• NEWS OF THE WEEK.

THE question of the Budget still forms the principal feature of the week's debates in Parliament ; for almost all the discussions, how- ever beginning or ending, have had in their progress more or less reference to it. Ministers on Monday gave up the transfer-tax, and signified at the same time the necessity of retaining the tobacco and glass duties. The duty on cotton has been so vigorously at- tacked, that it must be modified or abandoned ; and it has been announced that, in that case, very probably the printed cotton tax will be retained. The proposed timber-duties, and still more gene- rally, the steam-boat duty, have occasioned a good deal of dissatis- faction. The tax on' Cape wines has been modified, for the next two years, to 2s. 9d. per gallon. The only resolutions yet carried are those taking off' the coal and candle duties, and that which im- poses a new duty on exported coal, respecting which a bill has been introduced and read a first time.

The most prominent question next to the Budget, has been the attempt, on the.part of the.Marquis of CnAivoos and the Reform- of-abuses-as- they-arise Party, to fritter away the general Reform motion, by an inquiry into the delinquencies of Evesham. The case was debated long and warmly last night; but the Marquis was fain at length to yield to the wishes of the House of Commons, and postpone it until after the 1st instant. • The Foreign relations of the country were talked at last night, on a motion of Mr. HUME for copies of the protocols in the case of Belgium ; and the commercial relations with Portugal are threatened to be discussed in the House of Lords next week, by Lord STRANGFORD.

Among the isolated questions of the week, we may notice Mr. PERCEVAL'S motion for a general fast, made on Monday. He spoke for nearly an hour; and his discourse, which would have done honour to the pulpit, was heard with profound stillness and perfect decorum. In Its perfect state—in which form we have seen an early copy, from the Mirror of Parliament, which will appear on Monday;—the speech is one of the most curious speci- mens of eloquence that the Senate has produced in modern times. We will not injure it by compression or mutilation, and unfortu- nately its length is a.bar to our copying the whole. The motion for an address to the King on this subject was met, on the ground of prerogative, by the previous question, after a grave and mild speech by Lord ALTHORP, which Mr. PERCEVAL acknowledged with-mdch courtesy: he expressed himself gratified at the atten- tion of the House, and declined pressing the question farther. Alderman WAITHMAN; on Tuesday, brought forward his long- threatened motion on the exports and imports ; which was chiefly memorable for a singularly sensible speech, and one containing not a few novel and striking facts and arguments on trade and taxation, pronounced by the member for St. Ives, Mr. MORISON. On Tuesday, also, the question of the estimates of Buckingham House and Windsor Castle were referred to a Committee; and Lord Avrproie introduced his amendments of the Game-laws.

In the other House, Lord KING, on Monday, again introduced the question of tithes ; when Earl GREY announced that a bill had been prepared by the Archbishop of CANTERBURY, which would authorize compositions, and might pave the way for a commuta- tion of the very obnoxious system.

1. THE BUDGET. The Transfer-tax was on Monday night, some- what unusually, mooted in the House of Lords, before in the course of business it came to be considered in the House of Com- mons. The Duke of BUCKINGHAM characterized it as a violation of public 'faith, and as of a revolutionary tendency, and gave no- tice of his intention to oppose it. Ear_l Gwor said, the answer which he was about to give would probably sc hia Grace the trouble. It was essential, looking to the situation of the country, that relief should be given to the la- bouring part of the community ; and relief could only be given by commutation of taxes. Where were the Ministers in such a case to look, if not to property, which had in no respect suffered from the pressure of the times? The tax upon transfers lie considered to be in every respect just and equitable. Certain difficulties had, however, presented themselves in the way of its imposition, which it seemed impossible fully to overcome ; and Ministers had in con- sequence determined to abandon it.

One of the great inducements for Government to propose the tax on transfers was, because they heard the general cry for the imposition of the property-tax ; to which, in time of peace, he had great objection. The Government, therefore, thought it desirable to lay a tax on the trans. fer of funded property, which could only in a slight degree affect the ge- neral interest of the country ; and he was surprised to find it complained of by those very persons who would impose on the country a general property-tax, which, by operating on parts of the community in great distress, would be most impolitic, and by being imposed on the funds, would tend to drive capital out of the country more than any other. He was sorry that Government felt it necessary to withdraw the tax, because he believed in his conscience, if the financial measures which his noble friend proposed had been suffered to go on without interruption, there was a prospect of such an increase and activity in the coMmerce and industry of the country, as would have relieved the existing distress ; and Government would have had the satisfaction of coming down to Par- liament next year with the power of reducing more taxes, without the addition of others. He was o- '

grieved that this power was taken away • and he grieved for the disappointment which they had sustained who had been led to entertain expectations of the reduction of some of those taxes which Government intended to remove.

The Marquis of LONDONDERRY and the Earl of WiNclur.SEA. expressed their approbation of a tax on funded propeity. The Earl of WINCHILSEA was decidedly of opinion that the fundholder was not taxed to the extent that he ought to be. So far was he from thinking that the imposition of a tax on funded pro- perty would involve a breach of faith with the public creditor, that he thought it was virtually, under the present circumstances of the country, a breach of faith with the public debtor—that was, with the great mass of the community—that the fundholder should remain untaxed. (Hear, hear!) - He would ask their Lordships, on what principle of justice it was, that the landowner should have to bear the pressure of so many burdens, while the person who had 50001., or even 100,0001. a year in the Funds was exempted from any such contributions? In what way did the fund- holder contribute to the maintenance of the poor? In what way did he contribute to the repairs of public roads, and other matters involving heavy disbursements, which were now paid by the holders of landed pro- perty? He-repeated, that, under these circumstances, the breach of faith was with. the public debtor, who was at the present state of the cur- rency called upon to pay 20s. for every 13s. which were borrowed- in his . name. He, then, for one, would never assent to the doctrine; that the taxin6 of the fundholder would be a violation of faith with the public creditor. He 'contended that the fundholder, like every other member of the community, should bear his share of those burdens which the neces- sities of the State might require. He owned that he heard with regret from Earl Grey that he was averse to the introduction of a property-tax, which, in Lord Winchilsea's opinion, was the most just and equitable that could be devised.

. Lord FARNHAM thought that a property-tax, so far from being objectionable, was the very best tax that could be imposed. Lord ELLENBOROUGH thought that the discussion of a property- tax was unnecessary in the presence of the noble lord on the wool- sack, *horn he had heard over and over again, in the House of Com- mons, exert his powerful eloquence against a property-tax in time of peace, and who, he doubted not, still retained on that subject' the sentiments which he had formerly so strongly expressed.

Lord BROUGHAM replied to this taunt- " I should not have felt it necessary to trespass on the attention of your Lordships in prolonging a conversation on this subject, but for the good-natured, though rather sarcastic allusion made by my noble friend to the opinions which I have held on the subject of a property-tax. Cer- tainly I have no wish at this moment to renew a debate in which I admit I took a very prominent part. Such a renewal at the present moment would not prove very agreeable to your Lordships, since, as most of you are aware, it was one which lasted eight weeks with little interruption, beginning at half-past four each day, and lasting till midnight, and often till past three in the morning. In that debate I did, it is true, take a very prominent, and, as it proved, a very successful part. I objected, and I still should continue to object,—Unless particular circumstances, which - I do not think to be of very likely occurrence, should show a necessity . to the contrary,—to the principle of an income-tax in a time of peace. - The tai arose in that which is the parent of all bad taxes—hateful war; and, unless asimilar.cause. should arise,—or unless -such circumstances should occur as would justify me in changing my Opinion; I should still continue to hold the same opinion as I did at the period to which my noble.friend alluded. But be it remembered at the same time, with re- ference to my opinions at that period, that they referred chiefly to that ; most hateful of all systems of taxation,- a tax on income,—a tax which was opposed to all good and sound Principles ofAnance. My greob" at that time were to an income-tax, which that tax was ; aitho 3,9-10 mit that eyed a property-tax, distinct from One on inc me whilld:faVe also opposed at that time under the existing circumstances the cutuV ' try.- If circumstances did call for a property-tax at present, the olteci- lions I made to an income-tax would no; apply to it; but I nu* etineul• with my noble friend (Earl Grey):tliat Such circumstances aft-F."011:17-14 existence." . . The argument that the Transfer-tax, proposed on Friday, was a violation or a commencement of a violation of the publie faith, Lord Brougham said was best met by the fact, that in the City, svhere, if in any quarter, men were most alive to such attempts at violation, the announcement-of the Chancellor of the Exchequer did not affect the funds above one twentieth per cent. The truth svas, that three-fourths of the public funds were matter of perma- nent investment, and could not be in any way affected by the Transfer-tax. With respect to a renewal of the plans of Mr. Pitt, a tax on money in the funds equally with land, Lord Brougham ob- served, that the circumstances of the country were in a different situation at present from what they were when Mr. Pitt brought forward his proposition.

