which he should be told he had consulted the interests of parties, the chances of a good division' and the getting up of a temporary cry in the country—his reply was, that he never 'would be a party to such conduct. (Cheers.) However he might differ from the policy of 1846, he respected the gravity of that policy, and of -the great contingencies involved. He did not wish to see the Legislature pass laws, and then, like a capricious woman, within a year or a year and a half turn round and repeal all they had done. No he had said before, and he re- peated now., that no vote of that House, fun as it was at the present moment, would decide with any satisfaction the great question in which are concerned the rights and interests of labour. It was by sharp experience—by the dis- tress which, according to Mr. Wilson, " univerm4 " prevails among the middle classes and is now descending to those who depend upon them—it was in the terrible travail that he knew awaited them that the salvation of the people was to be found. The House were called upon tonight to vote for a motion limited in its character, partial in its results ; but, inasmuch as it is founded upon scientific truths, and conducive to the general prosperity of the realm, he could do nothing but register his vote in its favour. (Loud cheers.) Mr. COBDEN saw a great discrepancy between the views of the Pro- tectionist leaders on the subject of protection. Mr. Disraeli's definition of free trade and protection differs very much from that given by Mr. Ilerrie s, and will not be found to harmonize with that given by Lord Stanley the other day; and the silence which prevailed upon the benches behind the honourable gentleman when he was speaking Just now, showed that honourable Members opposite had penetrated the mystery of the honourable gentleman's declaration, and that they saw the danger of the position which their leader was taking up ; because the hon- ourable gentleman, as the advocate of reciprocity, was advocating competi- tion between foreign and domestic labour, as much as Mr. Cobden himself. Mr. Disraeli said, let the agriculturists have compensation for the special burdens on land. But what said the tenant-farmers at the Crown and An- chor, the other day ? They resolved that no remissicei of taxes could be a substitute for protection ; and that the Legislature must maintain_ a protec- tive duty upon foreign_ _grain or the farmer could not carry on a competition with the foreigner. Mr. Codeu wished the Protectionists joy of their gal- lant convert Mr. Berkeley : "if you had given use the pick of this House, and had said to me, 'Make me a present of one of your oolleagues,' I would have presented you with the honourable gentleman." If a Cabinet

Minis-

tsr in another place dropped the word " experiment," it will meet with no response from the people ; they hold that they are entitled to the cheapest supply of corn the world can furnish. Mr. Miles had said it was useless for them to talk, because they were in a minority in that House, but when a general election should take place they would carry their object. Now if they had a majority they would not want discussion. Majorities can only be created by discussion hi the House ; but honounible gentlemen avoid discussion, because they know that arguments, facts, and experience' are all against them. ("Aro!" from the Opposition.) " Then," said Mr. Cobden, if arguments, facts, and experience are on your side, what miserable de- baters Y011 must be !" (Cheers and laughter.) It had usually been his lot to talk to minorities during the ten years he had sat in the flows); and if the honourable gentlemen opposite were in earnest in what they said out of doors, they would not shrink from addressing a minority in ale House of Commons. Would it be wise in honourable gentlemen, in connexion with the question of the people's bread, to bring on their backs the question of the people's representation ? If by a dissolution the honourable gentlemen opposite could obtain a majority—which he did not believe—would the votes of the two Members for Stamford be equal to those of the Members for Mary- kbone or Finsbury ? (Murmurs.) lie was not afraid of a dissolution. (" Question !") That is the question ; for he understood that gentlemen op. posits are going to lay up the question of the Corn-laws until the dissolution of Parliament. If they are sincere in wishing for a dissolution, they should support the motion for triennial Parliaments. (" Oh, oh !") If the wishes of gentlemen opposite were realized, they would bring about the most com- plete democratic revolution that the world has ever seen. (Cries of "Di- vide, divide !") Mr. NEWDEGATE briefly supported the motion. Colonel BUNKE ex- plained, in reference to an allusion by Mr. Disraeli, that at no moment of his life was he ever a Free-trader. Mr. Gnatrumv BERKELEY replied.

