BOOKS.
GUIZOT'S MEMOIRS.*
THE first volume of M. Guizot's Memoirs of his own times ex- tended chronologically over some quarter of a century, beginning with his introduction to Parisian life under the empire, and closing with the eve of the Revolution of the Glorious Three Days. The new volume embraces little more than two years, July 1830 —October 1832; but though the author was himself more pro- minently engaged in affairs than under the Restoration, the inte- rest of the present book is by no means in proportion to its fulness. The object of M. Guizot is to defend Louis Philippe's character and the policy of the doctrinaires in rendering the principles of government under the House of Orleans a continuation of those under the elder branch, and opposing those advances which not only Republicans, but we think the world at large expected from the understood promises at the outset ere the King was firm in his seat. This is attempted by a rather longwinded story, in which narration is overwhelmed by disquisition and exposition. In four subject divisions, extending through six chapters, we have first an account of the proceedings during the Three Days and the policy which guided Louis Philippe and his friends ; next ” My Ministry of the Interior," followed by the trial of the ex- Ministers of Charles the Tenth and the efforts successfully used by M. Guizot and others to save their lives ; fourthly, there is the history of Casimir Perier's ministry, till his death, and the formation of a new government, with M. Guizot as Minister of Public Instruction, the " Man of Ghent" being too unpopular to return to his old post of the Interior. Through all these ,divisions commentary predominates far too much ; neither is the style of the beat kind, at least to English tastes. The manner is a mixture of the lecturer and dispatch- writer, expressed in a diction rotund, and plethoric with words. Hence there is a monotony and at artificial air in the composi- tion injurious to life and to implicit reliance upon the writer.. We listen to him as we should to a pleader engaged to make out a ease for his side ; nor amid the principles of political morality which the author launches against Revolutionists of every kind, do me observe that he attributes much weight to the right or wrong in the foreign policy of the period. Although out of office this 15olicy was in reality his own ; and soothe to say it is that of the Empire now as regards the field; for there was the piratical seizure of Ancona from the Pope under Casimir Perier, on the diplomatic plea of maintaining French and opposing Austrian influence in Italy ; and an expedition, to the Tagus, ending in much greater violence than the affair of the "Charles et Georges." With the narrative and commentary are occasionally mingled some political reflections, chiefly of an anti-revolutionary kind possessing both truth and depth. There are also anecdotes and sketches of public men with whom the duties or position of the author brought him in contact ; but we think they are scarcely equal to those in the first volume owing chiefly to the state-paper style of the writing. However here are a few examples.
_Metternich on his Rule.—" Diplomatists enjoy the privilege of rising in the estimation of their country without having borne the burden of its affairs and internal trials. After the catastrophes of 1848, the Prince de Metternich and myself had sought refuge in London. One day I said to him, Explain to me, Prince, I beg of you, how and why the Revolution of February accomplished itself in Vienna. I know hoiv it happened in Paris ; but in Austria, under such .a government as yours, the affair is incompre- hensible.' I have sometimes,' replied he, with a smile in which pride and sadness were mingled, governed Europe, 'but Austria never.'
Marshal Soult.—" Both by character and position, the Marshal was well suited to this task, [the formation of a Ministry,] which he undertook with alacrity, and has several times accomplished with good success. He had no established ideas on political subjects ; no decided party, no permanent ad- herents. I may even go further: his profession, his rank, and his fame, enabled him to dispense with them. He conducted policy as he had com- manded in war,—for the service of the State and the head of the State, ac- cording to their interests, and, for the time being, thinking himself only called upon to succeed for them and for himself, and always ready when occasion required, to change either his course or his allies, without the slightest hesitation. But with this indifference, or, as I may say, this vo- luntary aptitude for a species of polygamy in politics, be was not deficient in the spirit of government, in resolution under difficulties, or in persever- ance in the enterprises of which he undertook the charge. It would have been equally dangerous to rely on his devotion or to mistrust his fidelity. He required securities and his own personal advantages : these obtained, he had no fear of responsibility, but, on the contrary, was ready to cover the King with his name, who found in him neither obstinate wishes nor incon- venient pretensions ; but merely on some occasions certain spontaneous or premeditated jealousies, easily calmed down. In other respects, his mind was rude and uncultivated, somewhat confused and incoherent, 'but at the same time judicious, fertile in resources, of indefatigable activity, and strong as his physical conformation. He possessed, moreover, in the prac- tice of life, a natural authority, great in the army even with his equals, Ifemoira to illustrate the History of my Time. By F. Guizot, Author of " Me- moirs of Sir Robert Peel," " History of Oliver Cromwell," &v. &c. Translated by J .W W. Cole. Volume II, Published by Bentley.