At present, the communication between London and Paris was as open, and nearer than the communication between London and Yorkshire. The 3 per Cents. at Paris were at 60. In London it would require 80 to pro- duce the same interest. Here, then, of itself, was a temptation to invest in the French funds. The trading stockholder was a man of no country —he was here to-day, and gone to morrow, whithersoever his capital could be most advantageously invested. If, then, in addition to the 80, you take from him 7, or 8, or 10 per cent. see what an additional induce- ment would be given to him to transfer his property. He did not urge this as an all-sufficient reason against the imposition of a tax on the fundholder, equally with the landed proprietor ; but he thought it was a reason why they should pause before they consented to any imposition of such a tax.

In the House of Commons, the subject was introduced by Lord

ALTHORP.

He trusted the House and the country would believe that his object was to relieve to the utmost of his power the productive industry of the country ; and this, he conceived, could be best done by relieving those manufactures which were pressed down by the weight of taxation and by the mode in which it was collected. It was, in the existing state of the fnances, impossible for him to remit duties to any extent, without seek- ing an equivalent; and amongst those imposts which he proposed to lay on with that purpose, was the tax upon the bond fide transfer of property in-the Funds. He did still consider it practicable to levy such a tax, and to make a distinction between the two species of sale. He did not, on a former night, like to state the name of the gentleman to whom he had communicated his plan, and from whom he had sought information on the subject. Now, however, he had his permission to do so ; and he had to say, that the gentleman who had answered his inquiries was the Governor of the Bank of England. And although he admitted the great authority of the practical men who had declared themselves against the project, he could not resign his opinions. The Governor of the Bank told him there would be no difficulty whatsoever in the collection—none in snaking the distinction between the two species of sale. And when it was said that the Bank could not have given the extensive accommodation it did in 1825, he had simply to declare, in reply, that every accommoda- tion might have, in like manner, been given, if the tax were in operation. neither did he admit that any thing which he had heard the other night, in the least tended to convince him, that in laying on this duty he would be committing a breach of the public faith. If he had suspected that such would be the case—if he had the least idea of. it—he would be the last man in the world to advance the proposition. (Cheers.) But he thought then as he still did, that the tax might have been imposed without any breach of public faith. However, after the opposition the measure had met with in that House, he certainly would not persevere. The oppo- sition he met with was such, that he should have, at least, great difficulty in persevering ; and therefore he thought it right to take the first op- portunity to relieve the public from suspense. He was sorry, while snaking this statement, to be obliged to add, that he felt he had lost the opportunity of doing great good. bBy this reduction, his ways and means were so straitened, that it was impossible for him to afford the extent of relief which he had contemplated. He was, consequently, compelled to reserve two taxes, as an equivalent for the duty on transfers, on which be had calculated. The taxes which he should not take off were that upon tobacco, and that upon glass. Concerning the first of these taxes, great misunderstanding had prevailed as to the grounds on which he had taken it off. It was not as a relief to the poor that he did so, but because it belonged to the first of three classes into which he had divided the objec- tionable taxes,—namely, that in which the duty on the article was so large as to diminish its consumption, and consequently the return to the revenue, while it at the same time encouraged smuggling. Mr. WARD said, the opinion of the Governor of the Bank was merely one of those which the Bank was ever ready to pro- nounce, out of their zeal to contribute to the Government service by all means compatible with their private duty. Mr. LITTLETON regretted the withdrawal of the transfer-duty; lie did not think the opposition to it by any means formidable, nor the principle of the measure in any respect unjust. In answer to a 'question of Sir EDWARD KNATCHBULL, Lord ALTEEORP said, the whole tax was given up, whether as affecting the land or the Funds.

Alderman THOPSON deprecated the increased duty on Cape wi M nes, and the proposed regulation of the Timber-duties ; which, he assured the House, would annihilate the shipping interest. He 'Wished to know if a drawback on printed cotton would be allowed to the present holders of that article ?

Lord ALTHORP declared that to be impossible, without open- ing a door to endless frauds. The loss to individuals in such cases was inevitable.

Sir JOSEPH YORKE said, the advice which he would give to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, would be, to take off two taxes only—the coal-tax and the calico-tax, and not to impose any new tax all.

He thought that the Government might safely retain the present duties on newspapers. The saving would only be 6d. a week to the purchaser ; and nobody who could afford to pay 6d. a day for a daily newspaper, WOuld care much about paying the additional penny. Mr. WARBURTON approved of the withdrawal of the transfer- duty. f' Whenever the noble Lord shall propose a property-tax, be shall have my feeble aid in support of it. Such a tax would raise not one million, but many millions ; and thus Ministers would be enabled to take Off many taxes which press heavily at present on the lower orders. I object to the

imposition of any tax on that infant branch of navigation, tbenavigation by steam-boats. I think that the object of Government should' be to en- courage and not to impede it. A tax of the nature proposed by the noble Lord will put a stop to the communication which is now carried on so beneficially to all parties between the Western Islands and the main land of Scotland. The whole of that communication is carried on by steam- boats. I think that in any future war, we shall derive great advantage from the employment of armed steam-boats. If we had armed steam- boats fitted out, we should never hear again of privateers taking vessels within a stone's throw of our harbours. I look upon this tax on an infant branch of navigation as a tax infinitely prejudicial."

Mr. P. THOMSON said, he deeply regretted that his noble friend had not been able to effect the reductions which he contemplated, but the failure rested not with his noble friend, but with those who opposed him. His plan would have relieved the productive classes of four millions, at a charge to the unproductive of a million and a quarter. Even crippled as the Chancellor of the Exchequer's plan was, it would effect a great good—

At the expense of 100,000/. drawn from the pocket of the consumer, he would relieve the people to the extent of 2,000,000/. He had taken off 800,000/. upon coals, 500,000/. upon calicoes, 400,000/. upon candles, and 250,0001. upon newspapers; and yet his surplus had not been at all di- minished by those reductions. Indeed, he remained at the close of the year with 100,000/. more than he set out at its commencement ; and that 100,0001. was gained by the new duty upon steam-boats. Besides, all the taxes which he had imposed tended to relieve the consumer of the very article on which it was imposed. His noble friend had imposed a tax on wine, and the consumer of wine would find himself benefited by the equalization of the wine-duties which that tax would create. He had imposed a new duty on timber, and the consumer of timber would find himself a gainer by the very imposition of that duty. He had taken off the duty on coals ; but he had imposed another, which would compel the foreigner to contribute to the advantage of our revenue.

Mr. PRAED, in a maiden speech, observed, in reference to the reduction of the tax on printed calicoes— The best, or at least the most popular, argument which the noble Lord had adduced in support of that part of his proposition,—was, that the duty on printed calicoes pressed heavily on the poorer classes. But what did the noble Lord propose in its stead? A duty of one penny per pound on the importation of raw cotton. Now, a piece of printed calico, such as was worn by those whom the noble Lord proposed to relieve, weighed about four pounds, and would cost about 6s. or 8s. Apiece of stamped muslin, such as was worn by the higher classes, weighed about two pounds, and would cost, at an extremely low estimate, about 40s. The consumers of the last article would pay only per cent., while the con- sumers of the former paid 5 per cent. Whatever good reasons, there- fore, the noble Lord might have for removing the one, and substituting the other duty, he must not take credit for any very extensive boon to the lower orders.

Mr. Praecl went on to argue, that the tax would fall chiefly on the cottons of our own colonies, which were generally coarse ; and that upon the East India cottons it would operate as an entire pro- hibition.

