TOPICS OF THE DAY.
POPULAR SUFFERING AND DISCONTENT.
THE discontent of the labouring population breaks forth in acts which compel attention to the causes which produce it. Our columns this week record a serious riot in Lancashire, connected with an attempt to introduce the new Poor-law, and several fires, the known work of incendiaries, in the Southern counties. The language held at meetings of the working classes for po- litical objects menaces not only the Government, but the owners of property, who are described as oppressors, and usurpers of the fruits of other men's labour. Moreover, there are symp- toms of a disposition to resort to physical force, in despair of justice from the moral influences, and to shake off those leaders who would attain their ends by peaceable and lawful means. In reasoning to general conclusions from the Todmorden riot, it ought to be remembered that there is a peculiarity in the case ; for in that district unusual efforts have been made to inflame a predisposition to regard the Poor-law as a grinding and tyranni- cal enactment. In other parts of the country, the influence of landlords and employers has been used to procure a favourable reception for the new mode of dealing with pauperism, and in many cases to mitigate its severity by private charities. But at Todmorden, the extensive and popular employers, the F1ELDENS, have stimulated opposition and exasperated hatred against the
Poor-law. Not only have the cheeks in operation elsewhere been
wanting within the sphere of the FIELDENS' influence, but they have
incited a spirit which brought forth its natural fruits in the riotous proceedings alluded to. The character of the Member for Old- ham forbids the belief that he has been actuated in his opposition to the Poor-law by any but pure and benevolent motives : it does not, however, oblige us to honour his political economy, or to withhold the expression of our opinion that the course he has thought fit to adopt has been extremely ill-judged, and mainly conducive to outrages which he must deplore.
This partial and temporary outbreak, immediately occasioned by peculiar and local causes, is not the most formidable indication of popular discontent. In the absence of positive and distinct in- formation, (which information, however, is not wanting,) we should confidently conclude that there must be a great deal of physical suffering and bitterness of spirit among the working population, from the single fact, that while the price of the chief necessary of life is enhanced more than one half above the prices of 1835, wages are perhaps lower than at that period—certainly not higher. The prccess has been gradual, but it has reached the point of positive suffering. It is an old observation, though its proved truth is disregarded by the Legislature, that the "rebel- lion of the belly" is the most formidable of all insurrections. And it is not becoming in the ruling classes to preach to the suffering commons, resignation to the Divine will under scarcity. The proximate cause of the high price of bread may be deficient harvests; but %%hose fault is it that the deficiency is not supplied from foreign granaries? The people of this country are willing to give the products of labour for foreign wheat ; but the foreigner, though offered an enormous remuneration, brings forth a scanty sup- ply of the desired commodity, because he has only provided for his own wants, not being able to rely upon an English demand. The Corn-laws have rendered it unprofitable to lay up stores in other countries for the English market, because the sale is uncertain, though high prices may be obtained at intervals. Of this the masses are well aware; and they demand Universal Suffrage be- cause, among other blessings, they expect to obtain by it—but not without it—a reseal of the Corn-laws. They know that, by • the exercise of common foresight, sufficient food at moderate rates may be secured at all times : they have been taught the truth, that the landowners—the lawgivers — interfere to deprive the people of the benefit of the natural operation by which the excess of one season, over a large surface of the earth, might be made
to counterbalance the deficiency of another ; and they laugh to scorn the attempt to shift upon Providence the sin of a grasping and selfish class of mortals.
Neither can the ruling order point to any large benefits con- ferred.upon the mass of the people by Parliament in order to
sooth Irritated feelings. The course of legislation, it should never be forgotten, has not been with a view to the benefit of the bulk of the people. Their enjoyments and comforts have not been -promoted; their wishes have not been consulted; their feelings have not been regarded. Here we are in the sixth year since the Reform Act was passed, and the condition of the masses was
never much worse under the old system. " Reform" has not produced a single measure expressly aimed aml wisely framed to increase their happiness; while that which we have been accus- tomed.to consider as the best, not only presents itself to the popu- lar vision in a harsh and exasperating form, but is the cause of much actual suffering.
It would be strange if discontent did not arise out of the present condition of the working classes; and, with the examples which
have been placed before them, it was to be expected that they would combine for a remedy. Their ettsployers—the capitalists— have taught them the art of combination. From the First and Second Reports of the Committee on the Combinations of Work- men, we learn that the masters have not only combined among themselves to reduce the wages of labour, but for a temporary purpose have stimulated the workmen to those very acts which they now denounce as illegal. It is natural that the people should apply the knowledge thus acquired to political pur- poses. And here too they learn a lesson from the systematic policy of their superiors. Turn to the Legislature, and what is the example set there ? Combinations of men elected to Parliament pro bone pub/ice, use their privileges and power to aggrandize themselves and the class interests with which they are connected. Almost every article of common consumption is enhanced in price by the combination of Members of Parliament. Timber, sugar, wheat, may be cited as examples, in a few com- modities, of the operation of the system of Parliamentary confede- racies against the people.
But the masses are violent—they menace us with physical force. There is no evidence that the intention or disposition to resort to their "ultimo. ratio" is extensively prevalent among the people, though it certainly exists in several quarters. Of course, any such movements would be put down by the prompt union of the friends of order, whatever the difference of opinion might be respecting the substantial justice of the complaints they were in- tended to enforce. We may be sure that nothing short of grievous oppression will cause even a temporary and very partial outbreak. The general disposition of the working classes is patiently to endure severe suffering. Manchester possesses probably not the most orderly or well-couducted population in the kingdom; but Mr. FOSTER Slated to the Commons Combination Committee, that "respect to the local authorities" was " paid universally " in Manchester. Of the manufacturing population generally, he said that they "were a very well-conducted class;" and that "their general conduct, even in times of more excitement and apprehen- sion than others, has been very creditable to them." The conduct of the people who have assembled recently in such large numbers to bear exciting speeches, has confirmed the favourable opinion of their general disposition. Now, admitting that life and property must be secured under any circumstances, we cannot help thinking that they who assume the office of public instructors, would do well to lay rather less stress upon the indiscretions of the multitude, and rather more upon the hardship and injustice which provoke them. The forcible suppression of popular violence, only gives temporary secu- rity, with the certainty of increased exasperation. Police and dragoons never root out the prolific cause of disaffection. The employment of these instruments leads to the establishment of what is called a "strong government,"—that is to say, a govern- ment strong against the people, whom it fear: and wrongs. There seems to be an inclination at present, even among persons who have had credit for popular sympathies, to resort to the old fashion of dealing with popular discontent. Confident in the possession of overwhelming force, no small portion of the ruling classes are ready, it would seem, to settle the quarrel with the suffering and unprivileged masses by employing the strong arm of the trooper or the executioner. Surely it would be far wiser to try the sooth- ing system—not with the view to deception, but with the earnest intention of improving the condition of the neglected portion, that is to say the immense majority, of the people. This method has never been practised yet. In the Legislature, the expressed sym- pathy with popular wants and distresses, is even less than it was • in the Tory times before the Reform Bill. The promises made in 1932, and since, by Whig and Whig-Radical candidates, have been disgracefully broken. Insult has been added to injury. And when we hear one-sided exclamations against the violence of the multitude put forth, instead of joining in the chorus, we should rather wonder that the multitude are on the whole so patient. Times of no common difficulty and danger are coming upon the country : and it is one of the worst symptoms, that little or no attention is paid to propositions for benefiting the people, while the readiness to use force is manifest ; and the union of all the privileged classes against the masses is as coolly recommended, as if it were not the commencement of a struggle, which must end, if prolonged, in the disturbance of the entire social system.
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