1 OCTOBER 1887, Page 16

THE ATTITUDE OF THE IRISH LANDLORDS. [To arra Eynon or

no Ersoraroz„"J SIE,—I trust you will permit me to advert, in as few words as possible, to several of the points touched on in your most interesting article on "The Attitude of Irish Landlords."

The landlords have been accused of the most heinous crimes, and I am sure they aro entitled to plead "Not guilty" if they think fit, especially having regard to the fact that their most vigorous assailant has atated that they stood their trial and were "acquitted." I will now pass from that point. You then assume, and, I think, unfairly, that though many people are impressed with the desirability or necessity of abolishing the dual ownership of land in Ireland, the Irish landlord's are doing nothing to elucidate that question and its feasibility. It must be remembered, however, that the Purchase Act of Lord Ash- bourne was devised by a committee of Irish landlords and others interested in the Irish Question, and many of the Irish land:- lords are now hard at work trying to invent some scheme of purchase which may be fair to all parties, and not involve "too serious a risk to the British taxpayer." Again, as long ago as April, 1884, I brought forward a motion in the House of Lords advocating a purchase scheme which would have abolished dual ownership by this time if it had been adopted then. It was based in its main features on a very able financial scheme propounded by a most patriotic and experienced Irishman, the late Mr. R. O'Hara. The private history of our attempt to induce the Government of that day to accept any scheme, devise any scheme, or do anything that would prohibit the dangers and difficulties that we, as Irish landlords, foresaw, cannot be divulged. Suffice it to say that we were met always by the two parrot-cries,—first, the Land Act of 1881 will solve the whole land question ; secondly, if you indicated and proved that that Act was making matters worse instead of better, and purchase was the only way out of the difficulty, you were in- formed that it would be quite impossible to employ any force or means for getting the interest or any money advanced from the Irish farmers if they chose to resist such payment in the same way as they resisted payment of rent. This answer tons brings me to the reply which must be given to your query as to whether the Irish landlords can "invent a plan by which Irish peasants invested with their farms as freeholds can be induced or compelled to pay punctually a quit-rent equal to one-third of the judicial rent." The answer any one will make will be to this effect,—that when A lends B money on a certain security, if B does not pay A the interest due on that money, B is taken before a judge or Magistrate, and is made to pay, or else goes to prison or suffers in some way for his misdemeanour. If the present statesmen who are supposed to govern Great Britain and Ireland have made up their minds, as some of the other statesmen did, that it is impossible to "compel" a man to pay his just debts, the necessity of devising any scheme con- cludes, and I, as well as other persons in Ireland, may as well make arrangements to pay no one my debts and no Government official my taxes. In point of fact, if all the landlords of Great Britain and Ireland were to sit in convention for ever, they could not devise a scheme by which a man could be compelled to pay, unless the Government or Executive of the country decide to exact by force and penalty, if necessary, the amount of interest that is due and in arrear. I have always understood that laws dealing with such advances were passed with this end in view, and an Executive appointed to carry out these laws. Having attended the Convention both days, and listened carefully to what was said, I do not think that you are quite accurate in saying "Irish landlords are afraid to say what they think would be a just equivalent in Consols or Irish Debentures" for their properties. I do not think there would be difficulty in fixing the value, provided they were certain that they were to be paid in Consols or Debentures secured on the credit of Great Britain and Ireland. Again, Dr. Erck, who, you state, was "much applauded," was greeted with enthu- siasm, and deservedly so, not, I am convinced, because he denounced purchase, but because he is Honorary Secretary of our Association, and has worked vigorously and at a great sacrifice to get Irish landlords to combine and take action with regard to their imperilled interests. It is not my province, nor would it be right for me, to indicate at present what work our executive committee is doing ; but I may, I think, safely say that every point upon which you have upbraided the "unwise folk," is being carefully and systematically iyestigated. I rejoice much to find that you conclude by stating that "the landlords ought to be paid a fair price because they hold the land by legal tenure." I personally think also that is what we have a right to demand.

There are many questions to be considered by the Committee. First, as to whether the abolition of dual ownership should be immediate, complete, and compulsory, or whether it should be gradual, absorbent, and voluntary. Second, whether the Imperial credit will be pledged to guarantee the advances to the tenants to purchase their holdings, and thus secure the fair price for the laud to the landowner ; and if so, whether, if default is made in the payment of his interest by the peasant-proprietor, he will be "compelled," like any other debtor, to pay his arrears. This point is, to my mind, not only at the root of the whole question, but affects all executive legislation and the very existence of property all over the world.—I am, Sir, &c.,

CI.SYLETOWN Or UPPER OSSORY.

We have left out some sentences in Lord Castletown's letter; first, for the sake of brevity ; and secondly, because they are based on a misconception. Nobody, not even the Far- nellites, proposes to " extinguish " the landlords except as rent. chargers. Lord Castletown will keep his house, his demesne, and a fortune, and be twice as influential as he is now.—En. Spectator.]