BOOKS.

FEDERATION.*

Tin victory which the united British nation is resolutely determined to secure in the great contest now being waged is not in itself an end. Rightly considered, it is only a means for gaining further and ulterior ends. The general nature of the main objects which it should be sought to attain is gradually beginning to formulate itself in public estimation. Of these, two are more especially occupying attention. The first is to endeavour to make some international arrangements which will obviate the risk of future wars. In dealing with this 'subject we must necessarily take account of the opinions entertained by foreign nations. The other is the Federation of the British Empire. This latter is a domestic affair, which may be treated exclusively by the rulers and inhabitants of the United Kingdom and those of the Dominions, Colonies, and Dependencies. Discussion on these points, though it can lead to no immediate practical result, is by no means useless. It is only by very full preliminary discussion that the way can be prepared for eventual action. Success in either direction, if it be at all possible, can only be secured by focussing the minds of political thinkers and practical politicians upon the various aspects of the issues Involved. From one point of view, both of these questions present a certain identity of character. In both eases the principle involved will command almost universal assent. In both, also, there is room for a wide divergence of opinion as to the practical methods which may usefully be adopted in order to ensure the application of the principle.

For many years past Federation has at intervals formed the subject of discussion in this country, but practical politicians have been able to cast in the teeth of its advocates that the latter have for the most part confined themselves to generalities, and have not brought forward any definite plan capable of giving effect to their programme. This taunt no longer holds good. Several attempts have now been made to formulate, in greater or less detail, specific schemes having the Federation of the Empire for their object. One of these is embodied in a very able work entitled The Problem of the Commonwealth,' the author of which is Mr. L. Curtis, a member of the Round Table group. The other, which advocates a solution of the question generally identical with that propounded by Mr. Curtis, is a very; lucid exposition of the whole subject set forth, under the title of The Empire on the by Mr. Basil Worsfold, and commended to the attention of the publio in a preface written by Lord Sydenham.

Broadly speaking, the problem to be solved is to devise some method under which the overseas Dominions of the Crown will be associated to a greater extent than at present with the direction of Imperial policy. and at the same time will be able to preserve intact the local autonomy of each unit, on which the Mother Country has no desire whatever to encroach, and to the full maintenance of which the outlying portions of the Empire very naturally and rightly attach the utmost importance. It is no exaggeration to say that a more difficult question has never engaged the attention of politicians. Yet it would be a grievous erros to abandon the task with the commonplace reflection that it is hopeless to attempt to square a political circle. Both sides yearn for closer union. Both admit the manifest defects of the existing system. All

• (1) The Problemof the commonwealth. By L. earths. London : Macmillan and Co. Us. ed. net.)—(2) The Empire on the Anvil. By W. Basil Worsfold. London; Smith, Elder, and Co. fee. net.)—(3) Imperial Unity and the Dominions. By Professor Arthur Berrtedele Keith, D.C.L. Oxford : at the Clarendon Press. [12a. ed. net.1 alike will be bitterly disappointed if British statesmanship proves Itself bankrupt to the extent of being obliged to abandon the noble ideal Involved in Federation.

Mr. Curtin and Mr. Worsfold alike consider that there is only one method by which this object can be attained. It consists in the mainte- nance of separate Parliaments to deal with the local affairs of each unit of the Empire, and in the establishment of a single Imperial Cabinet turd a single Parliament to treat of all matters of general interest to all the unit& " Nothing short of this change," Mr. Curtis says, "will have the effect of placing British subjects in the Dominions on the same footing as those of the United Kingdom in respect of foreign as well as of domestic affairs." Mr. Worsfold is equally emphatic. " No system of Imperial administration," he says, "which does not give the Oversee British a right to vote for the election of the members of a Cabinet-making and revenue-raising representative Chamber will suffice to put them on an equality with the Home British, or to restore to them the full rights of their British citizenship."

Simultaneously with the appearance of the works of Mr. Curtis and Mr. Worsfold, a book, entitled Imperial Unity and the Dominiona,8 has been issued, the author of which is Professor Keith. Professor Keith was formerly an official of the Colonial Office, and it may be thought by some that his opinions are tainted to a rather excessive degree with the official spirit. But he writes with a very thorough knowledge of all the intricacies of Colonial Government. He is not by any means unsympathetic to the general principle of Federation. On the contrary, he says : "I yield to no one in admiration of the splendid and legitimate ideal of bringing about a true union of the Empire." But he points out with merciless logic the very formidable obstacles which stand in the path of any immediate realization of this ideal. His work is well worthy of the most serious attention. Both politicians and members of the general public will be able to form a very fair idea of the " pros " and "cons" of the whole question if they carefully study, on the one hand, the works of Mr. Curtis and Mr. Worsfold, and, on the other, that of Professor Keith.

That the relations between the United Kingdom and the outlying portions of the Empire should remain practically the same after the war as they were before its outbreak is not merely improbable, but , almost impossible. The question which will have to be decided Is whether reform should proceed on the drastic lines advocated by Mr. Curtis and Mr. Worsfold, or whether the practical difficulties which stand in the way of adopting their programme are so great that all concerned must, of necessity, fall back for the time being on some of the minor, but none the leas important, changes advocated by Professor Keith. It would be altogether premature to express any decided opinion on the merits of these alternative plans. Mr. Curtis, therefore, in the preface to his work, invites political leaders to suspend their judgment, and not to commit themselves or their followers definitely in either sense. This advice will almost certainly be followed. No request could be more reasonable. All that can be done at present is to await events, to summon a Conference at the close of the war in order to discuss all the issues involved, to invite all concerned to formulate their proposals, and to resolve to approach the whole subject in a highly sympathetio spirit, and without undue adherence to preconceived notions based on arguments some of whioh have fallen into desuetude.