predominating with his subordinate administrators, and which he always knew how to bring into play in the political arena, with effective, though rather refined artifice, either to impose on his adversaries or to evade the embarrassment of discussion."
A Trait of Louis Philippe.—He had, in unforeseen emergencies, ex- tremely rapid impulses, prompting him to sudden resolutions far beyond the necessity. In later days I more than once took the liberty of saying to him, never let the King trust to his first impressions ; whether in hope or apprehension they are almost always in extremes ; to see things exactly as they are, and to measure them by their correct standard, the mind of the King requires to examine them twice."
One of the most striking features of the volume is the helpless- ness and incapacity of the doctrinaries during times of commotion, when the instant choice of a course and a resolute adherence to it is the one thing needful to success. It was a subject of after- complaint at the time by the masses—call them Republicans, Revolutionists, or what you will—that the people had gained the victory, and been jockied out of its fruits. There seems to have been a great deal of truth in this complaint. Anything more pas- sive, or stirring to no purpose, than the liberal deputies during the outbreak is difficult to imagine, even according to M. Guizot's own showing. He himself was absent from Paris at the first moment. On his accidental arrival the people were fighting, and the depu- ties doing nothing except meet, to resolve to meet again. This is part of his picture. " From the 27th to the 30th of July, while the popular feeling exhibited itself here and there in the streets, extending and increasing from day to day and from hour to hour, I was present at all the meetings of deputies held in the houses of MM. Casimir Perier, Laffitte, Bitrard, and Audry-Puyraveau, with no object beyond that of discussing the conduct we ought to pursue, and no connected plans except the notification, transmitted from one to the other that we should repair at such a time to such a place. According to the incidents of the day, and the aspect of chances, these meetings were very unequally anxious and numerous. * • * * The diversity of opinions was not less than that of numbers. Some wished to carry resistance to the utmost limit of legal order, but not further. Some were determined on a change of dynasty, not desiring more, in a revolutionary sense ; but con- sidering the step as necessary as the occasion seemed favourable. ;et.. flatter- ing themselves that they might stop at that point. Othrtc; again, more in- clined to revolution without showing it, promised themselves all kinds of indefinite reforms in the institutions and laws, commanded as they thought by the interests and desires of the nation. Finally, a few unquestionably sighed for a Republic,looking upon every other issue to the struggle maintained by the people in the name of liberty as an abortive deception. The gravity of the situation, the rapidity and uncertainty of passing events, imposed some restraint on the expression of these different views, but they appeared in proposals, discussions, and private conversations ; they proclaimed the opposite feelings that would manifest themselves as soon as minds and pas- sions were liberated from the pressing danger ; they demonstrated the ne- cessity of quickly bringing to a close the crisis which suspended anarchy,
but evidently could not suspend it long. • • • * , " On the evening of the 28th of July, while we were consulting in a very small body at the residence of M. Audry-Puyraveau, and in a drawingroom of the ground-floor, with open windows, a crowd of labouring people— youths, children, and combatants of every kind—surrounded the house, filled the court-yard, obstructed the doors and addressed us through the windows, ready to assist in our defence, if, as the report went, police-offi- cers and soldiers were coming to arrest us ; but at the same time demanding our instant adhesion to their revolutionary movement, and declaring loudly what they would do if we did not instantly comply with their demands. It was not alone in the streets that this violent and decided spirit so unequivo- cally displayed itself."
