WHY ITALY HATES AUSTRIA.

Ix our paper of the 7th instant, giving reasons " Why Italy hates Austria," we concluded with the remark, " we have said nothing of the drain of wealth from Lombardo-Venetia to feed Austrian tyranny,—nothing of social misery following from political oppres- sion,—nothing of the restrictions on commerce." Since we wrote we have had several communications, written and oral, from friends who have been in Italy, some even within the week ; and the representation of all is the same. In certain respects the feel- ings of the Italians are exactly what they have been for the last forty years ; in other respects there has been a gradual and now very marked change. Wherever you go out of the Sardinian states, near the great cities, the working classes appear to be upon the whole tolerably contented, very lively, and strikingly indif- ferent to their rulers. In Naples, for example, the illness of the King is a subject of no popular interest whatever, although the people are systematically deprived of any of the public intelligence which forms the staple of conversation in England. The middle classes, and the upper classes, excepting those who play the ser- vants to the Government, are anxious for change. In Rome, the local Government is not perhaps, so unpopular ; for it is impossible that a character so truly benevolent as that of Pius IX. can have failed to have gained some moral hold, and although his path was

crossed in 1848, many suppose that if he were left alone he would still introduce improvements. But here, as in Tuscany, not less than in Lombardy or Genoa, in Milan or Naples, the one object of universal detestation is the Austrian.

The French soldiers have been the guards of Rome, and some might have imagined that the irritation excited by the Austrians in the eastern provinces of the Pope would have been transferred in the Western to the soldiers of France ; but there is no such transfer. There may have been occasional individual collisions, as there are in every barrack-town, though these have been singularly few. Some Italians are anxious to do without the aid of the French; a larger and an increasing number are anxious for that support. But whatever may be the differences of opinion, the French are regarded as fellow-creatures, the Aus- trian as something more infernal than human nature. We stated our reasons for this feeling in the paper to which we have referred ; the daily journals have since been constantly giving fresh illustrations and evidences as to the causes of that hatred ; the correspondent we then quoted supplies us with prao- tical and tangible reasons why the hatred excited by personal feeling is justified by political, social, and commercial reasons.

To commence with the restrictions on commerce, Lombardy was once rich in manufactories. Como, Gandino, Scio, were celebrated for

their cloth ; Bergamo, Lecco, for their ironfoundries ; Lodi, Cremona, and Vianada, for their linen ; Brescia for its arms. Where are all these manufactories now ? They have been ruined for the profit of those of Austria, for the cloth and linen of Bohemia, the arms of Hungary, the ironmasters of Carinthia and Styria. While Austrian raw material is al- most exempt from duty, that on Italian raw material is raised to fifty and even to sixty per cent. The exportation of arms from Brescia was strictly forbidden, and as the Government gave nothing to do at home, this branch of industry rapidly decayed. The manufacturers of Bohemian cloth being as we have said almost exempt from duty, and having besides the whole custom of Government, were able to offer their goods at a third the price of their Italian rivals, and soon had the market in their own hands. The manufactories of silk and velvet still indeed hold their ground because Austria has nothing of her own to oppose to them, but the heavy duties to which they are subjected materially injure their pros- perity. The organization of the Customhouse alone is enough to impede trade. Every question, however trifling, gives rise to endless contests, every omission, however insignificant, is laid hold of as a pretext for ex- tortion and seizure. Italian interests on all occasions are sacrificed to those of Austria.

For more than a century there existed throughout Lombardy private oompanies of diligences for the transport of travellers. The Austrian authorities, jealous of the gains which were considerable, declared this a Government privilege ; private companies were suppressed, and the Im- perial diligences substituted. Austria takes credit to herself for the fertility of Lombardy, for its magnificent system of irrigation. She forgets, and imagines others for- get, that these were created by its former rulers, long before she was its mistress.

As to the railroads, it cannot be denied, that they tend to augment the material prosperity of the country. But in seeking to isolate the Italian line from all the other lines, beyond the Po and the Tessin, thus rendering it as it were a mere branch of the great Austro-Germanic lines, Austria has proved how little the real interests of the country entered into

her calculations. The railroads, in fact, were constructed principally in the view of assuring rapid means of communication and concentration in case of rebellion.

