BOOKS.

THE CORNWALLIS CORRESPONDENCE.*

PERIM% the traditional impression of the public as to the Mar- quis Cornwallis is that of a man whose kindliness of nature en- abled him to compose strife and get through difficulties, as much by his personal goodness of heart as by his statesmanlike qualities. The reader of general history meets the Marquis on two great oe- asions. The capitulation with Washington at York Town ; which decided the American war, and which naturally leaves a doubtful impression of his military foresight : the arrangement when Governor-General of India (for the first time) of the Bengal system • Correspondence of Marks First Marquis Cornwallis. Edited, with Notes, by Charles Boss, Esq. In three volumes. Published by Murray,

of taxation; which is a subject of dispute to the present day. The Correspondence before us furnishes the materials for a juster view of the Marquis. A fuller light is thrown upon the misfortune at York Town, acquitting him of even mistake. His character without losing any of the halo of justice, kindliness, and mercy, which general tradition has thrown over it, comes out with bolder and stronger traits. We find his conceptions large ; his fore- sight extensive ; his particular plans broad and apparently sound ; his criticism on the schemes of others searching and discrimi- nating; nor with all the geniality of his nature was he inoapable of a firm determination, or of a necessary severity. He seems to have slipped out of the world's notice because his temper, his good taste as a "fine old English gentleman," and a preference

for the quiet enjoyments of domestic life, prevented that display of himself before the public, which appears necessary to attract the general attention, unless in such events as Marlborough and Wel- lington were engaged in. It is probable that the death of Lady Cornwallis in 1779, when the Marquis was in his forty-first year, might have forced him more into public life than his natural in- clinations would have led him ; though it does seem to have been with him a habit, almost amounting to mannerism, to complain of public employment. The Correspondence which Mr. Ross has oollected and edited, and prefaced by a brief biographical notice, extends from 1776, when Lord Cornwallis had just embarked for Amerioa, till his death in his sixty-eighth year at Gazepore, Bonuses, in 1805, completely worn out by previous exertions, the effeot of the cli- mate, and the privations of the long sailing passage of those days by the Cape. The letters themselves are as a whole less remark- able for new facts of importance, than for the commentaries of the Marquis, the manner in which the reader is carried behind the scenes, and the glimpses we gain of the motives and cha- racteristics of public men. As the correspondence is private as well as public, it supplies a species of biography of the Marquis for the thirty years over which it extends ; and as Mr. Ross furnishes connecting passages of more or less fulness, we have a kind of histo7 for the same time of the events with which the Marquis was in any way connected, done however from the old Tory point of view, though in a measured style. For a large portion of the time to which the volumes relate, the Marquis was engaged in public affairs that fall under five heads. The American war 1776-1782: the first government of India 1786-1793: the Lord-Lieutenancy of Ireland 1798-1801: a mis- sion to France 1801-2 in reference to the treaty of Amiens, the most popular portions of which are along interview with Napoleon and some sketches of French manners : the third Governor-Gene- ralship which ended in death soon after his arrival in 1805. During the intervals of these more important employments, he was engaged in various smaller affairs. In 1785 he went to Berlin nominally to witness a military spectacle of the Prussian troops, in reality to sound the King, Frederick the Second, as to a closer union for active purposes. The King's survey of conti- nental affairs in a private interview with Lord Cornwallis, put an end to the idea, even had the feelings and opinions of the parties been more in harmony; and a very masterly exposition it was, as Lord Cornwallis admitted. He also for the first time met the Duke of York, as a garcon. Some ten years afterwards he ,en- countered his Royal Highness as a sort of rival. Everybody knows the unfortunate campaign of the Duke in 1794. Much of the disaster no doubt was owing to the inefficient condition of the army, as well as to the inexperience and inefficiency of his Royal Highness. But more perhaps is traceable to the selfish objects and the discordant views of the Austrians and Prussians, with the conflicts of command among so many different nations. To propose the Duke for Generallissimo was of course out of the ques- tion. But Austria suggested that if the Marquis Cornwallis was raised to the local rank of Field Marshal, she would so arrange as to give him the virtual command of her forces, and she thought Prussia might be brought to do the same. This proposal was doubtless a scheme for gaining time and larger subsidies. But the British Government entertained it. The King assented to it though not very willingly, remarking that if he were his son, he would return home. The Duke (who behaved in a manly way,) re- fused to retain command, but was willing to serve as a volunteer. The inherent difficulties of the case, and the evident insincerity of Austria prevented the arrangement from being carried out ; but Pitt eventually determined to recall the Duke. This deter- mination was perhaps hastened by an unsigned report which Lord Cornwallis had received from the camp, and sent to Dundas. As it is not always that we can get so near to the recalling of &Royal Duke, we will quote the modus operandi.

