TOPICS OF THE DAY.

THE MEASURE AND THE MAN.

NEVER, perhaps, was there a finer occasion for the display of high statesmanship, than the debate of Tuesday afforded to the Leader of the House of Commons. His subject embraced the most stirring and lofty topics,—an actual civil war, and a measure of pacification; the very principles of government ; the whole field of colonial policy; the qualities of representation, authority, and civil obedience ; nay, human nature itself as affected by social in- stitutions. His subject was also rich in opportunities for giving expression to sentiments of public virtue,—such as clemency, the love of justice, generous magnanimity, and popular sympathies.

The measure which he had to propose, was of such a nature as to correspond with those noble sentiments, and to bestow on the

expression of them the eloquence of fact. And, lastly, the cha-

racter of the man whom he had to announce as a Dictator for Pacification, furnished matter for a most effective peroration of such a speech as Lord JOHN RUSSELL did not make. The cha-

racteristics of the speech which he did make, are commonplace, nursery prejudice, twaddle, the meanest conception and most tedious expression, with a considerable dash of lo.v hatred and revenge, and wounded official pride. Contempt is the only senti- ment which such a speech could excite, or has excited.

The Government plan for the pacification of Canada has greatly suffered from Lord Jon Nt RUSSELL'S miserable exposition of it. The plan includes the character of Lord DURHAM ; and

its chief, perhaps its only merit, consists in the large authority bestowed upon one person, who must belie his life * if he do not use such power for the ends of justice and freedom. It is a vigorous

and comprehensive—let us even add, a wise measure, inasmuch as it comprises Lord DURHAM'S character. But, as expounded by Lord JOHN RUSSELL, it takes the complexion of his paltry

speech, and appears feeble, cramped, and red-tapish. And all this it would really prove, if it were administered in the spirit

with which it was announced. When Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S speech reaches Wade, it will be seen how much the measure itself has been damaged by so inappropriate an announcement of it. For whatever suspicion or opposition it excites here, the Go- vernment may certainly thank Lord JOHN RUSSELL'S ignoble discourse.

Let us turn to the man, whom we may be supposed to have alluded to last week, and whose character and position form, to

our mind, the most essential part of the measure. If he has undertaken this task with a full perception of his own risk in the performance of it, he deserves even more credit for boldness and public-spirit than the large degree which has been already awarded to him. The task which he has really undertaken, is to place our North American Colonies in a state of contented alle- giance. He cannot yet be aware of the difficulties which exist in America; but these, we suspect, are trilling when com- pared with the dangers which beset him from another quarter. The colonists will probably be satisfied—nay, become as loyal

as our old colonies in America were till GEORGE the Third invaded their chartered rights—if he bestow upon them, not

the name merely, but the true substance of local self-govern- ment. But this is just what the Colonial Office at home will never let him do, if all the arts of Downing Street can possibly prevent it. It will be hard indeed to make them loosen their grasp of colonial patronage—which is incompatible with real local self-government; and they would delight, besides, in ruining Lard

DURHAM, whom they equally dread and hate. We speak not of Lord GLENELO, who is a nonentity, but of the almost nameless set who secretly, and all the more surely, guide the affairs of the

Colonial Office. They must tremble at the thought of Lord

DURHAM'S return after a successful issue of his mission. His success would be destruction to them; bringing to light the

abuses of the system which they administer, cutting off at once a great slice of their patronage, showing the advantages of allowing colonies to govern themselves in local matters,

pointing out the expediency of Colonial Office Reform, and pro-

viding a man capable of accomplishing it. They will leave no stone unturned to thwart and ruin him. He has been supposed

to excel in the guiltily of discernment. If we could tell that he had not, by attaching too much importance to the difficulties in America, been led to overlook the greater danger at home, we should almost venture to predict a happy end to his valiant un- dertaking. There are those here who love him nut, and who say that he is only foolhardy. Time must show,