Sir JAMES GRAHAM having defended the taxes to be withdrawn, went on to answer (as it is called in the House) the argument of Mr. Praed with respect to printed calicoes—

The honourable and learned gentleman had said that the poor would still pay a tax of 5 per cent. on an article for which the rich paid only per cent. He, however, appeared to forget that the poorer classes paid at present from 40 to 60 per cent., and that the rich paid only 5 per cent. He would not now go at length into the honourable and learned gentleman's argument; nor, indeed, was it necessary that he should, for upon the showing of the honourable and learned gentleman himself, the proposed measure would give to the poor a relief equal to the differ- ence between 40 per cent. and 5 per cent. The honourable and learned gentleman, therefore, was hardly correct in saying that his noble friend must not take credit to himself for any great boon to the lower classes.

Mr. CUTLAR FERGUSSON thought the proper duty on cottons would be an ad valorem duty. The proposed steam-boat tax was one which could not be collected; and it would be a most oppres- sive and mischievous tax if it could.

Mr. COURTENAY said, that with all their pledges of retrench- ment, Ministers must now find that there remained very little retrenchment for them to effect. The Duke of Wellington had, in fact, carried the reduction and abolition of offices, both high and low, as far as it could be carried. He deprecated the tax on Cape wines. The understanding with the growers certainly was, that the low duties should continue until 1833.

Lord Howicx congratulated the agent for the Cape on having performed his duty.

The fact, however, was, as appeared from the report of the Commis- sioners who had been sent out there, and from other accounts, that the least prosperous class of persons at the Cape was the wine-growers. The capital employed at the Cape in the cultivation of the vine had long reached its maximum of profit, except so far as the adulteration of the wine was taken into the calculation; and although he had often heard of many vested rights, he had never yet heard of any body of men-possess- ing a vested right to poison their fellow-creatures.

With regard to the cotton-tax, his Lordship contended, that- very little cotton, in point of weight, was worked up in the fabrics- worn by the poor, while it entered largely into numerous fabrics used entirely by the rich. The India cottons were chiefly re- exported in a manufactured state, and could not, therefore, be- injured by the duty more than they were benefited by the drawback. Mr. GOULBURN repeated his objections of Friday to the trans- fer-tax.

Sir THOMAS ACLAND thought, instead of a tax on steam-boat passengers, a tonnage-duty would be preferable. Mr. SPRING RICE defended the lowering of the duty on Baltic timber, and raising the duty on that of Canada. It was a notorious fact, that so enormous was the difference at present, that vessels went out to Canada laden with Memel logs, which were trans- shipped in America, brought home as Canadian, and sold.with a considerable profit. The timber trade of Canada was so far from

being profitable to that colony, that the part of the colony em- ployed in it was less improved than any other.

Mr. NORTH said— The proceedings of Ministers in respect of the transfer-tax, and the justification of it drawn from the conduct of Mr. Pitt in the case of the income-tax, strongly resembled those of three celebrated brothers whose adventures were narrated in the Tale of a Tub. Those persons were pro- Libited from putting fashionable ornaments on the plain cats which their father had left -them by will ; one of the fashions which came up, and which the brothers, negligent of their father's instructions, wished to adopt, was shoulder-knots. Now, shoulder-knots were evidently against the spirit of the will ; but not being mentioned and prohibited by name, the brothers adopted and wore them. Next came up the fashion of gold lace ; which was also followed with as little scruple as the pre- ceding innovation. Lastly, there arose a fashion of silver fringe. Now, " silver fringe" was found to be prohibited by section twenty-five of the the very same section as that of the act in this case. (A laugh.) Section twenty-five said, " I do hereby charge my said sons not to wear any silver fringe upon their coats, under certain heavy penaltics." What was to be done ? Here was a direct and positive prohibition ? How deal with it ? The resolution to which the brothers came, was to lock up the will in a strong box, and, seeing it contradicted them in their desires, never to look at it again. -Unless Ministers succeeded in lucking up the acts of Parliament on this subject in a strong box, they would be con- sidered in all times as having attempted a violation of the public faith. Mr. North complained severely of the steam-boat tax, which went to load the passage of Irish labourers across the Chan- nel with a heavy burden: but would not prevent them crossing nevertheless. He complained also of the assimilation of the English and Trish newspaper-duties. The present Ministers were in fact compassing, by another process than that proposed by their prededessors, the annihilation of the Irish press.

Mr. CHARLES GRANT regretted that Mr. North's speech had not been pronounced on Friday, for which night it was evidently intended ; it came too late now, after the statement which Lord Althorp had just made. With respect to the argument against the reduction of the stamp-duties, he begged the House to look at Mr. North's notions of reciprocity—

His complaint was not that Ministers had attempted to raise the Irish stamp-duties--of that most atrocious act they were guiltless; they had not even revived the memory of it ; the complaint was, that they were about to equalize the duties ; that the English duties were to be reduced, the Irish not raised. Did the learned gentleman mean to say that in no case, where for years England had been taxed more than Ireland, should an approximation be made to the taxation of the latter in the former? Was the taxation of Ireland to be reduced still lower because that of England was moderated ? Must there be no reduction here without a reduction at the other side of the Channel, in precisely the same propor- tion, although England should have been overtaxed, and Ireland not ? (Hear !)

Messrs. DUNCOMBE, O'GORMAN MAFION, ATTWOOD, HUNT, and several other members, afterwards addressed the House. Mr. HUNT was somewhat uncourteously interrupted by the members on the Opposition bench, and proceeded to move an adjournment in consequence ; which was seconded by Mr. WARBURTON : he afterwards, however, withdrew the motion, and was suffered to proceed without further hindrance.

To a question of Mr. HERRIES respecting the equalization of the duties on French and Portuguese wines, Lori PALMERSTON re- plied, that the facts were simply these

In 1703 a treaty had been agreed upon between Portugal and England, providing that that country should open her market to our woollen com- modities, on condition that we afforded similar advantages to her wines,— namely, importation at one-third less duty than was imposed upon other countries : this was done on the understanding, that if we varied the duty, on wines, Portugal should have a right to deal by our woollens as her Government might think proper. The treaty expired in 1810, when a new treaty provided that the articles of the former treaty should remain unaltered : but an article of the treaty of 1810 allowed Of the whole being altered, if desired by the contracting parties, at the expiration of fifteen years.

The question of the commercial relations, as far as they are likely to be affected by the equalization of the wine-duties, is in-

tended to be brought under discussion in the Upper House : where Lord STRANGFORD on Monday gave a notice of motion on the subject.

The subject of the Budget was resumed on Thursday in both Houses.

In the House of Lords, Lord ELLENnonoues, in moving for returns connected with the wine, timber, and cotton trade, strongly objected to the commutation-tax on cotton. He objected to the inequality of the tax; but, above all, to the injurious effect it must have on the East India trade, which it had been the con- stant policy of former Governments to foster, not only on grounds of policy, but of justice, as a country which furnished a large supply of raw produce and took the manufactured article in re- turn. Lord Ellenborough said, if the tax was carried, not only would the importation afford no profit to the grower, but in some instances it would cause a positive loss of ten per cent. The tax would, in consequence, prove a prohibitory one.

Earl GREY said, that if the Ministers found, on inquiry, the tax would be productive of all the evils attributed to it by Lord Ellenborough, he had no hesitation in stating that they would at once modify it ; or, if it should interfere with the exports to India, give up that part of it altogether. In a farther conversation that ensued between Lord BROUGHAM and Lord ELLENBOROUGH, on the subject of the timber-duties, the latter agreed to abstain from any discussion on that subject, until Lord Godelich should be present, his Lordship being at pre- sent indisposed. The discussion will, it is supposed, take place on Monday. In the House of Commons, Lord ALTHORP announced, that, in deference to the representations of the parties, he should leave the duties on Cape wine, for the next two years, at 2s. 9d.—that is, at one-half the amount of European wines.; being an addition of 6d., instead, as was at first proposed, of 3s. 3d.