"Right Honourable Henry Dundas to Marquis Cornwallis.

[Private and Confidential.]

"London, November 27, 1794. "My dear Lord—I delayed answering your letter, because Mr. Pitt and I had lately so many serious communications on the subject of it, that I was certain some decided measure must come out of it. It so happened, and on Sunday last Mr. Pitt wrote a very long and dutiful letter, but at the same time a very honest and firm one, to the King, stating the necessity of put- ting an end to the Duke of York's command of the army on the Conti- nent. The letter was felt as a very severe blow, and as such received, but acquiesced in as what could not be avoided. Yesterday in the closet, he did not say a word on the subject either to Mr. 1.4 or to any other person. I therefore late last night wrote to him again, and I send this day a despatch to the Duke of York, of which I send you a copy. We are in hopes, but by no means certain, that the campaign will now end by the enemy going into winter-quarters, and if the Dutch do not snake a separate peace in the mean tuns, we will than have a little breathing to think what is to be done. We propose as fast as possible to let the command into General Abercrom- bie's hands, but there being senior officers, it requires a little management. " I expect Lord Moira to call upon me immediately. I shall have occa- sion to write to you again soon. I would wish much to see you, and would desire you to come up, or I would come down to you but in the present mo- ment if I was to do either, I would not be surprised that it should be sus. pected the late step with regard to the Duke of York was taken in concert with you. Perhaps the arrangement of the India army may afford such an opportunity. The King has had your paper this fortnight. If he does not return it today or tomorrow, I intend to write to him about it.

"Yours very sincerely, HENRY DUNDAS.

" Bight Honourable Henry Dundas to H.B.H. the Duke of York.

"Horse Guards, November 27, 1794. " Sir—The present very extraordinary and critical situation of Holland, and the state of the combined forces employed for the protection of that Re- public, render it extremely desirable that his Majesty's confidential ser- vants should as soon as possible have a personal communication with your Royal Higness upon those important subjects, and I am commanded to sig- . to _your Royal Highness, his Majesty's pleasure that you should take the earliest opportunity of returning to England, leaving the command of his Majesty's British forces in the hands of such British officer as may be next in seniority to your Royal Highness, after furnishing him with such information and instructions as your Royal Highness may judge to be ne- cessary for his guidance. •

"I have the honour to be, he., HENRY DUNDEE."

The correspondence relating to India which occupies fully one third of the whole is practically by far the most important The arrangements made by the Marquis in the Bengal Presidency still subsist, and as we have intimated are yet the subject of de- bate. The views of the Marquis as to the Government of India, and our Indian policy towards native powers and the people, were those which are now generally avowed. It may be that he could not had he lived, have changed the current of ambitious and interfereing policy established by the Marquis Wellesley ; while to the present generation it is much more difficult than it would have been to Cornwallis, because there have been since his time Governors-General almost as ambitious as Wellesley and more unscrupulous. Still the public and private correspondence of so judicious, determined, and conscientious a man,cannot but be studied with advantage, for the principles they contain, by all who take an interest in the settlement of India.

