THE "FEUDAL SCREW."
[To THR EDITOR OF TEE "SPEOTATOR.'1 SIR,—Thirty years ago you were good enough to print a long letter from my friend Sir Robert Hunter detailing the treat- ment I received at the hands of my congregation because I voted for a supporter of Mr. Gladstone. Why do you now appear to doubt that such treatment can be meted out to those who venture to support his political successors P You quote, indeed, and with a certain amount of relish, the dis- continuance of the employment of a Tory baker, who as member of a Liberal club certainly seems rather out of place. But you want chapter and verse for every other case of intimidation. Yet, Sir, if you know the county of Surrey, I defy you to deny that cases of intimidation by Tory land- owners and Tory parsons are unknown to you. And you must know from your wide experience of life that there are ten
chances to one that it is the Tory that intimidates, and not the Liberal. Of course we could give you chapter and verse. But what would be the good? It would only mean the instant dismissal of many men who have been honest enough to vote according to their convictions, and yet are not strong enough in their hold on their livelihood to make an outward show of their principles. You may take it from me, Sir, that here in Christchurch, where one of the best repre- sentatives has been unseated, it was the men who wore no colours that voted for him. The other side were sure, as they displayed their ribbons, of a nod and a smile from their employers, and from the many excellent ladies who, though professing teetotal or temperance advocacy, were willing to sink their convictions and vote for a maltster. What does all this encourage P Why, hypocrisy of the worst form. And more than that., it is breeding a spirit of revolt which sooner or later may take another form. Secrecy of the ballot ! Why there is no such secrecy while people are allowed indiscriminately to canvass, and to question unfortunate tradespeople whose livelihood depends on their answers, from morning to night. The matter in this constituency appears in its simplest form. "I hope, Mr. Blank, you are a sound Conservative ? " " I would rather not express an opinion, Madam." "Oh, very well ! then I know you to be one of those dreadful Radicals, and I will never deal at your shop again." You cannot deny, Sir, that this has been said over and over again during the late Election. And it is not fair. And the time was when you would have been the first to protest and to uphold the right of the struggling tradesman or labourer to vote as his principles suggest. I could mention a whole county that has been fairly terrorised by the squires and clergy into returning (for this time) a Tory candidate. Do pardon me, Sir, but cannot you see the belated and elementary justice both in the Budget and in the intention (not the desire) to curb the veto of the House of Lords P We must go forward. The Spectator used to lead the way. Why do you lag behind now and espouse the cause of those who are so well able to look out for themselves am, Sir, &e., [No answer is possible to those who consider that if a man asks for evidence in support of a very serious charge he becomes particeps crintinis. We may say, however, that we do know the county of Surrey, and a part of it intimately, and that we do deny that cases of intimidation by Tory land- lords and Tory parsons are known to us. If we knew of them, we should be urging prosecutions under the Corrupt Practices Act.—En. Spectator.]
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