The Contest in Ireland
MEE issues which present themselves to a majority
of the Irishmen who are passing through the turmoil of a General Election have not that beautiful clearness with which they are seen by many onlookers in England. For us, the tendency is to simplify the conflict as one in which the forces of light are arrayed against those of darkness. Our more detached view shows us, on the one side, bellicoge Republicanism, hugging its 'theory of separatism and despising the reality of freedom, turning its back on the Treaty, abolishing the Oath, threatening the Governor-Generalship, breaking the agreement about annuities, and provoking economic war with England regardless of consequences ; and, on the other side, realists who have kept their contracts, who have made the most of the freedom of Southern Ireland, and wish to preserve the welfare of their country by friendship and co-operation in trade with Britain.
But in Ireland the problem has never presented itself quite so simply. Mr. Cosgrave's party never permitted itself to overlook its Republican origin. Michael Collins himself, after the Treaty, often spoke of it almost apolo- getically, as if it were a temporary settlement only. Even Mr. Cosgrave has always thought it expedient to hold himself aloof from demonstrations of friendship for Britain. Respect has been paid to that undercurrent of nationalism which has never ceased to look with suspicion upon the British connexion.
A year ago, however, this feeling had somewhat weakened or become dormant. At the last general election the issue appeared in a very different light from that in which it appears to-day. Then, Mr. de Valera's strength lay not in the fact that he was the declared opponent of the Treaty, but that his party was the only alternative to Mr. Cosgrave's. The latter had been in office for ten years, most of the time as President of the Executive. The fine achievement of his ministry, its strength with moderation, its studied nationalism, were not enough to dispel the inevitable deire. for change, increased during the Iasi year or two by slick trade and unemployment. The vote at the last general election was not a vote for a Republic, but a vote fOr a change of government. Mr. De Valera reaped the benefit of it.
He had the adroitness, aided by a personality Co appeal- ing _
ng to many of his countrymen, to 'take full advantage of the situation. To a less acceptable leader the diffi- culties would have been insurmountable. Behind him was a band of implacable Republioans nursing the memory of old wrongs ; and, more formidable still, the .men of the Irish Republican Army, who had .been kept under, but not acquiescent—some of them awaiting release from prison by Mr. de. Valera. There were also discontented Laboui elenients,'who had little real affec- tion for Fianna Fail, but thought any drastic change a change for 'the better. Though the President had on desire to go all the way with these extremists, he could "not then, and cannot now separate himself froin them ; and his policy his been, and is, determined by the neces- sity of satisfying them, of preserving his own self-eonsis- tency in opposing the Treaty, and reconciling these so far as possible with the preservation of law and order and national solveney.
' • In the -course of -a short year of office 'he has succeeded in stirring into fresh life the dormant sentiment of Re- publicanism. • Having no mandate to overthrow the -Treaty, he took steps to abolish the Oath, lessened the 'dignity of the- GoVernor-General, and refused to honour the agreement to pay the land annuities ; and then com- mitted himself to a suicidal economic war with Britain. It might be supposed that so provocative a policy, which is already calculated to have caused losses to the farmers of £8,000,000, and threatens the whole economic structure of the country, would ensure Mr. Cosgrave's victory at the polls. But Mr. de Valera well knows that there is a section of the people which has been brought up from the cradle to the idea of sacrifice on behalf of country. He was prepared to capitalize suffering—even the suffering caused by his own economic policy—and mobilize afresh the sense of grievance against Britain by attributing everything to her " highway robbery."
In his election programme he still refrains from seeking a mandate to proclaim a Republic. - The nearest he gets to it is in declaring that agreement with England can only be obtained " on terms of equality as a result of the full liberty of the Irish people "—an expression which can be construed as meaning anything. If he wins, the abolition of the oath will be confirmed, and the Governor-General- ship abolished ; the farmers have his assurance that the annuities will be halved ; and landless men are to be offered land. He holds out no hope of an agreement with England in respect of annuities or tariffs, and asks for a long mandate in which to build up an economically self-sufficient Ireland, independent of British custom, in accordance with a sort of Five Years' Economic Plan.
The strength of Mr. de Valera's . position rests essen. tially on his appeal to national sentiment. Mr. Cosgravc appeals to national interest. The latter has the immense advantage of haling something tangible to offer, and likely to be immediate in its good effects. He proposes to free the farmers from the whole of their annuity payments for a period of two years. He promises to abolish all purely restrictive tariffs. Above all, he declares that he can end the economic war in three days, and come to an agreement with the British Government in respect of the annuities which will forthwith stop the retaliatory tariffs and reopen the British market to the produce of the fanner. When he says this, there is not the least doubt that Mr. Cosgrave will have the power to be as good as his word. Such is the state of public opinion in Ireland that it is made a charge against him that he has been discussing Matters with Mr. Thomas, and thereby proving himself an " agent of England." But no discussions with Mr. Thomas were necessary. With any authorized repre- sentative of the Free State who will recognize the force of existing agreements the British Government is anxious to negotiate, and make the most generous terms possible consistent with the financial position of the two countries. This appears to be recognized by Mr. Frank MacDermot and the Centre Party, who favour National Government and Treaty revision, but offer no support to the prove- Cative unilateral methods of Mr. de Valera. Mr. Mac- Derinot may prove the decisive factor in the new Dail.
To Ireland's economic interests it is essential to be on good terms with Britain, and to Britain it is a matter, not of equal, but of very great importance. All the advant- ages which the other Dominions secured at Ottawa will be available to Southern Ireland if Mr. Cosgrave again becomes the head of the government. He asks for no sacrifice of nationalism, but, on the contrary, full national freedom with the added privilege of membership of the Empire and the material advantages and security it confers. The sentiment of nationalism may favour Mr. de Valera, but surely the reality, with all that it implies of international friendship, is on the side of Mr. Cosgrave and his constitutionalist allies,
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