The section relating to the Irish government confirms all that has been said. relating to the wild criminality of the Irish rebels ; the cruelty, want of discipline, and against an enemy want of courage, in the militia ; the shocking corruption of Irish politicians, and the means by which the union was carried. In a generic sense we all know the broad facts and bearings of the ease. We are now brought closer to the actors on many occasions ; we see the working of the machinery, and we have the comments of the chief managers, the Marquis of Cornwallis and Lord Castlereagh, on what they had to go through. Historically speaking the section is well worth study. Traits of manners and opinion also turn up, stranger than romance. Here is a letter from a subaltern to his commander, which in a novel would be thought exaggerated ; but it does not seem to have been very ex- ceptional, either as regards matter, or composition. The Italics are the writer's own ; but for the " memorandum " that follows it would read like a farcical parody.

"To Lieutenant-Colonel —, —lls Foot.

"Sir—I believe (I am a member of the — mess,) if so I will take the liberty to submit the following argument, viz., every gentleman under the immediate propensity of liquor has different propensities ; to prove which I have only to mention the present instance with respect to myself and Lieu- tenant —. Iffy propensity i noise and riot—his sleep. I ever conceived that in a public mess-room three things were certain. First, that it vrae open to every officer who chose to pay the subscription ; second, that he might indulge himself with liquor as much as he pleased; and third, that if a gentleman and a member ber of the mess chose to get intoxicated in the mess-room, that no other officer (however high his rank in the regiment) had a Holt, or dare order to restrain (not being president) his momentary propensity in the mess-room. As such, and this being the ease, I must in- form you that you have acted in a most unprecedented and unknown (not to say ungentlemanlike) way, .in presuming to enter the mess-room as is commanding officer, and to bring a centry [sic] at your back (which you asserted you had) to turn out the amusement (a hand organ) of the com- pany (a stranger being present,) and thereby prevent the harmony which (it is ever supposed) ought to subsist in a mess-room. I appeal to you as a gentleman if you will answer this letter as such, you at all times know how to direct to —, Lieutenant, — Foot. "The Lieutenant-Colonel of the regiment applied for a court-martial, but the offending officer was summarily dismissed without a trial, as appears from the subjoined memorandum.

"Memorandum of the Duke of Portland.

(Lord-Lieutenant's Despatches, received 2d and 3d Jan. 1801. Bead by the King.)

"His Majesty is _pleased to order that the Lord-Lieutenant be directed instantly to dismiss Lieutenant —, of the — Foot, from the service, for having written the mutinous letter which he addressed to Lieutenant- Colonel —; that this order of his Majesty be signified in Public Orders; and read on the parade of the — Regiment of Foot, and communicated to all the regiments of cavalry and infantry in Ireland, to prevent any future ill-conduct of the same nature. P."

Here too is a strange letter, recording a strange transaction, from a peer to a man holding at least a respectable position in a public office and society. The notioe of Mr.M—ppax is one Of the very many foot-notes in which Mr. Ross the editor, gives an ac- count of every person mentioned in the correspondence, as his name arises.

"Charles Berkeley Ripper, clerk in the Civil Department, Chief Scare.. tary's office, received at the Union an allowance of 121/. 14s. 3d. per ant nun for life, as compensation for fees extinguished ; d. Jan. 6, 1802. Lord Longueville often wrote to him on various subjeeta; his initial business seems to have been to buy snuff for Lady Longueville and lottery-tickets for

the whole family. • •

"Lord Longueville to Charles Berkeley Hippax, "December 8, 1798,

"My dear Sir—Many thanks to you for the trouble you have taken ad t6 the house. A house would be preferred to lodgings ; but the prices are high, and Mrs. White likes a cheap house, and not to be bound but bt this month or week. "I got Hartnell out : he and his friend the priest waited on me this day, and desired I would remit the enclosed bank-notes for your trouble. "They deem it too little ; but as the man was a year in gaol, and it cost bun two guineas a week, he is not at present in great plumage. "Ever yours, L.

Still let us not be too hard on Milesian corruption before the Union. We must remember that not fifty years earlier, Fox, first Lord Holland, bought votes for a single question, from mem- bers of the English Parliament in open market by direct payment —" money down." The circa-Union time, however, had a rich Milesian manner about it, which gives it a character that perhaps no other nation or epoch has attained. Additional proof of this will be found in some of the letters in this volume, but they are too long to quote. A few specimens of the groans of Lord Cornwa].lis, may be given as indicative of the work he had to do. They are most- ly from letters addressed to his former aide-de-camp and almost hfe-long friend, Major-General Ross, father of the editor of these volumes.