On a division, tho motion was negatived, by 298 to 184. The an- nouncement was hailed with cheers from the Ministerial side of the House.

AUSTRALIAN COLONIES GrOVERNMENT BILL.

A last attempt to delay crude legislation in this matter was made by Mr. GiAnsToNE, on the order of the day for the third reading of the Australian Colonies Bill : he moved as an amendment the following reso- lution— " That this Rouse, adverting to the numerous provisions of the Australian Colo- nies Government Bill, which require the interference of the authorities at home in

the future regulation of the affairs of those Colonies, and desirous to reduce as far as possible the occasions for such interference, and to place the political institutions of the said Colonies upon the basis most likely to be permanent, will not give its

further sanction to that bill until there shall have been afforded to the oovernors, Legislatures, and people of the said Colonies, an opportunity of considering the pro- visions of the measure as they stand, in conjunction with the several proposals vary- ing from them which have been submitted to the notice of the louse."

Sensible how invidious a task it was to propose any retardation, even for a moment, of a measure which had for its object, or the main portion of its object, to confer franchises and representative institutions upon a portion of

our fellow subjects who have not before enjoyed them, he yet feared most anxiously that the present crude and immature measure would exemplify the old maxim, that haste is sometimes the worst speed : he was convinced

that it would save time, as well as be sound in general policy, to ascertain the feeling of the colonists before finally dismissing this measure. What took place after the passing of the New Zealand constitution demonstrated, that if there had been any person in the House able to persuade the House to refuse the demand for immediate legislation, that person, however unac- ceptable and unpopular his motion at the moment, would eventually have been acknowledged as the good genius of the Colonial department. Lord Grey himself thought it necessary to deliberate from 1846 to 1849„ before he could satisfy his own mind as to the provisions of the bill. This is the first year the House has had any real opportunity of considering its provisions; and if the deliberations of Parliament are to be anything more than a mere form, a decent ceremonial, more than the mere registration of the decrees of the Executive Government—if Parliament should at all direct its mind to the law it is called to sanction—it is not unreasonable that it should consult the colonists themselves before granting its sanction finally. The argument to which he should be most inclined to defer, if it could he justly urged, was certainly that the measure is in con- formity with the ascertained wishes of the colonists; if that were so, he would overlook many defects and shortcomings : but there is demonstrative evi- dence that in many particulars it is directly repugnant to the wishes of the colonists. True, South Australia, so long under an almost absolute govern- ment, was grateful at first—grateful for any measure tending to enfranchise- ment ; but the Council of that colony strongly objects to the retention of the

veto by the Colonial Office' to the constitution of the General Asseinblv, and to the single Legislative Assembly ; and though Adelaide rendered thanks for the measure as a whole, it objected to the constitution of the General As- sembly, and especially objected to the control retained by the Colonial Office over the salaries of public officers' and over the power to change the elective- franchise. From Van Diemen's Land there is no report approving of the

provisions of the bill ; and the Governor emphatically records his disapproval of the General Assembly and the single Legislative Assembly. In New South Wales, the Governor and the Legislative Council both oppose the vi- cious constitution of the single Legislative Assembly, and the inhabitants pray for a change in the franchise, which by adopting this bill the House will refuse. A most important consideration is, that a great change has taken place in the views of Government itself within this last twelve months. Her Majesty's Government have made the important announcement, that they are prepared in the case of the Cape of Good Hope to frame a second Legisla-