The remainder of the discussion on the Budget turned almost entirely on the steam-boat tax. The names of the members who spoke against the tax, male up three-fourths of the speaking part of the House : Mr. O'BRIEN, Mr. WILKES, Mr. HUME, Mr. C. FERGUSSON, Mr. SADLER, Mr. EWART, Mr. GRATTAN, Sir R. BATESON, Mr. H. HUGHES, Mr. M. FITZGERALD, Mr.WARBUR- TON, Mr. PRICE, Mr. TENNANT, Mr. Alderman THOMPSON, Mr. SuAw, Lord STORMONT, Alderman WOOD, Sir GEORGE CLERK, all spoke in deprecation of the tax, as impolitic, oppressive, and likely to be unproductive. Mr. Alderman WOOD proposed to ex- empt Scotland from the tax, and to repeal the drawback on malt instead. Mr. HOLME SUMNER said it would double the burden of the parishes of England, which now pay so highly for returning

i

Irish paupers. Sir CHARLES FORBES stood alone n considering the tax a fair one ; for the Chancellor of the Exchequer gave up the principle, and hinted that he would modify the details. Lord ALTHORP said— The tax upon passengers in steam-boats was objected to as being con- trary to principle. Why, so was almost every tax. It was hardly possible to point out one tax which did not militate against some principle. With regard to this tax, however, he must say, that while every mode of land- carriage was taxed, lie did think that a tax, in some way modified, on the rival mode of carrying passengers, was not improper. He said, " in some way modified," because, after receiving more particular information upon the subject, he might find that he had not modified it on the best possible scale. What, however, he must contend for was this,—namely, that when the one mode of carriage was taxed, it was not unjust to tax the rival mode of carriage. But then it was said, that the tax on land car- riage was improper, and that the tax on stage-coachts and post-horses ought to be taken off. He should be very glad to take off those taxes if he could ; but he was sure that, when there was an opportunity of re- ducing taxation, no gentleman would say that the tax of stage-coaches and post-horses ought to be the first to be taken off. He admitted, that on small distances, and particularly on ferries, the tax he had proposed was too heavy. That he readily admitted, but an alteration in that par- ticular was easily made. An honourable gentleman, not now in his place, had talked of the many changes that had been made in the budget. That he had made changes in his budget was true ; and instead of being sorry for having done so, he should have been, and should have had great reason. to be, ashamed if he had not made changes in those parts ofhis plan against which reasonable and substantial Objections had been adduced:* (theers.) 2. ARMY ESTIMATES, BELGIUM. In the Committee of Supply last night, Mr. Hums, in moving for copies of the protocols respecting Belgium, took occasion to press for a reduction of the Army. He contended, that notwithstanding all that had been said, Ireland was tranquil—that Scotland was tranquil—that there were too many troops in each —that the colonies were equally over-provided. He insisted that there could be no reason assigned for keeping up so large a force as 88,000 men (8,000 more than last year), except to overawe the people at home, or with a view to war abroad. He particularly excepted to the conduct of the Allies with respect to Belgium. On the 15th of December they recognized the independence of Belgium. On the 6th of January, the Belgian agent delivered to the Five Powers a note, declarinr, that it was the Belgian Congress alone which could settle the limits of the country, and that they would not allow of any inter- ference. Yet on the 20th of January, a protocol appeared, laying down the boundary -line between Belgium and Holland. Their proceedings, however, were not limited to limits. Lord Palmerston, one of the Five Great Powers—(A laugh)—asked the amount of the debt of Belgium and Holland. The Deputies replied, that they had no power to discuss that question with the Five Powers; that the Belgian Congress were the only parties competent, and they declined to give any information. What business had the Five Great Powers with the debts of Holland and Be!- glum? On the 7th of February. the Five Great Powers declared they would not recognize as King of Belgium the Duke de Nemours or the Duke de Leuchtenberg. What business had we to embroil ourselves with the election of a King ? If this was not interference, he knew not what was interference. He would contend, that the whole system of this Government was any thing but a system of non-interference. In short, they were evidently bringing up that odious system which had been intro- duced by the Holy Alliance, and which he hoped would be crippled and destroyed at last. (Hear !) Lord PALMERSTON defended the augmentation of the Army, on the notoriety of the disturbances of England, and of the unsettled state of Ireland. Mr. Hume might see the necessity for an aug- mentation, so far as Ireland was concerned, without stirring from his seat. (" Hear!" from Mr. U Connell.) Lord Palmerston in- sisted, that the Powers which had first united the Netherlands to Holland had a perfect right to interfere with respect to an arrange-

ment which they themselves had made.

They had a right to say to Belgium—" You are only a Government of yesterday; you never were an independent state ; you have been the ser- vants of one master after another ; you have no right to deprive Holland of her ancient boundaries ; you have no right to convert yourselves into aggressors, and to claim, as yours, that which belongs of right to another.'4' (Hear, hear !) And they had a perfect right to say that the Belgians should net enter Luxembourg,—for the plain reason, that third parties, the German Confederation, had a claim to it ; and also that they should not in electing a King for the first time, choose one whose election might be dangerous to the general peace of Europe. If the Duke de Nemours were elected, the result would be a virtual union of Belgium and France ; if the Duke de Leuchtenberg, the former country would be the focus of intrigue to all the dissatisfied spirits of Europe. In respect of the debt—when the countries were united, the debts of both Were conjoined; now that they were to be separated, it was surely just that each should take back its owe. Mr. O'CoNNELL said Lord Palmerston talked of Governments of yesterday- . The Government of Belgium was of yesterday, because it was only yes- terday that the Belgians had broken the chains by which the Holy Alli- ance had bound them to Holland ; which was, he would say, one of the basest and most flagitious acts that had ever been committed. There were, however, more Governments of yesterday,—if that observation was meant as a taunt. The government of Louis Philip was a Govern- 'bent of yesterday. (Hear, hear !) The noble Lord had told them that there was no interference with the internal affairs of Belgium—was med- ' dling with the boundaries of a country no interference ? It was just as if an individual wished to take a large farm, and a powerful neighbour came and said, "I don't mean to interfere, but your farm shall be only half the size you wish ; I don't mean to interfere, but I must examine your purse ; and, though I don't mean to interfere, yet I do' not like the young woman whom you have selected for a wife, and you shall not mai ry her." (Hear, hear!) Lord Aurtiour said, Mr. Hume approved of Ministers main- taining the peace of Europe ; but how could they keep it if the boundaries of Belgium and Holland were to be left unsettled ? Again, was it not obvious that Sovereigns might be proposed for Belgium, whose accession would necessarily hazard the peace of the Continent ; and if England wished to avoid a war in Europe, in winch it must be necessarily involved, how could it avoid inter- fering in the question of the future Sovereign any more than that of 1114 boundary ? Sir ROBERT PEEL was of opinion that while negotiations were yet pending, the protocols ought not to be granted. He was perfectly content with the assurance that when the proper time had arrived, full information would be given. With respect to the ap- prehensions of war, Sir Robert said, that such was now the force of public opinion, no war of spoliation could be successfully waged by any European power.

The country which might provoke an unjust war—which should again visit Europe with the most terrible infliction to which humanity could be subject—a general war without ajust cause—that country, what- ever might be its financial resources—whatever might be its spirit of mi- litary enterprise—whatever might be the number of soldiers which it could command, would ultimately fall the victim to the force of public opinion, which would rally the whole of Europe to vindicate the great Cause of peace and justice. (Cheers.) He was perfectly confident, that if, when France asserted her own rights, and revolted against the unjust pro- ceedings of the late Ministers, the Powers of Europe had confederated against the right of France to change her own internal government, they .would ultimately have failed in that unjust cause, and France would have . nobly vindicated her right to change her own governors in the circum- stances in which she was placed, against the combined willof Europe. (Cheers.) He was equally confident, that if unjust ambition should tempt France to pursue the course which forfeited his empire to Napo- , leon,—if a military faction should overrule the good sense of that nation, —then the whole of Europe would be united in as just a cause as that to -which he had referred, and the result would be equally glorious to .them. (Hear !) In allusion to the contrast attempted to be set up between the principles of the present and the late Ministry, Sir Robert admitted, that on one point, Reform, there was a difference; and on that point he differed from them so strongly, that it was likely, had the Civil List question never been mooted, he would have quitted office on the question of Reform.