"The political jobbing of this country gets the better of me : it has ever been the wish of my life to avoid all this dirty business, and I am now in- volved in it beyond all bearing, and am consequently more wretched than ever. I trust that I shall live to get out of this most cursed of all situations, and most repugnant to my feelings. How I long to kick those whom my public duty obliges me to court ! If I did not hope to get out of this coun- try I should most earnestly pray for immediate death. No man, I am sure, ever experienced a more wretched existence ; and after all I doubt whether it is possible to save the country. •

"Lord Downshire holds at best a very unsatisfactory language, and a man who has for many years exacted and enjoyed the exclusive patronage of the Crown in the provinces of the north must be a formidable enemy. To court a proud, ill-tempered, violent fellow, raised to any importance by the weakness of former governments, and who, if he had the power, would in a week drive this wretched country again into rebellion, is a pidalmost too bitter for me to swallow. If Lord D. declares against us, many of our recruits will insist on higher bounty. Nothing but a conviction that an union is absolutely necessary for the safety of the British empire could make

me endure the shocking task which is imposed upon me. • • • "Lord C—, [Carhampton,] the Master-General, takes no concern about the matter; he has sold Luttrellstown, Lids borough,] and means to vote for the Union which he has so loudly and indecently reprobated. • • •

"It was privately intimated to me that the sentiments of the Archbiahop of Cashel were less unfriendly to the Union than they had been, on which I took an opportunity of conversing with his Grace on the subject, and after discussing some preliminary topics respecting the representation of the Spiritual Lords and the probable vacancy of the see of _Dublin, he declared his great unwillingness at all times to oppose the measures of Government, and especially on a point in which his Majesty's feelings were so much in- terested, to whom he professed the highest sense of gratitude and the most perfect devotion, and concluded by a cordial declaration of friendship."

The interest of the letters relating to America consists in the near view we get of the nature of the contest, the opinions of Lord Cornwallis in reference to the competency of the generals, and to the plans of campaign ; and the exact information fur- nished as to the surrender at York Town, and its causes. The °loser view does not tend to raise one's estimate of the character of the leading American patriots or the conduct of the mass. The contest seems to have disorganized society, and the American vo- lunteers who took up arms, and in a lesser degree the militia, ap- pear to have exercised all kinds of license, robbery, and cruelty against their opponents actual or suspected. Allowance is doubt- less to be made for the point of view of Lord Cornwallis ; and it would seem that the Loyalists when they had the power of reta- liation were not slow in its use. This peeps out in a description of Irish affairs to Ross in 1798. After alluding to the doings by martial law, he continues,

"All this is trifling compared to the numberless murders that are hourly committed by our people without any process or examination whatever. The yeomanry are in the style of the Loyalists in America, only much more numerous and powerful, and a thousand genies snore ferocious. These men have saved the country, but they now take the lead in rapine and murder. The Irish militia, with few officers, and those chiefly of the worst kind, follow closely on the heels of the yeomanry in murder and every kind of atrocity, and the Fencibles take a share, although much behind-hand with the others."

Upon the actual plans for the reduction of America the volume of course can shed no new light The want of purpose and object in the original ideas—the blundering way in which they were at- tempted or abandoned—the lifeless manner in which successes were pursued, or more frequently neglected—the despondency which slight reverses occasioned, are all well known matters of history. Still the commentaries of the actors engaged on the spot have sometimes a life and distinctness of detail -Which gene- ralized history rarely reaches, especially if the original writer has a vividness of manner such as the Marquis possessed. In these few sentences to General Phillips, written shortly after the defeat of Greene at G'uildford by the Marquis, he characterizes the essential principles on which the war was conducted from first to last.

"I last night heard of the naval action, and your arrival in the Chess- peak. iNow, my dear friend., what is our plan? Without one we cannot succeed, and I assure you that I am quite tired of marching about the country n quest of adventures. If we mean an offensive war in America, we must abandon New York, and bring our whole force into Virginia ; we then have a stake to fight for, and a successful battle may give us America. If our plan is defensive mixed with desultory expeditions, let us quit the Carolinas (which canna be held defensively while Virginia can be so easily armed against us) and stick to our salt pork at New York, sending now and -men a detachment to steal tobacco, &c.'