tive Member on the basis of the elective principle : a disclosure so novel, one so sure to produce electrical effects wherever it spreads, is sufficient alone to require in sound policy that it should be made known to the people of Aua- tralia, and that we should learn their opinions of it before fixing their Parlia- mentary constitution. The positive and strong objections to the bill relate to four points : 1. The constant interference of the authorities at home with the management of la IMissed in several of our Colonies at variance with the British law. But if it oes not secure uniformity, what else does it do ? It makes law for a consider- able period uncertain; thus detracting from the authority of the Colonial Legis- lature, because often a period elapses of from twelve to eighteen months, and even of two years, between the passing of a law and the obtaining the sanction of the Crown. Till that sanction is obtained, no man can tell whether it is law or not. Surely that is an evil of a very serious kind. Further, it has the effect of lowering the Colonial tone—is adverse to the cherishing of habits of freedom and self-dependence. There are mall Colonies a mass of citizens' the most valuable often for wealth and intelligence, who are at all times too ready to withdraw from public affairs ; and that is a ten- dency which this measure will foster and encourage' because those indivi- duals who are fond of their personal ease will abstain from interfering in the management of Colonial affairs, knowing that Parliament will revise their proceedings, and trusting to Parliament to prevent any flagrant measure from passing. They could never separate the rights of freemen from the re- sponsibilities of freemen : they could never take away the rights of freemen without taking away their responsibilities too. They would never have had that masculine tone in the American Colonies which actually grew up there, if this system of legislation had prevailed in the seventeenth century. Let them give the Colonies those benefits in reality which in words they pro- fess to do—let them take the responsibility of framing the details of their own laws. The system of interference produces the more vexatious results because although it does not succeed in making the law of England the strict rule and model for Colonial legislation, yet it applies the rule sometimes. For instance— the Legislature of New South Wales passed an act which provided that the proprietors of stock might mortgage the growing crop, or, as it is called there, clip of wool,—a measure of enormous importance to the development of the resources of that colony. To them it was of immense importance to pos- sess—to us it would be no object whatever to withhold. But it happened to be contrary, or to be esteemed to be contrary, to a principle in the bankrupt- law of this country ; because, though a similar provision was allowed for the mortgage of ships, yet with respect to ordinary property such an arrange- ment could not be made. He believed that the Colonial Office had acted in the spirit of their duty, as imposed upon them by the present vicious system, in withholding their sanction from this Colonial law ; but it became matter of most disagreeable discussion between the Governor and the local authori- ties, and he could not say whether, up to the present moment, this real grie- vance has been redressed. Now, he would ask, with what propriety or with what common sense they could profess to give to local communities the management of their own concerns, when they refuse their sanction to an act of the Legislature like this ? But there was another reason. The cases in which it was most desirable that this country should interfere, were precisely the CaSCS in which they would find it impossible to do so. Two such instances were the Canada Rebellion Losses Bill and the case of the Toronto University. With regard to the first, it was his conviction that it was a misfortune that we should have had the power to interfere in that case, since we have not interfered. Why should we have had a power reserved to the Crown to prevent an act which no Minister of this country could ever have dared propose to the Imperial Legislature, and yet have been unable to exercise that power? Never in respect to England, never in respect to Scotland, never in respect to Ireland, would the noble Lord have ventured to propose to the Imperial Parliament that it should pass an act which sought to compensate men who had borne arms against their Sovereign for losses which they had suffered whilst bearing those arms. But they were told, that where the distinction of races and local accidents had introduced a new set of ideas into the colony, where the form and condition of society were very different from what they were in the mother-country, it was very fit that they should pass such an act, and that the Crown should not refuse its assent to it. They were told it was a matter of purely local concern, with which this country had nothing to do ; that it was the business of the colonists, and that they alone ought to settle it. Well, then., if that were so, he could only say that he wished they had not contracted any stain by having been obliged to give their consent to it. Respecting his second strong objection to the bill, Mr. Gladstone declared his belief that the Government had not received from one single Governor of any one of the colonies, from one single legislative body, from one single organ of public opinion, or from one single public meeting of the inhabitants of any colony, a single solitary approval of the scheme of a General Assembly. It is no answer to say that the matter is optional : a minority, of the five Colonies may force the institution on the whole five. The Colonies are not matured for such an institution. The federation of the United States has no- thing to do with the matter : federation was forced on them in self-defence against the claims of England, France, and Spain, for portions of its territory. On the third point—the structure of the Legislative Assemblies—all that had taken place in that House showed the universal feeling of the House in favour of a double Chamber; and made him feel that the question had been decided, not in reference to the interests of Parliament or the country, nor in reference to the interests of Australia, but in reference merely to politi- cal interests and the division of parties at home. The constitution of 1842 for New South Wales was an experiment of fearful and critical interest ; they were obliged to take securities at all hazards, and did take them:: but the experiment having succeeded, if the constitution were bad, it is inexcusable to make it the foundation of the universal constitution of all the Australian Colonies. Sir William Denison had told them how a single House of Assem- bly will be ever struggling for the possession of the executive power. Nomi- nees are at present regarded as the mere tools and slaves of the Government; it is impossible that they should ever rise into sufficient importance to become the germ of a second Chamber : on the contrary, they will further lose posi- tion, be worn down under the pressure of public opinion, and ultimately disappear altogether. He did not say that the House should form a perfect constitution at once, and force it upon the people of Australia ; it was not their business to force any such system upon those Colonies. It would be better the colonists should accept a bad constitution at the hands of the mo- ther-country, and work it out and improve it themselves, than that they should take a better one which would be forced upon them without leaving them the option of improving it. But what he complained of was, that they