The conduct of Charles the Tenth was equally weak and inde- cisive ; and M. Guizot confirms the report of an absurd adherence to forms and etiquette even when the throne was actually falling. When the combatants in the street—call them, as we say, what you will—had gained the day, the Chambers summoned courage to meet and invite the Duke of Orleans to assume the office of Lieutenant-General of the Kingdom, although some self-consti- tuted bodies publicly opposed the invitation, but without success. The reception of the Duke, when he appeared in public, on his acceptance of the office, argued but ill for the future stability of his throne ; especially as there were republicans among his friends who were to become covert or open enemies as soon as his policy of repression was announced.
"Even among the avowed partisans of the Duke of Orleans, the enthusi- asm or habit of the revolutionary feeling extended so far, that in the pro- clamation issued on his behalf these words were included At this mo- ment the Peers and Deputies are assembled in their respective chambers, to proclaim the Duke of Orleans, and to impose on him a charter in the name of the people.' "On the same dif ro , as soon as he had accepted the office of Lieutenant- General of the kin om, his Royal Highness mounted on horseback, to pro- ceed to the Hotel de Ville, as a mark of deferential courtesy to the national guard and their commandant M. de La Fayette. We all accompanied him on foot across the barricades, which were scarcely opened. There was little appearance of strength in this anxiety of the riming power to seek an inves- titure of greater popularity than that which it held from the elected repre- sentatives of the country. But the aspect of the people was even more sig- nificant, —they pressed round us, without violence but without respect, and as if feeling their sovereignty in the streets through which we passed to pre- sent them with a King. We were compelled, for our own preservation, and also to protect the Duke of Orleans, to grasp each other firmly by the hand, and thus to form on his right and left two moving hedges of Deputies. As we reached the quay of the Louvre, a mass of women and children rushed upon and surrounded us, exclaiming, Long lire our Deputies ." They at-
tended us to the Place de firtve, dancing and singing the Marseillaise.' Cries and qtrations of every kind burst incessantly forth from this mob. 2ointing to the Duke of Orleans, they demanded, Who is that mounted
gentleman ? Is he aseneral ? Is he aprince ? I. hope,' said a female• to the man whose arm,she Meld, .` he is not a Routhan.' I was„muoh mare deeply impressed by mir situation in the midst of that crowd and their atti- tude than even by ,the scene v4hich followed a few xements after at the Hotel de Ville, and the apostrophes addressed by-Qeneral Dubourg to the Duke of Orleans. What future perils already revealed themselves for that new-born monarchy, which alone seemed capable of conjuring down the present dangers of the country! " During the following days, when the Government had commenced to act, I went frequently to the Palais-Royal, [the Duke's residence,] at first asa commissioner, and afterwards as Minister of the Interior. At the gates of the palace, in the vestibule, there were no sentinels, no police, no official guardians of order and security. Simple citizens, custodians of their own accord, or placed there by I know not who, were seated or lying on the benches and the stairs, playing at cards and receiving their comrades. There was nothing of importance to reprehend in the demeanour of these voluntary guards, and if their ascendancy had been but a momentary acci- dent I should probably have lost remembrance of it ; but the expression of their faces, their manners, their words, all indicated that even there they still considered themselves the masters, and that great would be their dis- content on the day when order, which they maintained as much for evil as for good, would no longer lie at their disposal."
Another feature in the book, and of more immediate appli- cation, is the manner in which the proceedings of the republicans under Louis Philippe, with the history and traditions of the Reign of Terror, contributed to dispose the mass of Frenchmen to submit to the domination of the present Emperor as a protection against worse anticipated evils. Whether tricked or not by the "throne surrounded by republican institutions," the Government was decidedly an established one, and with the national consent. Instead of merely opposing it by the legitimate means in their hands, the republicans added the more dangerous modes of agitation, conspiracy, and open revolt, to Parliamentary oppo- sition, not only frightening the timorous, and those who had any- thing to lose, but exasperating the industrial classes by the injury which such proceedings caused to all business, and the sufferings the result inflicted on the workmen.
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