THE LABOUR MOVEMENT IN AMERICA.*
A WELL-KNOWN and enterprising New York journal is at the present time busying itself in endeavours to elicit the opinion of "a select number of authorities on the anthropological and ethical subject of the coming man.'" The select authorities in question are required to contribute their answers to a series of questions, among which is included the truly fascinating problem : "What points are to be urged for the awakening of the higher intelligence of the Young American?" This highly desirable awakening process appears to be the principal object by which the author of the book before us is actuated. There is also a practical aim of a more personal description : Mr. Ely has it in his mind to produce a greater work, which is to be entitled History of Labour in the New World, and to be worthy of that title ; and the present volume is meant in some manner to prepare the way by showing that the subject is an interesting one, and that our author can write about it. But this is a merely worldly consideration, completely overshadowed by the nobler purpose of awakening the Young American, and convincing him of "the vastness of his present opportunities."
It is not for us, nurtured as we have been among the enervating institutions of an effete Kingdom, to estimate the vast though latent powers of that lofty organism—we refer to the Young American—and, consequently we cannot judge how far he will appreciate the mildly dogmatic platitudes with which our author expounds his principles, in language which seems to present a happy blending of the styles of the country schoolmaster and the temperance lecturer. The Young American would appear to be in some respects exceptionally gifted, for Mr. Ely does not fear to admit that he "presupposes that his reader is gifted with ordinary common-sense,"— an assumption which in the Old World we should regard as entirely unjustifiable. There are some points, however, on which the reader's notions are expected to be crude in the extreme. Of labour organisations he will probably say : I have always been taught to consider them creations of hell- inspired men.' This is strong language for the Young American ; but Mr. Ely is so thoroughly convinced of his. power to destroy the foundation of prejudice and ignorance on which this forcible doctrine is based—an endeavour in which we wish him every success—that he feels at other times the necessity of moderating the enthusiasm of his pupils, lest it should carry them too far in an opposite direction. After a. tirade upon the difficulties thrown in the way of arbitration by unprincipled employers, he reminds his readers that "it should never be supposed that by nature employers represent a morally inferior type of men. They simply exhibit the traits of our common human nature, and the employee who is most bitter against his employer might be still worse in the same place." There is an element of moderation here which is certainly not uncalled for. We could wish that our author could have brought himself to temper with even so much qualification the sweeping charges which he brings against the Press of unfairness in misrepresenting labour disputes, and against the Police of brutality in suppressing riots. With regard to these points, Mr. Ely's own higher intelligence would appear to be asleep. Nor will he awaken the powers of his youthful compatriots to much purpose by teaching them to admire—alone among all the axioms ever pronounced by Adam Smith—the saying of that authority that "whenever any legislation favours the working man, it is always just;" a remark which, under certain limitations—as indicating, for instance, that the working man has so much leeway to make up, that for a considerable time legislation on his side is not likely to exceed the measure of justice—we most strongly believe, but which, when thus set down as a universal proposition, is an obvious fallacy. Least of all should we recommend the reader of any age or nationality to follow Mr. Ely in his apparently imperfect recollections of the New Testament, or his astonishing criticisms thereupon. Perhaps it may be our defective acquaintance with the rich vocabulary of the American language which makes us stumble at the assertion that a system of insurance "saves many from a. potter's grave." But what is a "potter's grave"? Is there, perhaps, some actual peculiarity in the sepulture of Trans- atlantic potters ; or are we right in attributing this remarkable expression to some touchingly vague reminiscence of the
* The Labour Movement in America. By EL.:lard T. Ely, Ph.D. London Heinemann. 1890.
potter's field to bury strangers in ? Still more remarkable is the interpretation of our Lord's saying that it is easier for a camel to go through a needle's eye than for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of heaven. Mr. Ely explains that "Christ did not mean to imply that by nature the rich were worse than the poor," but "that it was difficult for them to learn of social inferiors, like a carpenter's son and fisher- men "! In our humble opinion, Mrs. Gamp's axiom that "rich men may ride on camels, but it ain't so easy for them to see out of the eye of a needle," shows almost as just a com- prehension of the passage.