• had never given the colonists the chance of a double Chamber at all' and h complained that the very Government which denied this chance to the Aus- tralian colonists had given to the colonists at the Cape of Good Hope a Cham- ber of Representatives and a Legislative Council based upon the principle of election.

On the last objection—the refusal to extend the suffrage in New South Wales—Mr. Gladstone made the following weighty, reflections. They were going to give away, prospectively, the power of dealing with the franchise to the future Government of New South Wales' not to the present Council, but to the future. Was it likely to be a more learned or a more enlightened body than the present ? New South Wales is at present made up of two great districts—New South Wales Proper, and Port Phillip. The element of convict influence is strong in New South Wales. It is weak in Port Phillip. The present Council is formed from the two jointly. But this will not allow the franchise qualification to be dealt with by the joint Council, nor until Port Phillip and New South Wales are separated. But when they should have been separated, and when in New South Wales the convict influence should have been freed from the check which Port Phillip

now opposed to it then the franchise was to be extended. He was afraid that they were giving over the whole of the representation of New South Wales into the hands of an oligarchy of the very worst kind. And if any:. thing were wanting to make such a provision still more incomprehens sible, it was this, that whilst they were giving the power of ex- tending the franchise qualification prospectively to New South Wales, they were giving it immediately to Van Diemen's Land and South Australia. The proceeding is so anomalous—so absurd—that if its absurdity be not ma- nifest on the face of it, it is not worth while to argue the point further to prove it so. In conclusion, Mr. Gladstone protested against imposing on Parliament a management enormously expensive, and a responsibility equally high and dangerous in its exercise against the will of the colonists and dishonest in its neutral abeyance. Let them give real freedom to the Colonies, and they would at once consult the dictates of prudence, secure the honour of the Crown, draw forth the affections of the colonists towards the mother-country, and place the connexion between them upon that basis of freedom and good feeling which every good citizen ought to wish to see established.