But to be told that he had lost office on the ground of Retrenchment ! —(Much cheering)—to have it supposed that he was separated in the pub- lic mind from his noble friend (Lord Palmerston) and his colleagues, on those two great points—namely, non-interference and retrenchment— appeared to him one of the most extraordinary things posssible. (Cheers.) . The first part of the speech of his noble friend, in which he dilated upon the necessity of maintaining the military establishments, so much re- minded him of those happy times when his noble friend was Secretary of War, and he, sitting by his side, applauding every sentence which he ut- tered, that he could hardly believe that he was in a state of political hostility to him. (Cheers and laughter.) When he heard the members of Government declare that the principles on which they acted, as op- posed to the late Government, were those of retrenchment and non- intervention, he would frankly state, that be did them the justice of utterly disbelieving their declarations, and felt perfectly confident that their conduct would he actuated by a due regard to the interests of the country,—that they were honourable men, prepared to throw overboard the declarations which they had so often made. (Cheers and laughter.) On the argument of Lord Palmerston in vindication of the in- tervention with Belgium, Sir Robert observed, He never heard the doctrine of the right of intervention argued on such high ground even by Lord Castlereagh himself. (Hear, hear 1) Whilst he listened to his noble friend, he was astonished that the King's Speech at the opening of Parliament should have excited such virtuous indignation. He thanked his noble friend for having vindicated that Speech, though his vindication was extravagant. What did his noble friend say had given Us the right of interference ? Why, that Belgium never had been an independent state. What I because a country had never been independent, did other nations acquires stronger right to in- terfere in her affairs ? The South American provinces were never inde- pendent until now; but would any one pretend that that circumstance gave other nations a superior right of interference ? (Hear!) Having by these acts fully vindicated the language of their pre- ' decessors, in so far as the interference with Belgium was con- cerned, Sir Robert said he hoped on the question of Reform they would be guided by the same sound, constitutional views.

He hoped that the taunts of the honourable member for Middlesex, and those who acted with him, would not tempt them to propose for the consideration of the House any measure which they thought pregnant either with immediate or contingent prejudice to the interests of the great country over whose present and future welfare it was their bounden duty to watch. (Cheers.) Sir JAMES GRAHAM contended, that if Ministers had not made all the reductions they wished or expected, the condition of the country when they took office must form their. oxbow.. They re- ceived the couutry from the hands of the late Ministry in such a state, that, by their own declaration, the Sovereign could not pass through the streets of the metropolis without danger.

If he recollected rightly; although he had not read the King's

• Speech since it had been delivered, it contained something little short of an approval of the &induct of the King of Holland, whose administration was designated an enlightened administration, and whose people were stigmatized by the epithet of revolted subjects. Up to the present moment Government had been completely successful under very difficult circum- stances, and at a time when it required peculiar delicacy of management to carry such intentions into effect, without in any respect compromising the dignity of the country. The blockade of the Scheldt had been raised without a weapon having been bared or a blow struck, and the siege of Maestricht had been also raised in the same manner, owing to their strenuous and determined exertions. With respect to the question of our military force, it was true his Majesty continued to receive from all fo- reign states the most pacific assurances : he had no doubt as to the per. manency of the good understanding which at present subsisted between this country and all the other nations of the world ; but it should also be remembered, that Europe was now in arms—that armies on the very largest scale had been put in motion, and that the power of war was a-foot and in the field. At such a crisis, he would ask, should they not he pre- pared to repel aggression, and assume a bold, fearless, and dignified de- portment ? (Hear, hear.) Sir JOSEPH YORKE thought the principal question now was,— if we abstained from interfering with others, would they abstain from interfering with us ? Mr. O'GORMAN MAHON swore by Him that made the world, that he would continue to agitate the repeal of the -Union. Mr. ROBERT GRANT, in answer to the complaints of Mr. Hume, that Ministers had forfeited their pledges of Retrenchment and Non-interference, asked, whether, if the Government redeemed its pledge on Reform, it would not counterbalance any blame which might accidentally be due to it on the two other points ? Since the Government could only do that which it had done badly in consequence of its having to act with an unreformed Parliament, could it win for itself greater praise than this—that it had put the seal upon the possibility of the commission of such errors in future by taking from it- self the support by which such errors had hitherto been defended ? He was no member of the Cabinet—he was therefore unacquainted with the plan of reform of which the noble Paymaster of the Forces was to be the propounder ; but this he believed, that every pledge which the Govern- ment had given on the subject of reform would be redeemed fully and satisfactorily. If it had been guilty of misconduct in its policy hitherto, the country had at least the consolation of seeing that a term was at length fixed to the continuance of that misconduct. (Hear.) The motion of Mr. Hume was ultimately withdrawn, after sonic more conversation, in which Sir ROBERT PEEL, Sir GEORGE MURRAY, Sir JAMES GRAHAM, and Mr. NORTH, took part. The question of the Estimates was not gone into, it being past one o'clock before the Speaker left the Chair, and it being now an established rule of the House that no vote of supply shall be taken after twelve o'clock, if any member oppose it.

3. GREECE. The Earl of ABERDEEN, last night, alluding to a reported speech of the French Secretary for Foreign Affairs—to the effect "that the affairs of Greece, which owed its liberty and independence to French intervention and to French arms, had en- gaged the attention of the Cabinet"—put a question to Earl Grey touching the boundaries to be assigned to Greece ; and whether, after the solemn settlement come to, the negotiation respecting that country had been again. opened ? Earl 0-KEY said, he could hardly in fairness be called on to ex- plain the speeches of a foreign minister, or to say whether they were authentic or not. The phraseology need not alarm Lord Aberdeen, since it was somewhat notorious that Greek liberty had been indebted to the arms of France, and that long before the pre- sent Ministry came into office. With respect to the question put by the noble Earl, Lord Grey frankly acknowledged, that he was unable to give a satisfactory answer. If a change, however, could be made, advantageous, useful, and agreeable to the parties con- cerned, there seemed no reason why the negotiations so solemnly closed should not be again opened.

4. THE CANADAS. Lord Howicx last night introduced a bill for the better regulation of these provinces—chiefly with a view to put an end to the disputes and heartburnings that have long prevailed there from the demands of Goveniment on the Local Legislature, and the refusal of the latter to pay the salaries of the resident Executive. Lord Howick, after detailing the his- tory of the differences on this point, went on to observe, that his bill was intended to provide in some sort a civil list for Canada, to be voted every seven years. The Governor's salaries and contingencies were proposed to be made 5,2001. per annum ; the salaries of the Judges 1,0001.; and various other charges were fixed, so that the whole list would amount to 19,0001., of which 5,000/. was already granted by the Provincial Parliament; the Crown gave up a revenue of 31,000/., and in return for which it asked a grant of only 14,000/. It was further proposed that the Judges should in future hold their offices upon good behaviour; and that no Judge, except the Chief Justice, should be a member of the Executive Council, or in- terfere with party or local politics. It was also designed that the Colo- nial Legislature should possess the power of altering the Acts of Parlia- ment which had regulated the tenure of lands. It was well known that the colony had been the scene of many jobs, which he trusted would in future be prevented.

5. PUBLIC ACCOUNTS. Sir HENRY PARNELL, on Thursday, obtained a Committee for the purpose of" ascertaining what plan was best for introducing a simple and uniform scheme of public accounts in all the departments, for securing a proper audit of the public money, and also for causing such annual returns to be laid upon the table of the House as would furnish the }Raise with correct information of the state of the income and expenditure of the country in eachyear " • • ,..k,Ag

nedy, Mr. Bonham Carter, Mr. Courtenay. mittee.

stituted as it is, men should go on trafficking for years at a loss. but simply as individual members of the House.

• ance of the taxes. The proper question was not whether the people indebted to those means which drew down their collective displeasure on could pay the taxes, but whether the State could not do without them. such places as Evesham. .