The scheme of Mr. Ely's work is simple. After a short sketch of the various experiments in Communism which have been attempted in America at different times by means of small settlements and associations forming a little world in themselves—which has not too much to do with his subject— he proceeds to give us a brief history of the rise and progress of Trade-Unions in America, followed by an exposition of their advantages, which occupies about two-thirds of the whole book, the rest being devoted to the consideration of Socialism and Socialistic parties as prevailing in the United States. Some kind of labour organisations appear to have existed in New York from the very beginning of the century, the Society of Journeymen Shipwrights of that city having been incorpo- rated in 1803, while the carpenters followed their example three years later. In 1831, we find the first conference of workers in various industries, and there is mention in 1835 of a National Trades-Union, about which, however, little seems to be known. From 1850 to 1860, the number of Labour Unions seems to have increased very largely; but this movement was checked, like everything else, by the Civil War. After the war, however, the work of organisation went on at a great rate, and Mr. Ely presents us with a careful and thorough study of its progress. Particular accounts are given of various prominent Societies, such as the Knights of St. Crispin, a once powerful but now defunct association of shoemakers ; the Patrons of Husbandry, an agricultural organisation familiarly known as the Grangers ; and the Knights of Labour. The last-named Society is not, as is well- known, a Trade-Union in the ordinary sense of the word, but a vast labour organisation including men of all trades. It is not even restricted in every ease to what are technically styled working men. Some of its district or local assemblies are confined to workers in one trade ; but this is merely for reasons of expediency, and in many cases they are composed of men of various pursuits. In this case, "three-fourths of the members must be wage-workers ; but men of all classes are admitted, with the exception of bankers, stockbrokers, professional gamblers, lawyers, and those who in any way derive their living from the manufacture or sale of intoxicating liquors." This system of classification will not be universally appreciated. The general plan of the Knights of Labour appears to be to push on the cause of all classes of working men simultaneously. In the natural course of things, the lower division of humanity which is fighting its way up in one century, becomes in the next an upper class, looking calmly down from the ledge on which it has estab- lished itself, at the struggles of those who have remained below. It is not so many ages ago that the bourgeoisie who are so vigorously denounced in these days, had to fight for their own emancipation. The class of skilled artisans might well do as they have done. This is what the Knights of Labour desire to prevent ; skilled and unskilled workmen must all progress together, in their view, the more so that, in these days of discoveries, the invention of new machinery may at any time reduce a whole class of skilled artisans to the position of mere labourers, their skill being no longer required. The case of compositors is cited, whose work might be taken from them by the invention of a machine to set type, which is not an extremely probable contingency. A special emphasis is, however, laid upon such possibilities in order to induce skilled workmen to form a closer alliance with unskilled labour, which in many cases they have shown a decided reluctance to do.
Mr. Ely is naturally desirous to give the most favourable view of the organisations of which he writes, and there is certainly much to be said in favour of Trade-Unions which people are apt to forget. The Unions which are most before the public are those which are most prolific in strikes. In England and Scotland, we have recently had several instances of strikes, dictated by new and inexperienced Unions, which may have been started on reasonable grounds, but which have caused such serious inconvenience and loss to the public as to make their continuance unjustifiable. These occurrences have without doubt made Unions as a whole unpopular at present, as the public does not keep in mind the fact that the Unions which have caused these troubles form a very small minority. Practically, every trade in England has its own organisation, and these, though one hears little of them, are always at work, not to create discord, but to advance peaceably the interests of the community they represent. The good work done by Unions in the time of peace rarely reaches our ears ; even their negotiations before the outbreak of hostilities are little known, and many a dispute which leads to the most strained relations between employer and employed may be adjusted, after much exercise of diplomacy, without the general public being any the wiser. The one time when the Trade-Unions do come before us, is when they are actually at war with employers, when men's minds are heated and prone to take one side or the other without over-much con- sideration. Mr. Ely justly lays stress on the benefits the working man receives from such organisations in quiet times. Some of their recognised organs publish a regular "labour market report," "giving the hours of work, the pay, the state of the market, whether active or dull, &c., for the various trades Labourers are informed that there is plenty of work for printers in Boston, but little in New York ; that the building trades are rather active in Baltimore, but dull in Richmond." Good educational work is often done by the necessary discussion of political and economic questions, and many American Unions have good libraries, including "such books as Shakespeare, Chambers's Encyclopedia," itc. The class of literature here referred to appears to be a rather com- prehensive one.
Some interesting details are given of the progress which the co-operative system of industry has made in the United States. A remarkable instance is that of the Kentucky Rail- road Tobacco Company of Covington, which is apparently under the wings of the Knights of Labour. By this Company's system,—
" The employees are paid 'weekly their wages in cash and in full, and these wages to be fully up to the prices paid for corre- sponding labour in any factory in the vicinity.' Now these wages are regarded as a dividend of six per cent, on the labour capital represented by the workman. If an employee averages $12 a week, his labour stock is estimated at $10,000; for at six per cent. interest that would yield $600. In other words, wages are capitalised, and added to money capital. As labour has already received six per cent. in wages, capital must first receive six per cent, out of any profits. The surplus is a dividend on labour stock and on cash capital. Thus, if eight per cent, on the entire capital is realised, the labourer whose earnings are $600 per annum will receive an additional $200, or two per cent, on his labour stock of $10,000."
We have no space to take notice of the account of the socialistic parties in America, to which Mr. Ely has given much attention. It is curious to note that while the violent party among the American Socialists, who advocate murder and havoc of every kind, appear to be of various countries, the moderates, especially those known as the "Socialistic Labour Party," are almost without an exception Germans.
Previous page