The amendment was seconded by Mr. ROEBUCK, with severe strictures upon Lord Grey. The fact is, that the noble Lord had shown a lamentable want of courage in dealing with principles which he acknowledges to be just. In the case of New Zealand, he was deterred from applying the principle of his own bill by a shortsighted fear that if the colonists were left to themselves injury, and injustice to the aborigines would ensue. In the ease of South Africa, shrink- ing from and shirking the responsibility properly devolving on his office, he went to the Committee of the Privy Council, by whom a constitution was drawn up and proposed to the existing legislative body for their acceptance. He dealt with the case of South Australia upon the same principles. The noble Lord does not deserve the name of a Colonial statesman. Coming to the task, no doubt, with generous and proper intentions, but quailing under its difficulties, he has shirked his duty,. exceeded his trust, abdicated his powers, and thrown upon others that responsibility which his position entailed upon himself. Of all the acts passed by this House since Parliament was Parlia- ment, this is the most lame, impotent, defective, disconnected, unsymmetri- cal, and incomplete. Why' Clarendon was a far better Colonial legislator than the noble Lord. And let the House consider the advantages which the statesmen of the present age have over him—the mass of experience the amount of evidence, which they possess to guide them. A fertile source of dis- content between the Mother-country and the Colonies will arise from the con- stitution of the second Chamber. The noble Lord admitted—for that is what it came to—that two Chambers were requisite. But the constitution of one of those puzzled him. How did he get rid of the difficulty ? Why, by throwing the responsibility upon the colony. The noble Lord wished and meant that there should be a second Chamber, but he did not dare to propose it to the House.,

as that a position for a Colonial Minister to occupy ? The noble Lord ap- pealed to the permissive powers contained in the bill ; he placed alibis ance upon the colonists, not upon himself. Mr. Roebuck approved of the dis- cretion left to the Colonies for the constitution of a general or Federal As- sembly ; but the bill contained no preparatory provisions for such an assembly.. There was no attempt made to solve the problem of a Federal Constitution; such as that which had been successfully made by the United States of America. Neither was there any attempt made towards the constitution of a. Supreme Court. He charged the Government, therefore, with ignorance and incapacity in coming before the House with this broken, incomplete bill;- bill which must in future ages affect the interests of that great community now being planted in the Southern hemisphere—a community which our descendants are probably destined to see rival the vast empire of the West, but of which they would always have to say, " The power and the prosperity whick we behold are owing to the individual efforts of Englishmen, standing isolated and alone—of Englishmen who have ever been not only unaided—not only unassisted, but actually thwarted by the Government of the country from which they sprang."

Mr. HAWES criticized the indirect course taken by Mr. Gladstone. ' It would have been a course far more direct and straightforward than that which the right honourable gentleman had chosen to adopt, had he proposed. that the bill be read a third time that day three months. Looking to the real scope of the motion, he deemed it a perfect mockery to think of sending out to four Colonies, to four legislatures and to four Governors, to ask them to make a report upon which anything like satisfactory legislation could be founded. The Constitution is practically known to the colonists of New South Wales, and approved by them ; and a great public meeting in South Australia has declared that in its most essential provision@ it is a wise, liberal, and comprehensive measure. But if they do not approve of it, there is nothing to hinder them from proceeding as they like in the matter' and altering it. Mr. Gladstone is prepared on the ground of experience to fling away our Colonial empire, and to relieve Parliament from all responsibility in matters connected with Colonial legislation.

Mr. GIADSTONE--" Colonial Local legislation."

Mr. lawns thought that the right honourable gentleman had been long enough Secretary of State for the Colonies to know the extreme difficulty of drawing the line between questions which are Local and questions which are Imperial. Was the Rebellion Losses Compensation Bill in Canada a Local or an Imperial question? Hundreds of such questions would andraust arise. Were land questions, for instance, Imperial or Local ? It was al- , most impossible to draw the line with anything like satisfaction ; and if they did attempt to draw it, they must constitute a legal tribunal for the award of such matters ; thus placing, in effect, legislative power in the bands of the .Tudges,—a principle far more objectionable than that of letting it remain, to the extent it did at present, with the Secretary of State for the Colonies.- He held that the waste lands are the great estates of the Crown, as much for the people of England as for the colonists ; and the sole question is how they can be best managed. The honourable Member for Sheffield thought the Local Legislatures were the best managers of the waste lands : but, without inferring that these bodies would be open to favouritism, Mr. Hawes believed that they might be under such a local pressure that lands would be permitttecl to go into the possession of large numbers of holders e- very low prices. With respect to the New Zealand Act, it had been suspended in conse- quence of an intimation from the Governor of the colony, that owing to the disproportion between the number of Natives and Europeans, it was not proble that the former would submit to the laws made by the latter. But accounts have been received from the Governor, of a very satisfactory charac- ter as to the prevailing tranquillity and signs of progress, and recommend- ing that representative institutions should -be no longer delayed : Mr. Hawes intended to lay those papers on the table of the House, with a view to legis- lating for New Zealand in the course of the ensuing session. He trusted the House would adhere to its previously recorded opinion with regard to this bill, and not lend its sanction to a resolution the effect of which would be indefinitely to postpone legislation on the subject of a constitution for our Colonies.