In the course of the debate, Mr. WARD requested Lord Althorp Lord Jones 'RUSSELL cordially supported the motion, not be- to repeat the statement made on Monday respecting the opinion cause he thought it would satisfy the people of England, or be-

'given by the Governor of the Bank on the transfer-duty. cause he wished to punish the borough of Evesham, but because

Lord ALTHORP repeated the statement. He had not said that he thought it most desirable to take every opportunty of showing the Governor approved of his measure : what he had said was, that it was the opinion of the House that the larger town ought to that the Governor had assured him that the details were quite be represented. The conduct of Sir Robert Peel and the House, practicable. His Lordship went on to state that he was ready to in regard to the franchise taken from East Reteml, had so di- give every support to the Colonies, but not at the expense of Eng.- appointed and disgusted the great towns and the people, that no- land. The new taxes on articles of colonial import would give a thing short of a general reform would satisfy the country. Mr. million to the Exchequer, without adding to the burdens of the AT consumer. Boroughbridge, from the charge of corruption. Sir Charles Mr. WARD afterwards read a letter from the Governor of the Wetherell took occasion to repeat his claim that the Government

Bank, to the effect that • plan of reform was not to be brought forward by a member of the The Governor held himself responsible only for having said that the Cabinet.

tax on the transfer of funded property would be a practicable one if im- A -disposition to divide against the Marquis of Chandos's reso- posed ; that he had made no other communication than that to any mem-

ber of the Government ; and that, having been applied to by a gentleman not connected with the Government for his opinion with regard to the to without a division. propriety of imposing such a tax, he had given his opinion in writing Leave to bring in a bill for transferring the right of election tG

against it. Birmingham was given last night ; and the bill was brought in After a few observations from Mr. HUME and Mr. P.Thoersoer, accordingly, and read a first time. Mr. ATTWOOD, Mr. COURTENAX, and Mr. HUNT, touching Alder- On the question of summoning witnesses for Monday the 28th, man Waithman's motion, the previous question was carried without Mr. HUME objected strongly to the expense that the proceedings a division. on this bill must occasion ; and looking to the great measuee 7. PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. The petitions from Edinburgh which it would rather retard than accelerate, he could not be per. and Glasgow, the former signed by 21,700 persons, were pre- suaded that its advocates had the cause of reform sincerely at sented to ihe Lords last night by the Chancellor. Lord BROUGHAM heart. observed, filet he cordially concurred with the prayers of these pe- Mr. O'CONNELL thought the disfranchisement of Evesham was titions : he hid ever been an advocate for temperate, safe, and intended as a supersedeas of the question of the 1st of Mardi. effective reform in Parliament, as in every other department ; and Mr. KENNEDY, Mr. JOHN WOOD, Lord MORPETH, Mr. STAN- he rejoiced exceedingly that such a plan of reform was now at LEY, and several other members, recommended that the motion length to receive the unanimous support of his Majesty's Govern- should be postponed until alter the 28th. silent. Lord Brougham said he could not then even allude to Lord MORPETH said it required no gift of prophecy to discover its details ; but he might assure their Lordships of one fact—that that Birmingham would be included in the plans of Ministers. e4;11 of the entire assent of the gracious Prince whom he had the honour Sir CHARLES WETHERELL thought, if the threat of dissolving to serve, he and his colleagues had the most entire assurance. In Parliament, in case Of the question of the 1st of March not being presenting another petition for reform, from Cornwall, Lord successful, were carried into effect, the introduction of the bill was Betononam took occasion to correct an error into which some certainly unnecessary. He asked Sir James Graham directly and persons had fallen. [Sir CHARLES WETHERELL is the only one plainly, if Ministers would dissolve-Parliament in such an event ? that has spoken on the subject.] The plan to be introduced by . Sir JAMES GRAHAM apologized for being late in taking, his place : Lord John Russell, was in its principle as well as in its details the He had not heard the whole of Sir Charles's address, but " his honour- matured plan of his Majesty's Ministers, and they were responsible able and learned friend was so much in the habit of heaping line upon for it . line, and precept upon precept, that he had no doubt that as he had heard • 8. EVESHAM.—On Thursday, the Marquis of CHANDos moved the beginning." (Laughter.) -

a resolution affirmatory of the corrupt state of the borough of In answer to the question put to - him, Sir James could only Evesham; and gave notice of motion for leave to bring in a bill say— . The Committee, Sir Henry said, would carry on what was begun by the to transfer the elective franchise from Evesham to Birmingham. Finance Committee which was appointed in lees. The latter Committee His Lordship said, that for the last fin ty 'eare there had not been made some progress in the Work, but in consequence of its never having any thing like a pure election in the borough.

been reappointed, nothing effectual had been done. . He did not 'postpone his present motion until Ministers should have Lord ALTHORP mentioned, in proof of the necessity of such a submitted their measures of reform on the 1st of March, for this reason measure, that lately, when the same set of accounts were sub- —the case of Evesham was one of specific grievance, for which he de- jected to two separate Committees, the results arrived at were mended a specific remedy. Government, they were given to understand,

quite different. would introduce a legislative panacea which was to relieve the country from every cause of discontent and dissatisfaction ; and if they realized Mr. Heemes fully concurred in the propriety of the Committee. those extensive promises, he for one would not attempt to detract from The following are the names—Sir H. Parnell, Lord Althorp, their merits ; but he had taken up this particular subject himself, not in- Mr. Goulburn, Lord John Russell, Mr. Herries, Mr. Poulett fluenced by party motives, or resting it upon principles which should're- Thomson, Lord Granville Somerset, Mr. Ellice, Sir George Clerk, commend it to one party rather than to another, but solely for the pur- Mr. Alexander Baring, Mr. Roberts, Mr. John Martin, Mr. War- pose of showing that he also was disposed to deal fairly by the people., burton, Mr. Morison (of St. Ives), Mr. Mahoney, Mr. Callaghan, His Lordship admitted, in reference to his alleged corruption of Sir John Wrottesley, Mr, Davies Gilbert, Mr. Hume, Mr. Ken- the borough, that he had not. been able to prove it before the Com-

Lord ALTHORP said, he did not differ in opinion from Lord O. EXPORTS AND IMPORTS. Air. Aldermen WAITHMAN Chandos respecting the state of the borough ; but he thought it brought forward his motion on the exports and imports on Tues- would have been better to postpone consideration of an 111(1! vi- day. The worthy Alderman read over the various items in Mr. dual case until the general question came before the House. The Marsha's tables, and quoted from old Kings' speeches of the last benefit of an immediate proceeding would not, perhaps, be very thirty years, commenting on them as he proceeded. great ; but he would not stand in the way of it, al the noble Lord Mr. rex ING remarked on the absurdity which run through all desired it. As it was a judicial proceeding, however, the members the Alderman's statements—that while human nature was con- of Government would act with respect to it, not in that capaeity, Mr. ROBINSON attributed the falling off in the exports to heavy elr. CLIVE, Chairman of the Committee, thought the Marquis taxation ; and again regretted that Lord Althorp had not come sr ould fail to make out his case. down to the House with a proposal for a property-tax, instead of Sir Rosear PEEL could see no reason why Evesham should those he had announced. not be judicially disposed of. The voters of the borough, who Mr..WOLRYCHE IVIIITMORE thought the difference in value, best knew its condition, described it as a leprous mass of cor- of which the Alderman complained, sufficiently accounted for by ruption. the change in the currency, the perfecting and invention of ma- The House ought, in his opinion, to act without any reference to the chin,ery, and the fall in price of the raw material. For a property- intended :notion of the noble member for Tavistock ; and visit any de- tax, he believed that, with two or three years experience of it, linquent borough with punishment. This ought to he done, were it only the gentlemen who now recommended it most highly, would be to prove to any future constituent body—if the existing constituent body the foremost to call for its abrogation. were to be changed—that they would be visited ..vitit punishment, if 0. Ala MORISON (member for Se. Ives, and the eminent merchant any future period they were found to be justly chargeable with corruption. of Fore Street) attributed much of the evils which the worthy Sir CHARLES FORBES observed, that Evesham, East Retford, Alderman lamented to the Corn-Laws. He thought commerce and others, only differed from their neighbours in the misfortune could never be settled, nor farmers at ease, nor landlords sure of of being found out.

their rents, until those laws were repealed, or at least. a fixed duty In these matters, people here acted on the urinciple of the Chinesa,..

who attaclied no disgrace to stealing (especially.from a European), pro.

adopted instead of a fluctuating one. vided the cl-linquent could escape detection. If once discovered, he wav, He could see no occasion, in the present circumstances of the country, torn in pieces like the hunted-down boroughs of Grampound and East ...

