And Now Nyasaland T. R. M. Creighton, Brian Freyburg The
Law Officers John Lindsay Air Rights F. C. Gillman Palestinian Arabs Erskine B. Childers Sahara Oil Francois Caviglioli Easter Rev. Austin Lee Pour Prendre Congo Strix No Time for Reading A. G . Wilson. Mrs. Pamela Parsons Food for Thought E. A. Att wood, Gavin McCrone Press Council Cases Sir Linton Andrews Mr. Smyllie, Sir L. T. Fleming The New Towns Nicolas Hill Calvin A. Graves AND NOW NYASALAND
SIR,—Mr. E. L. Johns, of Gadzema, Southern Rhodesia, wrote, in a letter on April 17, that my
article describing the arrest of Guy Clutton-Brock as 'poignant and tragic folly' did a grave injustice to the country. 'Surely Mr. Creighton knows that there should be no discrimination between a black man and a white man in a country which practises partner- ship. It was considered necessary . . . to arrest all members of the African National Congress and there- fore Mr. Clutton-Brock was arrested . . . along with the other African members.' Mr. Johns is completely mistaken if he thinks that all members of Congress were arrested. They were not. Five hundred alleged 'leaders' were arrested; the rank and file were left at liberty. Mr. Clutton-Brock was in no sense a leader; he was an ordinary member. He was arrested because he was white and in Congress. Discrimination against white deviationism is no better than any other dis- crimination, My point was that it is surprising that a country which claims to be founded on partnership arrested its most successful European exponent on such flimsy grounds. Mr. Johns's contention that all this demonstrates 'our determination not to coun- tenance one law for the African and another for the
European' rests upon a fallacy. Would he care to
explain how he reconciles this statement with, for instance, the Pass laws, the Native Land Husbandry Act, the levies on African agricultural produce, or the existence of African locations, to give only a few examples: Dr. Monica Fisher, in her letter published on April 24, wisely avoids the pitfalls of fact. She seems gnostically convinced (1) that the official view of Nyasaland's economics is true; (2) that Africans are like children and Europeans like doctors treating them; (3) that in Ghana Blacks are exploited and oppressed by other Blacks and that in Rhodesia Blacks arc not exploited and oppressed by Whites; (4) that interracial education, worship, shopping and railway travel can quickly be introduced into the Federation and will be accepted by Africans as a substitute for fair political representation; (5) that Mau Mau was not an anti-European but apparently an anti-African rebellion.
It is always difficult to discuss gnostic convictions. (1) above is challenged by much expert opinion. It is too complex a question for the chop logic of 'it makes sense to us on the spot.' Has Dr. Fisher con-
sidered, for instance, the possibility that Nyasaland's loss in customs and excise revenue offsets its gains from the Federal exchequer? (2) is precisely the paternalist argument that Africans have conclusively shown they will no longer accept. (3), (4) and (5) are difficult to take seriously. Dr. Fisher would crown her great service to Central Africa if she could recog- nise that the aims she and I both have at heart— moderation, social justice, interracial equality and integration—can only be promoted by the extension of African political representation, the removal of discriminatory legislation and the abandonment of European oligarchic pretensions; and that this is all the 'virulent and ill-informed press campaign in England' (as she calls it) is asking for. I wish she would indicate any significant inaccuracies in this 'campaign.' Pharos's lapsus calami about the constitution and Central African parties does not, after all, affect any of the points at issue.
Miss Gillian Solly's argument, written from Kenya, appears to be that Lord Malvern was justified in say- ing that all Africans are liars because all Europeans are liars too; but that in our case it does not matter because we are civilised, ethical Christian liars. I con- fess I find this as hard to follow as the argument that 'Taper and his like' are almost forcing a struggle between Black and White upon Kenya. Is it Taper who is keeping 24 per cent. of the arable land of Kenya in the hands of about 10,000 White farmers? Is it Taper who is giving six million Africans less political power than 50,000 Europeans? The effectiveness and honesty of Mr. Michael Blundell's new movement, on which she invites comment, will be judged by its readiness and ability to deal with facts such as these and change them.—Yours faithfully, Reading, Berks
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