Mr. Evismar DENISON exposed the injurious vacillation of Ministers on the subject of waste lands.

There was no mention of the waste landa in the bill of last year : Lord Tohn Russell, when questioned, took a few days to consider, and then announced

that it was the intention of Government to grant the management of the waste lands to the Colonies,—an announcement that gave them the greatest satisfaction. This year, Lord John proposed to give the management of the waste lands to the General Assembly; but, after some complaints from Mr. Denison himself, he abandoned that intention, and withdrew the manage- ment of the waste lands from the Colonies altogether ! If Mr. Denison had expected this, he would have let the matter alone ; for so ptopund is the interest of the Colonies in that subject, that if you offered the l4L without We waste lands, or the lands without the bill, they would say, 1( Put the bill aside altogether, so that you give us our waste lands." The bill gives bully, and withholds injuriously; so he would oppose its farther progress. The other speakers were—for the bill, Mr. Hume, Mr. ANSI'S; Mr. eceeromex, (balancing the good against the evil of the measure,) and Mr. M‘Gmacion, (not content with many of the provisions, but looking to the evil that would result from delay); for the amendment, Mr. EVELYN DENISON, Mr. SCOTT, Mr. SIMEON, and Mr. ADDERLEY.

On a division, the amendment was negatived, by 226 to 128.

Mr. ROEBUCK moved a resolution, so to extend the provisions of the bill as to enable the several Legislatures of the Colonies in British North America to establish a general Federative Assembly for those Colonies. He considered that these provinces could not much longer remain as they are. He feared that if left as they are they must pass into the possession of the United States. The only way to prevent such a result would be to create a national feeling in that portion of the empire ; an object the at- tainment of which his motion would promote. Lord Jonx RUSSELL ob- jected to the resolution, as out of place; and Mr. ROEBUCK satisfied him- self with the record of his own opinion. Mr. AGLIONBY moved the in- sertion of a clause to repeal as much of the act of the 12th of Victoria as suspended for five years the act of the 10th of Victoria, giving a constitu- tional government to New Zealand. Lord Joule RUSSELL corroborated Mr. Hawes's statement with regard to the character of the despatches re- cently received from the Governor of New Zealand. The present state of the colony affords great reason for rescinding the suspension of the free constitution. At the same time, certain amendments will be desirable. As there would not be time for considering the question this session, he thought it would be better to postpone the matter until next year; in the mean time the subject should be carefully considered, and he trusted that a satisfactory measure would be introduced. The clause was withdrawn.

Mr. Evirra-N Dzsasox took the sense of the House on the introduction of a clause to the effect that the Legislature in each colony should have the management of the waste lands within the limits of their colony, provided that half the gross proceeds of the sale of such lands should be applied to the purposes of emigration. The clause was negatived, by 222 to 82. The bill then passed.

THE GREEK QUESTION.