At Venice trade and commerce are in a far more languishing con- dition than in Lombardy. True, some few palaces rise once more in al-

most their ancient splendour, exteriorly at least. But what does this prove? Simply that on one pretext or other these palaces have been confiscated and given to some creatures of the government grown rich on plunder, or that the real owners, beggared by exaction and taxation, have been forced to sell them for an almost nominal price to some foreign speculator. Thus the beautiful Casa d'Oro,' was purchased by Ma- dame Taglioni for the sum of 25,000 livres or 8001., and is now let to

English visitors. The superb palezzi of Grassi and Loredano and others are turned into hotels. The palazzo Foscari, so celebrated in history and

sang, is an Austrian Barrack. With these exceptions, which only prove the rule, and one or two others, such as the palaces occasionally in- habited by the Comte de Chambord, and the Duchess of Berry, all wear an aspect of neglect and decay. Many are utterly abandoned, and their owners are wandering in foreign lands to die in exile and misery. Some of your readers have perhaps admired the picture of " The Family of Darius at the Feet of Alexander," lately purchased for our Na- tional Gallery. They little know to what extreme of penury that noble line had sunk, ere it consented to part with the last memorial of its days of splendour—a legacy from the artist Paul Veronese himself; but still less probably do they surmise that the unfortunate Count has been fined to more than the amount of the sum he received for this picture by the Austrian Government for daring to dispose of his own property without their consent. Yet this is strictly true. Still if the aristocracy of Venice were the only sufferers, it would be of less importance. But the con- dition of the people is most melancholy. It may be truly said, that but for the influx of strangers a great part of the population would be reduced to beggary. Commerce and manufactories are' still more utterly rained in Venice than in Lombardy. It has been despoiled for the benefit of Trieste. Its superb port is neglected, its canals are filling with mud. Almost every

public employment is filled by Austrians and the few Italians who are still admitted, are treated with so much harshness and insolence that

they often prefer any amount of poverty to a position so intolerable. The taxes to which landed property is subjected, exceed belief; let those who doubt my statements refer to the works of Passini, Sella Necessith,' or

4 La Proprieta Fonderia,' of Tacini, 1853. These, published in Lombardy itself, subjected to the strictest censorship, are certain to be rather under than over the mark. We may add a work published in 1830, at Lau- sanne, Sur r etat Administratif de rAutriche,' and even one by a

German, one Herr Czoernig, who though a zealous defender of Austria, cannot deny the burdens beneath which the country is weighed down. Before 1848, Lombardy paid to the Austrian budget 112,000,000 of livres or 4,000,000 sterling per annum. Since, then, this has been raised by a third, under the title of Addizionale ' and now amounts to

170,000,000 lines. Now for the revenue. According to Tacini, and in-

deed to the latest statistics, it never exceeds 136,000,000 of livres. But if even as Herr Czoemig persists, it reaches the sum of 175,000,000, the

taxes, amounting to 170,000,000, would absorb very nearly the whole. Let it not be imagined that it is on the great proprietors alone that falls this fearful weight of taxation. The soil of the Liambardo- Venetian provinces is divided between innumerable small proprie- tors. The population of Lombardy, according to tho last census in 1857, amounted to 2,723,000 ; the landed proprietors exceeded 437,000, and the great proprietors are not above 4000 ; see Tacini, page 37. The traveller as he passes through a highly-cultivated country, rich in vines, corn, and oil, little imagines how small a portion of all this abundance ever reverts to the proprietor or the cultivator. The tax of capitation, that relic of a barbarous age, by subjecting every male to a personal imposition, is the source of unspeakable misery and irritation, for in this as in everything else, the Austrians contrive by their inso- lence and brutality to aggravate what in itself needs not aggravation. No one who has witnessed the arrival of the collector in the cottage of the peasant is likely to forget it. All who have travelled in Lombardo-Vo- netia, must be struck with the misery in the villages, the ruinous condi- tion of the cottages, the ragged mien of the peasant. No wonder, like his betters he is not only bowed down by taxation, but liable at any mo- ment to be flogged by the police for some real or imputed offence. I wish I had space to recount a few of the tales of brutal tyranny I have heard from the lips of the victims. All this certainly tends to account for that discontent beneath the Austrian rule which so astonishes certain of our politicians. Another source of irritation is the police regulations. The police is the pivot of the Austrian Government in Italy. Not a place is given, not an establishment founded without its cooperation. It penetrate; everywhere—mixes itself up with everything. The professors of ly- ceums and colleges are forced to address a half-yearly report as to the po- lities:1 tendencies of their pupils ; these are carefully preserved, to be made use of at a future period. Strangers are not exempt from these an- noyances as I know from experience. The police regulate the pleasures of the Lombardo-Venetians as well as their punishments. It prescribes when they are to illuminate, and woe to him who disobeys : and on ex- traordinary occasions, decides when they are to attend the theatre and when to stay away., Thus in January 1849 we find a proclamation at Mantua, declaring 1 it being understood that certain inhabitants had re- solved not to attend the theatrical representations, the governor informs them, that it his will and intention to punish by arrest, and other measures of rigour, such as shall themselves abstain, or induce others to abstain from such attendance," Mantua, January 5th, 1849. At Pavia and Bres- cia, somewhat later, December 20th, we find a similar decree ; but, here, in addition, the proprietors of the boxes are informed, that if the receipts do not cover the expenses, they will have to make up the deficit ! The passport system is another torment- To obtain one, an Austro- Italian must explain the motives of his journey, the period to which it is tb extend, promise to have no intercourse with the enemies of Austria ; and when ail that is done the police may refuse him if it deems fit, with- out his daring to complain. Any Italian who departs without a passport is at the expiration of three months declared civilly dead. His goods and chattles are confiscated, and if seized he is condemned to three years " career) duro " (Cod. Pen. di Lomb. art. 106.) The Austrian Go- vernment is the declared enemy of enlightenment. All its efforts tend to crush the intellect of its Italian subjects, to bend them more easily to its iron rule. " The man who thinks," said Metternich, " is our deadliest enemy." Austria acts on this system. All the celebrated works on mo- dern, more especially Italian history, Guiceardini, Sismondi, Botta, Col- lette,: are forbidden, not only in her lyceums and colleges, but even in her circulating libraries, and although they can generally be procured by foreigners, it is only under a promise of strict secrecy. No work of any description can be published without the previous permission of the cen- sors, and any one publishing in a foreign land without that permission is liable to imprisonment and fine on his return (Cod. Pen. art, 96.) In all schools the following is taught the children together with the cate- chism.