for any violation of the public faith. He did not think, as some of his Retford. (Laughter.) The general principle of all elections was co ‘ rrupe honourable friends seemed to think, that the country was now on the tion : they might accordingly fasten on them in alphabetical order, be- . brink of ruin. The poverty of the people appeared to him improperly ginning with Abingdon and Bletchingly, and proceeding through Liver. argued as the sole as well as sufficient reason for canny,e' for a reduction pool till they ended with Truro. (Laughter.) It was mere affectation, of taxation. It was bad reasoning on such a subject to say that the not to say cant or hypocrisy, to attack individual cases, when it would be peop had only bread and cheese ;, for by that rule, when the people had difficult for any honorable member whatever to come forward with plum-pudding and roast beef, no objection could be made to the continu- hand on heart, and make oath that he had obtained his seat without being

• ance of the taxes. The proper question was not whether the people indebted to those means which drew down their collective displeasure on

In the course of the debate, Mr. WARD requested Lord Althorp Lord Jones 'RUSSELL cordially supported the motion, not be- to repeat the statement made on Monday respecting the opinion cause he thought it would satisfy the people of England, or be-

'given by the Governor of the Bank on the transfer-duty. cause he wished to punish the borough of Evesham, but because

Lord ALTHORP repeated the statement. He had not said that he thought it most desirable to take every opportunty of showing the Governor approved of his measure : what he had said was, that it was the opinion of the House that the larger town ought to that the Governor had assured him that the details were quite be represented. The conduct of Sir Robert Peel and the House, practicable. His Lordship went on to state that he was ready to in regard to the franchise taken from East Reteml, had so di- give every support to the Colonies, but not at the expense of Eng.- appointed and disgusted the great towns and the people, that no- land. The new taxes on articles of colonial import would give a thing short of a general reform would satisfy the country. Mr. million to the Exchequer, without adding to the burdens of the AT —ABERLEY defended Abingdon, and Sir CHARLES WETHERELL

lution was manifested by the House, but ultimately it was agreed the end of his honourable and learned friend's speech,. he had also heard

If the measure of Parliamentary reform proposed by Government sliould fail, it was possible,—and he put it as nothing more,—but it was possible, that Parliament might be dissolved, and an appeal made to the good sense of the people. (Hear, hear !) The power of dissolving the Par- liament rested in the Crown, and the exercise of that power rested on the responsibility of Ministers. His Majesty's Government were pledged to bring forward a measure of real, effectual, and substantial reform. It would not be a reform of an illusory character—it would not be the source of needless delay, or of needless expence—it would be prompt, efficacious, and decisive—it would have nothing of an Evesham character about it.

(Bear, hear !) Colonel DAVIS suggested, that at least no examination of wit- -messes should take place before the 1st of March. Mr. J. Woo]) moved an amendment, substituting the 7th of March for the 28th of February. Mr. J. CAMPBELL said he could only look on the motion as a manceuvre against reform. (Cries of " No, no !" from the Mar- quis of Chandos.) " If there had been a plan laid," repeated Mr. Campbell, " to embarrass and defeat Government on the ques- tion of Reform, it could not have been more ingeniously devised."

Lord ALTHORP said, the examination of witnesses must occupy several days. Miley were summoned on the 28th of February, as proposed, no progress could be made,—for surely the House would not be called on to postpone the motion of the 1st, in deference to that of the Marquis of Chandos. No advantage, therefore, could possibly arise from the carrying of the motion in its present form. He therefore must support the amendment of the member for Preston. To commence an examination of this kind on the very day before a motion such as that which stood for the 1st, was a proposal that no man ever heard made before. The gallery was cleared, but no division took place ; the Mar- quis of CHANDOS wisely giving in.

9. M. O'CONNELL. In answer to a question of the Marquis of CHANDOS, Mr. STANLEY, on Monday, assured the House of Commons that Government neither had entered, nor intended to enter into any sort of compromise with Mr. O'Connell, nor to abate a single inch of the power that the law had placed in their hands, which they were determined to put into most rigorous exe- cution. In answer to another question of the Marquis, respecting the arms said to be recently seized at Limerick, Mr. Stanley 'said, he knew only from the newspapers that the seizure had been made, and that Government were employed in investigating the case.

The subject of O'Connell was again introduced on Wednesday, by Mr. STANLEY, who repeated what he had stated on the pre- vious occasion, that no compromise had been entered into with the accused party, Mr. Stanley, in repeating the statement, read an extract of a letter from the Irish Attorney-General, giving an account of the termination of the affair. It ran as follows- " On Friday last, I gave Mr. O'Connell notice that on the next day I should apply to the Court to fix a later day than the 17th. 'l'o this notice a verbal message from him to me, through the Crown Solicitor, was con- veyed, to request that I would postpone the trial until next term. To this message I answered that any communication made must be made in writing. He accordingly wrote to me on Friday, making the request, and on Saturday morning! sent him a peremptory refusal. It was not difficult to collect from this, that he did not wish to encounter a Jury, and consequently, rather than do so, he would plead guilty. On Saturday

I spoke to his counsel, Messrs. Perrin and Greene, and told them, with respect to terms, none would be granted, but that I should press for judgment on the first fourteen counts [the principal counts], and should most certainly enter a no/i prosequi on the remaining sixteen counts [the subsidiary counts]. I was willing to be satisfied in a conviction having the same advantages of which 1 had been deprived by the withdrawal of the demurrer ; and in ten minutes after I had made this offer, it was ac- ceded to, and in half an hour afterwards Mr. O'Connell withdrew his plea of not guilty."

10. DISTRESS IN IRELAND. Mr. DOMINICK BROWNE intro- duced this question last night ; and in doing so, he entered into an explanation of the causes which on the Western coast had imme- diately occasioned it.

He had been assured by the-Reverend Ain Lyons,—a gentleman upon whose authority he could place the most implicit reliance, and who was the parish priest of Kilmore, in Erris,—he had been assured, he said, by that gentleman, that before the end of the present month, that was to say in less than ten days, there would be thirty thousand people without food in that barony alone. (Hear, hear !) The cause of this calamity he would shortly explain. A quantity of sea-weed was usually thrown up, which served for manure; that, however, had failed in 1829, and the con- sequence had been, that the land had not produced the usual crop. This was not all,—the potato-crop had failed all along the Western coast of Ireland; and for three or four months there would be want of food throughout that part of the country. In a word, there would be as many as two hundred thousand persons who would require either food, or the money to buy food, or employment by which they might earn money. lie had taken the average number of persons at two hundred thousand, and the average time during which they would require assistance he had taken at four months. The amount of assistance he had estimated at 1/. per head., which was only 2.V. a day; and that he thought honourable Members would agree was only just sufficient to keep souls and bodies to- gether. (Hear, hear !) This was the plain state of the case; and he had Imiught forward no specific motion on the subject, because he confidently relied upon the Ministers for doing all they could.

Mr. Browne said, that if 200,000/. wore advanced by Government, 150,000/. might be advantageously employed in public works; but such was the destitution of the people, that he feared the remain- ing 50,000/, must be distributed without any hope of return what- ever.

Mr. O'Goamari MAHON corroborated Mr. Browne's statement. Mr. Jomv SMITH observed, that starvation, according to all ac- counts, was not uncommon in Ireland; nor would it cease to be so until some legal provision was made for the poor of that country.. Mr. STANLEY said, he was sorry to be obliged to acknowledge that a great deal of the distress was owing to the landlords them- selves. He held in his hand a rental of every individual in the baronies alluded to ; and out of a rental of 14,000/. per annum,the sole relief afforded to the people by the landlords amounted to only the sum of 100/. (Hear, hear !) Of this 100!.., 70/. was subscribed by one person, a non-resident, and 301. by another individual, resident in the neighbourhood. He was sorry to speak in harsh terms of the landlords, but he spoke not without know- ledge and without necessity. Government, with respect to the baronies in question, had not depended upon their usual sources of information, but had deputed a person in whom they could confide to make inquiries into the state of the population ; and he had found that the local sub-. scriptions were next to nothing, and that the rents were at the very highest. It was not consistent with the duty of Government to bring be. fore Parliament proposals for a gratuitous contribution towards the relief of local distress ; but Ministers were prepared to submit to the House a proposition to advance large sums of money upon proper securities, for the purpose of prosecuting useful public works. It would be exceedingly necessary to use every possible caution that the money advanced should be applied to decidedly proper purposes, and under proper checks and satisfactory securities ; and with these precautions he thought that no objections could he made to this plan, when the exigencies of the case were fairly considered. Sir ROBERT PEEL commended highly the spirit in which the Government had acted. He had no doubt, had Ministers come forward and promised relief, even the miserable pittance that had been subscribed would have been withheld.