Lord STANLEY stated, on Monday, that soon after the Whitsuntide re- cess, he should call the attention of the House of Lords to the circum- stances connected with our unfortunate transactions in Greece. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE promised that all the information in the posses- BUM of Government should forthwith be "submitted to the judgment of Parliament." The French negotiator broke off the negotiations on a single point : it was owing to an "accident of the winds, ' which occasioned a delay of three or four days, that the accommodation was not brought about by the instrumentality ,of the French Government,' which would have been more satisfactory. The terms only differ from the French terms in one particular, and in that particular they arc more favourable to Greece ; "so that, lathe exercise of its free discretion, Greece has ob- tained terms in a pecuniary sense much better than those the French Mi- nister here thought her entitled to." Lord STANLEY thought it extraor- dinary, and unfortunate, that there should have occurred the same accidental delay at the end of the negotiations which happened at their beginning; and he thought the noble Marquis had a strange idea of "free discretion," when the Greek Government had only submitted under a threat of bombardment by the fleet of the most powerful maritime state in the world. Lord LANSDOWNE, in making an announcement on another subject soon afterwards, added—" I am reminded by my noble friend near me to inform your Lordships, that the threat of bombarding the rhesus, just adverted to by the noble Lord, is entirely an assumption of )11.8 On Thursday, Lord Baouertem alluded to a fact that he had learnt that morning with deep regret—the departure, by command of his Go- vernment, of the Minister of France from this metropolis to Paris. Re- garding this departure on the anniversary of her Majesty's birth as not intentionally coincident, he should still learn with great satisfaction that the President of the Council viewed this call of the Ambassador to Paris as of less grave importance than he was inclined to consider it The Marquis of LANSDOWNE affirmed the supposition that "the departure of M, Drouyn de Lhuys on the anniversary of her Majesty's birth" was purely accidental, and in no way connected with any disposition or design to manifest any slight or disrespect either to her Majesty-16r this country. He was prepared to state, that there are circumstances which might render the presence of that eminent and intelligent person at Paris more useful to the connexion between the two Countries than it would be in this kingdom. Lord BROUGHAM—" I can hardly ascribe the absence of

the Russian Ambassador to accident also ; I wish I could." -

On the same day, in the other House replying to Mr. MILNER Gosore, Lord PALMERSTON said—" It is well known that the French Ambassador went yesterday to Paris' in order personally to be the medium of commu- nication between the two Governments as to these matters; but I trust nothing can arise out of these circumstances likely to disturb the friendly relations between the two countries." THE MARRIAGES Ban.

The debate adjourned from the 18th of April on the motion to go into Committee on the Marriages Bill woe concluded on Thursday. Mr. Dr- 'ewer moved that the Speaker leave the chair that day six months ; cha- racterizing the measure as a "scandalous and immoral bill" : and he was seconded by A. J. B. Hope. The amendment was negatived, by 42 to 40—majority for going into Committee, 2. In Committee, Sir FREDERICK THESIGER moved an amendment to clause 2, to prevent the bill from retrospectively making valid all the questioned marriages that have taken place since 1836, [when Lord Lynd- hurst's Act was passed]. The motion was debated for several hours, but with so declining an interest that a "count-out" was once attempted. The speakers were those who have opposed or supported the principle of the bill. The chief argument for the amendment was, that to pass the big as it stands, would be to put parties who have wilfully violated the law on exactly the same feeling as those who have acted lawfully. Tha chief objection to it was, that while it would allow persons who have trangressed the law to go tomorrow and be married, their children, thus pronounced illegitimate, would suffer the penalties of their parents' wrongdoing. The amendment was negatived by Ill to ilk Mr. Fox MAULE then moved an amendment to exclude Scotland from the operation of the bill ; on the ground that it will introduce a principle of law totally unknown in Scotland, and rejected by both the religious and social feelings of the whole Scottish community. Mr. WORTLEY admitted that the opinion of a large proportion of the Scottish people is opposed to the measure but felt a clear conviction in favour of including Scotland, on the ground of the great evils of having a law which should make the same person a wife in England and a concubine in Scotland, or a legitimate child South of the Tweed and a bastard on its Northern bank. W. RUTHERFURD (the Lord Advocate) admitted the force of the argument that the bill is contrary to the sentiment and opi- nion of the people of Scotland, but saw the clear necessity for making the law uniform ; and he gave it as his individual professional opinion, that marriage with the deceased wife's sister is not forbidden by the existing law of Scotland. Mr. COCKBURN adduced a case where an Englishman, divorced and remarried in Scotland, had been found guilty of bigamy in England, and sent to the hulks, for a marriage which the Scotch lawyers assured him was legal. Mr. Fox Maule's amendment was negatived, by 144 to 13?—majority for including Scotland, 7. Progress was reporte and Thursday the 13th June was fixed for the next stage. Uxiveasrry REFORM. Presenting a petition on another subject, Lord BROUGHAM reverted to a conversation a few nights back on the subject of the proposed Commission to inquire into the state of the two great Universities, Oxford and Cara- bridge—