Even now, however, certain preliminary conclusions may be drawn from the evidence which is already available. In the first place, it is clear that very little practical help is to be derived from reference to the experience of other countries. A policy of Federation has, indeed, been carried out, with varying degrees of success, in America, Germany, Switzerland, and Austria-Hungary. But in all those oases the proximity to each other of the federated units has enormously facilitated the task. The fact that the componant parts of the British Empire are widely scattered wholly vitiates any conclusions based on a presumed but fictitious analogy.

In the second place, we need not be too much alarmed at the con- sideration that, as pointed out by Mr. Worsfold and others, the existing Imperial system is "anomalous." The epithet is quite correct, but the existence of anomalies is not in itself a sufficient justification for drastic change. The British Constitution teems with anomalies. The British Empire has so far thriven on inconsistency. The average Englishman rather prides himself on the fact that in political matters be is not a slave to logic or theory. It is true that we are threatened with disruption unless we become more logicaL Nevertheless, continued confidence may be placed in the hardy tolerance of anomalies so far exhibited by the Anglo-Saxon race. It may well be doubted whether, if failure to secure the end ensues after every possible effort has been made to ensure success, the unity of the Empire will be seriously threatened. Sentiment and interest alike point to the advantages of continued union. Although it would be invidious, and is certainly unnecessary, to inquire closely on which aide the balance of advantage lies, Professor Keith has rendered excellent service in dwelling on the fact that the benefits of unity are mutual. The Mother Country has need of the Dominions, and the latter have need of the Mother Country.

For the rest, what are the main obstacles which stand in the way of complete Federation ? Mr. Worsfold thinks that "all really effective Progress towards organic unity of the Oversee and Home British has

been barred by the United Kingdom practice of free imports." That there is some truth in this view of the ease cannot be doubted, but it would be altogether erroneous to suppose that if the system of free Imports into the United Kingdom were abandoned, all the most serious obstacles to Federation would disappear. Such is far from being the

ease. However this may be, nothing Is more certain than that the

system of free imports into the United Kingdom will have to be either abandoned or greatly modified. Import duties will have to be imposed for revenue purposes. Thus the whole situation, more especially from the point of view of the Free Traders, will be materially altered. More- over, speaking as one convinced of the economic advantages of Free Trade, I may say that, for my own part, I consider that, in present circumstances, the political should be allowed to predominate eve/ the economio arguments to such an extent as to permit of preferen- tial treatment being accorded to the Dominions, Colonies, and Dependencies. But it must be subject to certain limitations. In the first place, although the French Government would have no real right to complain, inasmuch as they give preferential treatment to their own Colonies, it would be in the highest degree impolitic to adapt any measures which would seriously alienate the sympathies of Allies who have stood so nobly by us in the hour of trial. In the second place, the preference must not be so marked as to encourage the revival of the notorious abuses which occurred in bygone days. Moreover, it has to be remembered that as yet we know nothing certain as to what trade advantages, if any, the Dominions will be prepared to give in return for preferential treatment at British ports. Mr. Deakin stated very emphatically in 1908 that no preference could be given in Australia to British manufactures which would in any way hanmee the development of a Dominion industry. Incidentally, I may remark that if, as the London Chamber of Commerce has recently proposed, all raw materials are to be admitted free into the United Kingdom, it is essential to define what the term includes, and this, it is generally admitted, is a very difficult task.

The question of commercial relations between the several parts of the Empire, important though it is, sinks, however, into insig,nificanos by the side of the other issues which will be raised if Federation in the full sense of the word is to be seriously considered. Professor Keith says "The question of fiscal relations is no longer the point of most concern in the connection between the United Kingdom and the Dominions, the centre of gravity of these relations having shifted from trade to foreign policy." There can, I think, be no doubt of the truth of this statement. The situation of the self-governing Dominions as regards the conduct of foreign affairs is, indeed, well- nigh intolerable. It certainly must be changed, at least, to the extent of keeping the Dominion rulers, and to some extent their Parliaments, better informed as regards the conduct of foreign policy than has heretofore been the practice. If this were all that was required, a solution of the problem would not present any very insuperable difficulties. But it is going a long step further to create an Imperial Parliament and an Imperial Cabinet. The adoption of this thoroughgoing reform will be quite impossible unless both sides to the partnership are prepared to make great sacrifices. The people of the United Kingdom would have to submit to the complete subversion of their time-honoured Constitution, and to the surrender of their exclusive Imperial powers. The people of the self-governing Dominions, besides making very serious changes in their fiscal policy, would have to agree to material alterations in their existing Constitutions, and to the surrender of their exemption from Imperial taxation.

Mr. Worsfold, after dealing at some length with the reasons which might conceivably induce the people of the United Kingdom to make the sacrifices required of them, finally comes to the conclusion that "there is only one recompense which they will consider adequate, and only one ground upon which an effective appeal for their support can be based. It is the well-founded belief that the organized strength of the British Empire will suffice to assure peace to the peoples within its borders, and, in concert with the kindred Anglo-Saxon system of the United States of America and other friendly Powers, to maintain the peace of the world. . .. The Federation of the British Empire will do more than any other single event to rid the civilized world of the cruel and wasteful militarism by which it has been so long oppressed."

As regards the willingness of the self-governing Dominions to make the sacrifices which would be required of them, we can know nothing definite until, after the assembly of another Conference, the responsible representatives of the various outlying parts of the Empire have expressed their views. Until that time arrives, we shall all do well to follow the advice of Mr. Curtis, to maintain an open mind, but to suspend the formation of any final or matured opinions. Both politicians and the general public will then be able eventually to judge whether it is better to bear those ills we have or fly to others that we know