Question—"How ought subjects to behave to their sovereign ?" Answer —"Like good servants (the Italian word serve means almost slave,) true and faithful."

Question—" And why ? " Answer—" Because the sovereign is their master and his power extends over their fortunes and their persona." Ikreri ski Sudditi ai Loro Sovrani, page 37.

In his late speech in Parliament, Lord Derby affirmed that Austria for many years had laboured unremittingly to improve the condition of her Lombardo-Venetian dominions. The appointment of the Archduke Maximilian, an amiable and conscientious young man, as Viceroy may perhaps explain this belief, which Austria has done her best to foster. In the art of blinding the public, both abroad and at home, Austria is a master. Nothing can be more sentimentally affectionate than the tone of her manifestoes, at least, as a general rule. The words "gracious Fa- ther," "imperial benignity," "indulgent condescension," occur at every line. How far all these fine phrases may be trusted, is shown by cos- treating the atrocious conduct of the Austrian troops at this very moment in the unresisting towns and villages of Piedmont, with the first procla- mation of their general in which he declared himself its friend and de- liverer ! It was much the same in 1851 with Lombardy. The powers of the Archduke, seemingly so extensive, were in fact merely nominal. Every measure was obliged to be referred to the cabinet of Vienna and under these conditions every real reform became hopeless. The Empe- ror, courageous and high-spirited, but narrow-minded, bigotted, imbued with all the doctrines of Metternich, of whom be was the pupil, and completely under the sway of the Jesuit and Absolutist party, frustrated every effort of his more far-seeing and generous brother. The existing system, far from undergoing any amelioration, has been rendered still harsher and more onerous_ The laws of the conscription have been in- creased in severity. Only sons, formerly exempted, are now forced serve. The term of service is prolonged, and the Price of a -eh now fixed by Government must be paid into the Imperial treasury, which thus reaps all the benefit. So also with the change in the currency effected about three months ago. The Government has called in the money in circulation and thrown on the Lombardo-Venetian provinces the whole onus of the remelting. In addition, it refused to receive the pieces of twenty kreuzer except on a reduction of 5 per. cent. Judge how heavily such a measure must weigh on a country already so impoverished by grinding taxation and bad administration ; and when to all this we add the war contributions, which on the most moderate computation amounts to no less than 123 millions of livres since 1848,—the single city of Milan was condemned to pay 21,315,000, and all the other towns in proportion,—we may form some idea of the real condition of Lom- bardo-Venetia.

Still, if the domination of Austria were limited to these provinces, the mischief would be comparatively small. But by her secret treaties, her insidious policy, she has become the real mistress of the greater part of the Peninsula, and wherever her iron rule is established, the state of the people is that of serfs or worse than serfs, while the sovereigns are but her vassals, forced to do her will. I conclude. Will England lend her aid, moral or material, to perpetuate the bondage of that race to which Europe has twice owed her civilization,—to the country of Columbus, of Galileo, of Dante, of Michel Angelo ? In the dread of evils, probably imaginary, at all events to be prevented by a wise and steady policy, will she not only refuse her assistance, but seek to deprive them of, per- haps, the last opportunity of breaking their chains, and call down the curses instead of the blessings of twenty-six millions of men.