He believed he might say, that both the Duke of Wellington and Lord Lyndhurst concurred in deprecating any rash and inconsiderate interference with the Universities. Very great improvements have recently taken place in the course of study and discipline. Ile hoped that no Germanic system, no Germanic crotchets, would be introduced into our ancient and hitherto flourishing Universities.

The Duke of Weixasre-rost responded to the personal allusion—

"As far as I can understand, there is no desire to introduce any Ger- man system, or any system of that description, in the University of Oxford. That University is anxious to conform to the wishes of the Government and of the public, and to introduce every improvement that may be practicable. But that which that University cannot do and that which I hope it will not be required to do, is to repeal the statutes by which the several colleges of the Universitiy are governed. I hope therefore that those bodies will not be required to enter upon an inquiry directed spe- cially to the object of the repeal of those statutes; which, I say, the law of the land will require them to carry into execution in respect of the rights of the individuals who claim privileges under the provisions of those several statutes ; because I see, if an inquiry of the description proposed should be attempted, same of her Majesty's most respectable and loyal subjects would be placed m a situation of the greatest difficulty : they would have to decide between their duty of obedience to her Majesty's commands and that duty and respect which they owe to the execution of the law."

TRANSFER O' POLICIES OF ASSURANCES.

In Committee on the Life Policies of Assurance (No, 2) Bill, Sir FRE- DERICK 'FREAKIER raised an opposition to the bill, on account of its con- travening the legal principle that rights of action should not be assignable, and on the ground that to make policies legally assignable will encourage gambling in them. Mr. PAGAN showed the triviality of these objections : already, policies are practically assignable ; the Courts of Equity will practically enforce a contract to assign, and in fact insurance-companies deal with them as assignable ; it is only in technical law that they are not assignable—a consequence that only hangs a Chancery suit round the necks of the parties. Mr. Mureertecs was surprised and vexed to see the op- position, and drew on his experience for illustrations of the inconvenience caused by the present hampering state of things. The Arromeev-Gisiz- ner, supported Sir Frederick Thesiger's technical objections; and called forth from Mr. FRENCH the remark that here was another instance of lawyers with their common law, opposing conunon sense. Sir Frede- rick Thsiger's motion that the Chairman do kayo the chair was carried by 69 to 66—majority 3; and thus the bill was put aside.

SUPPLY OF WATER FOR LONDON.

The second reading of the London and Watford Spring Water Com- pany ltill, moved by Mr: limerox, and that of the Metropolitan Water- wdiks Bill, moved by Sir WiLmem MoLeswoirrir, were both opposed by • Lord ASHLEY, as a private Member, but on grounds suggested by official

opinion. • The Watfordircherne, even if it were carried into effect, would produce no beneficial results whatever ; and he therefore hoped that this bill would not be proceeded with, at least during the present session. The report of the Board of Health would develop to the House new sources of supply, and a mode of administration five times cheaper than that pro Bed by this mea- sure. The Henley scheme would not get better water t comes down to Battersea Bridge at ebb-tide, and is extravagant both in the water it would absorb and the capital it would sink. A board constituted by that Honk bill with regard to salaries • and as to capital, instead of 000,000/.

could regulate the supply of water at one-third the expense proposed by this such a board would not And it necessary to raise more thin ,0004- order to supply the Metropolis with wholesome water. The Board of Health has now completed its report, and he had little doubt it would be laid on the table before Whitsuntide.

The first bill was thrown out by 196 to 90; the second by 226 to 116.