THE PRINCIPLE OF AN EDUCATION MEASURE. NOT only is it
fallacious to apply the voluntary principle which. has been successfully established in the corn-trade to education, not only is there no analogy between the cases, but in fact they are governed by opposite principles. Free trade is a very good principle—in trade; but it is not applicable out of trade. It is not' a logical consequence of corn-law repeal that there should be free trade in education. Education is not amenable to commercial principles, or is very partially so. In the case of bread, the con- sumer wants it, knows he wants it,- and will Five up any present possession to obtain it. But it is not so with education. The most famishing man will bid highest for bread : the most ignorant is the most indifferent to tuition. There is not the certainty of demand which would bring it within commercial principles. Indeed, the category of things to which free trade applies is limited and little compared to the vast category in which it is in- applicable. It is not applicable in any of those most vital affairs of life which relate to the affections : no buying and selling can avail there. It is not applicable in matters of taste or intellect: the commerce of ideas is regulated by totally different motives• and laws. Education, which is the training of the perceptine faculties, the intellect, and the affections, is not within the scope of free trade.
The education of the young is never "voluntary," in the strictest sense of the word. Voluntary, in its sectarian sense, means that which the individual accepts and sanctions on his own conviction: but the education of the young is always settled by some one else. The question controversially mooted now is, whether the State shall educate the people; Mr. Edward Baines and Mr. Macaulay being at opposite extremes. But, with deference to those abstract gentlemen, that question is not practically in issue, nor is it likely to be so. In a nation so civilized, so wealthy, so self-relying as the English, socieis most likely, in the main, to educate itself; and so it does. But there are classes, numerous classes, who scarcely come within what may be called "society,"—that is, within the most influential and intellectually characteristic por- tion of the nation : that large section does not possess within it- self the motives or the means of obtaining that elementary in• struction which is in fact but the instrument of self-education : but it is very desirable for the interests of society that all its members should have within their reach the means of self-edu- cation ; hence it is proper to establish a provision analogous to the Poor-law. Society is and must be self-fed ; but individuals may starve : the existence of starving individuals is dangerous and detrimental to society : therefore society establishes a pro- vision that all who are destitute of food shall have a right to so much as is absolutely necessary. In like manner may be esta- blished a kind of intellectual poor-law. Wishing that all should
De self-educated, society may undertake to place that elementary instruction which is the means of self-education within the reach of all. Such a provision is not an essential element of govern- ment, sine qua non; but it is one which society may adopt if it so please, very properly and very usefully.
In England, at present, we have a very miserable substitute for this state basis of education : charitable and dilettante bodies undertake to supply it, according to favour of particular sects, and after the whims of particular cliques. These bodies have the sort of relation to a proper state instruction that hospitals sup- ported by voluntary contributions have to a poor-law. We all know that such hospitals are very well for exceptional and spe- cial purposes, but that for general purposes they are wasteful, in- efficient, precarious in operation, and even in their existence. The present official plans of education consist of subsidies in aid of such hospitals, with supervision. It is a mistake to say that education by means of these hospitals—which are indeed the moat *retched and beggarly that ever existed—is more " independ- ent" than a state education ; or that, the pupils being so edu- cated, the people is self-educated. In the first place, great part of the people is not educated at all; next, that part which is edu- cated is educated by charity, the most miserable of all depend- encies. Educated by the state—which is the organized will and power of the people—the people mould be really self-educated ; educated without infringing their independence and self-reliance.
It was well to abolish the Corn-laws, because they were a hurt- ful state interference with trade ; but we suspect that the very abandonment of state interference in trade will lead to the active interference of the state in more things than ever. Released from a waste of its energies on profitless intervention, the state is at liberty for profitable intervention. Society is free to choose, in respect of many things, whether they shall be done by individu- als separately or by society collectively : and the discussion of free trade has directed attention to the inquiry, what things can be done best individually, and what socially. Many matters of police can best be performed socially : state education is one.
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