He was perfectly content to leave the whole matter in the hands of Government ; and if in the course of an inquiry they should feel them- selves obliged to appeal to Parliament for a sanction of the measures which they might be compelled by overruling necessity to adopt, he felt that the sympathy of the House and of the country might be safely de- pended upon by them. (Cheers.) 9. NON-RESIDENT CLERGY. Lord KING brought forward a motion on this subject on Monday. His Lordship's object was to show the ratio between the non-residents of parishes where the patronage was in the hands of laymen, and of parishes where it was in the hands of Churchmen. The usual plea for pluralities, the grand cause of non-residence, was, that the livings, separately taken, were too poor to support a clergyman ; but Lord King observed, this plea could be urged only where all the livings held by a pluralist were poor ones. The average income of the clergy of England had been stated to be 3651. 19s. 4d.: he thought the proper rule would be, that where any living was of equal or greater value then that average, the incumbent should not be permitted to hold another. The Church, Lord King said, was by no means liberal to her own sons. On some Church property belonging to the see of York, the sums paid to the clergymen were not more than 30/. a year: in one case of a valuable col- lege living worth 20001. the curate received only 30/. and the parishioners had been obliged to subscribe to make it up to 70/. The Bishop of LONDON said, since he last addressed their Lord- ships on the subject, he had entered into a calculation of the average income of the clergy ; and he found, if the whole of the .income of the Church was equally divided among the various in- cumbents in England and Wales, it would not exceed 155/. each ; and even adding the glebe lands, Queen Anne's bounty, and pro- perty of the various Deans and Chapters, it would not exceed 200l.; while the average income of the Church of Scotland amounted at the least calculation to 275/. The publications on this subject were a tissue of the grossest misrepresentations.

Lord ROSSLYN doubted if Lord King's motion could be com- plied with : he did not think there were any data for thereturn. Earl GREY said, the subject of a reform in the Church had al- ready engaged the serious consideration of the venerable head of it; and he thought that a reform of the abuses complained of was more likely to be attained in that way, than by making it a matter of nightly debate. A general commutation of tithes, he agreed, would be highly desirable ; and in the mean time, as an approach to a general commutation, the introduction of a measure authoriz- ing a sort of composition of tithes would effect a great deal. The Archbishop of Canterbury had a bill drawn up that he hoped would meet with the support of the House ; in which such a com- position was provided for, and in which the practice of granting livings in commendam was abolished, and certain benefices not having cure of souls permanently united to certain bishoprics., Lord FARNHAM hoped a bill would also be introduced, providing for the commutation of the tithes of lay impropriators. In consequence of Earl GREY'S announcement, Lord KING con- sented to withdraw his motion.

10. THE ROYAL PALACES. Lord ALTHORP stated, that on his becoming Chancellor of the Exchequer, he found his office filled with demands from the workmen and others employed at Bucking- ham Palace, clamouring for payment. This disreputable state of affairs arose out of the fact, that the Treasury estimate had so far fallen short of the real expense that there was no money left to de- fray it. The original estimates amounted to 496,000/. which was augmented afterwards to 499,510!.; while by the accounts at Mid- summer 1830; the expenses amounted to 576,358/. The estimate of what remained to be done in order to render the Palace habit- able, was—for works not yet -commenced, 21,000/.; -works ordered by the late King, and not included in the estimate, 25,0001.; im- provements in the gardens, 4,000/.; completion of works actually begun, 60,000/.; total, 120,000/. To check the expenditure for furniture at Windsor Castle, three persons had been appointed, 'who estimated the cost at 239,000/. In the Lord Chamberlain's office, however, 287,719/. had been expended ; which, with the ,cost of tapestry and other expenses, swelled the estimate to 293,0364 The Turniture had been supplied by one tradesman, who refused to make any abatement unless his account was found to be incorrect. His Lordship concluded his statement by moving that the papers respecting the Palace and the furniture at Windsor Castle be referred to a Select Committee.

Colonel SIBTHORP and Mr. HUNT deprecated the extravagance of the expenditure in both cases.

Mr. II UME thought the case was a simple one. The House was bound to the estimate alone. If the workmen had wrought NN ith- out orders, let them finish without payment ; if they had orders to work, they had recourse on those who gave them. He thought Lord Goderich would be deservedly impeached for such waste of the public money.

Sir Jomq SEER! GET was sure the expenditure in question had done more to set the people against the Government and the Mo- narchical principle than all the speeches in that House or out of it. The waste of public money was most culpable and scandalous. Mr. GOULBURN objected to the application of the term "scan- dalous."

Sir JOHN SEBRIGHT—" No warmth oflanguage I can use will do more than express the feelings of every individual in the kingdom upon the subject." (cheers.) Lord JOHN RUSSELL hoped some fixed rule would be laid down with respect to the common practice of Ministers sanctioning ex- penditure without the authority of Parliament. Last year, a com- mittee was appointed to consider of the propriety of authorizing an advance of 100,000/. for Windsor Castle ; and the first paper laid before the Committee stated that 70,000/. of that suns had been already expended. The Committee was, after some more conversation, appointed, —to consist of the following members :- The Chancellor of the Exchequer, Lord John Russell, Mr. Goulburn, Mr. Herries, Mr. W. Bankes, Mr. Ward, Mr. Guest, Mr. S. Bourne, Mr. Littleton, Mr. Warburton, Lord Granville Somerset, Mr. R.. Gordon, Lord Killeen, Mr. Rumbold, Sir J. Sebright, Mr. Pendarves, and others.

13. AMBASSADORS. Mr. Huma, on Thursday, moved for returns of the ordinary and extraordinary expenses of the Paris Embassy, and of the Consulate and Chaplaincies in France.

His object was, in the first place, to bring before Parliament the great expense which our French Embassy cost this country since the peace,— including an item of 30,000/. in one year alone for the repairs of the am- bassadorial residence ; and in the next to show the mischievous expense which accrued to us from Mr. Canning's arrangements with respect to the remuneration of Consuls. Those arrangements abolished remuneration by fees, substituting a fixed salary in their stead ; and the consequence was a great annual and unnecessary addition to the public burdens. Be- sides paying our Ambassador at Paris 11,000/. a year, we had a Consul- General at a salary of 2,000/. a year in the same place, with an expensive establishment. Then we had consuls and chaplains at ports with which we had in fact no commercial intercourse, at a great and most unnecessary expenditure of the public money. He would propose that our Consuls should be on the same footing with those in America ; that they should have no remuneration other than their fees, which of course would be in proportion to their actual services ; and he was prepared to prove that on those terms the offices would be gladly filled by respectable resident merchants.

Lord ALTHORP said the subject was under the consideration of the Foreign Secretary. The returns were ordered.

14. GAME-LAWS. On Tuesday, Lord ALTHORP introduced his Game Bill, apparently with the general approbation of the House of Commons. The bill will in the first place repeal all former acts on the subject. There will be in future no qualification, except the licence to kill game ; which his Lordship proposes to raise in price. Game is made saleable, but those who sell it must also have licences. Persons havinc, licences to kill game, who are found on any one's grounds without permission, will be punished as other trespassers; persons killing game without a licence will be punished, for the first offence with four months', for the second eight months', for the third two years' imprisonment. The act against night poaching will be repealed. The game-licence-duty is proposed to be 51., subject, however, to modification in Com- mittee.

Sir ROBERT PEEL was afraid that the bill would multiply game- preserves, and rather add to than diminish the vexations of the present system. • Mr. HUNT thought, as a matter of revenue, 21. would fetch more than 5/. He deemed the abolition of poaching Utopian, while the game-preserves remained.