Allowances are undoubtedly to be made for the nature of the country, the driblet fashion m which reinforcements were sent out, and the then condition of the British Army ; though six years had elapsed since the battle of Lexington, and that was ts•eble the time, within which a real general would have formed

recruits into soldiers. None of these things, however, effected the plans of a campaign. In the particular case we are speaking of, Cornwallis had been detached to the Southern Provinces to separate them if possible from the other States. Success attended pitched battles ; but he could obtain no permanent advantage ; because well wishers were lukewarm, or neutral ; enemies numerous, active, and violent ; the country was very difficult to act in and. his force insufficient for his object. We have seen his idea as expressed in the previous extract : if nothing is to be done concentrate the army at New York ; if you are going to act strike at some vital point with a sufficient force, and he pointed at Virginia. In fact he marched into that Province ; but was too weak to accomplish anything. The question of who really occupied York Town was a subject of contemporary dispute ; but we think he was ordered by Clinton to take up a defensive posi- tion if not in that precise spot ; for here is a prophetic remon- strance of Lord Cornwallis addressed to the commander-in-chief more than three months before the capitulation.

"I must again take the liberty of calling your Excellency's serious atten- tion to the question of the utility of a defensive post in this country, which cannot have the smallest influence on the war in Carolina, and which only gives us some acres of an unhealthy swamp, and is for ever liable to become a prey to a foreign enemy with a temporary superiority at sea."

This "superiority at sea" by the French enabled Washington to abandon his position before New York, and by a rapid march blockade Cornwallis by land, while De Grasse prevented help by sea. Some writers of histories have represented Washington's march as secret. But there was no secrecy in the matter. Washington did not arrive before York Town till the latter end of September. On the 6th Sir Harry Clinton, wrote from New York, that Washington was on his way. On the 8th Corn- wallis writes to Clinton that the French "are said" to have landed 3800 men and that "Washington is said to be shortly expected." On the 16th he writes.

"If I had no hopes of relief I would rather risk an action than defend my half-finished works. But as you say Admiral Digby is hourly expected, and promise every exertion to assist me, I do not think myself justifiable in putting the fate of the war on so desperate an attempt. "By examining the transports and turning out useless mouths, my pro- visions will last at least six weeks from this day, if we can preserve them from accidents. The cavalry must, I fear' be all lost. I am of opinion that you can do me no effectual service but by coming directly to this place. "I have the honour to be, &c., COBNWALLIS. 17th September. "I am just informed that since the Rhode Island squadron has joined, they have thirty-six sail of the line. This place is in no state of defence_ If you cannot relieve me very soon, you must be prepared to hear the worst:,

The "sail-of-the-line" finally settled the business. There might have been supineness at New York, both with Clinton and Digby ; but the fleet was in such a state of inferiority not only in numbers, but in everything else, that the risk of fighting was enormous, and failure more disastrous than would be the capitu- lation of Cornwallis. The French superiority at sea produced the triumph of America. An example that it would be well to profit by, unless we chose to give that people a more vital triumph nearer home.

It will be understood that this paper is only a summery notice of the salient historical features of the collection, with a few spe- cimens of the more popular matter. To have exhaustively gone into the work would require a whole Spectator. As in all ori- ginal collections there will be found matter that is formal and temporary, but the Cornwallis correspondence may vie with any political family papers that have been published of late years, for the importance of matter, and (except, perhaps, the Mal- mesbury) the readableness of its style. Much of this read- ableness is to be ascribed to the writers, especially the Marquis ; but the editor is entitled to a share of the praise. He has really selected the letters, and omitted trivial passages ; when unimpor- tant he describes their nature or contents instead of printing them. His notes inform the reader as to every person mentioned in the correspondence, and his connecting narratives give unity to the whole, though, as already intimated, his sentiments are those of the old Tory school moderately expressed.