Vtlintr.5 nn Vraurttingo in Varlinnitut.

PRINCIPAL BIISINESS OP THE WEEK.

Room or Loans. Monday, March 19. The Earl of Locus's Case discussed on a motion for Papers. neaday, March 20. The Policy of Prussia ; Lord Lyndhurst's Speech, and Lord Clarendon'statatement.

Thursday, March 22. No business of importance. Friday, March 23. The Militia; Lord Parnnure's Statement—Criminal Proce- dure ; Lord Brongham's Speech. House Or; COlisiORS. Monday, March 19. Newspaper-Stamps; Sir George Lewis's Statement and Resolutions— The Finances ; Sir H. Willoughby's Complaint —Hospitals in the East ; Mr. Stafford's Question—Burial-grounds (Scotland) Bill read a second'time.

Tuesday, March 20. Relations with Austria ; Lord Palmerston's Statement— New Writ for Liverpool, in the room of Mr. Liddell, now Lord Ravensworth- Colony of Newfoundland ; Mr. Roebuck's Questions—Sandhurst College; Colonel North's Motion—British Museum, Sze.; Sir Joshua Wahnsley's Mouon—News- paper-Stamps ; Sir George Lewis's Bill read a first time.

Thursday, March 22. No House.

Friday, March 23. Dwelling-houses (Scotland) Bill read a second time—Educa- tion in Scotland; Lord Advocate's Bill, leave given—Intramural Burials (Ireland) Bill read a third time and passed—Transport Service; Mr. Lindsay's Statement.

TIME - TABLE

THE POLICY OF Pm: wee.

Lord LYNDHURST produced a great oratorical effect in the House of lords on Tuesday, by a speech calling attention to the position of Prussia with respect to negotiations now pending at Vienna. The facts of the speech were patent and well known; it 'was the peculiar and artistic manner in which they followed and were made to depend upon each other that constituted the novelty and half the force ; and this manner it is impossible in our limits to convey. He said be should speak with the more freedom, because, not being a

Minister, nothing that he might say would embarrass the Government. The aim of his speech was to make out that no reliance can be placed on Prussia in the present contest; and practically to enforce the propo- sition that she ought to be excluded from the conferences at Vienna, where she can but act as the ally, the instrument, nay almost the slave of Russia. In order to show this, be called attention, first to the message of the late Emperor to the "King of Prussia, and the manifesto of the present Emperor, in which be declares that he will strive to accomplish the wishes of Peter and Catherine and his father—in other words, to establish the Russian sway in Constan- tinople. He pointed out how subservient Prussia had been to the aims of Russia during her last war with Turkey. From more recent events, the dismissal of the late Prussian Minister of War, General Bonin, and of the Chevalier Bunsen, and the refusal of the Sing to receive an address from the Chambers lest it should contain offensive matter, he showed how that subserviency was continued. He pictured Prussia signing protocols in the early stages of the dispute, in order to avoid a state of isolation, and g.ain' a footing in the councils of the Allies, and then, after "expressing her sentiments" that a great wrong had been committed by Russia, re- fusing "to go any furthert" and abandoning the Allies, on the plea that German interests are not involved in the question,—a plea that Baron Manteuffel, who at one time made it, contradicted at another. He de- scribed the share Prussia took in obtaining time for the Russians to evacuate the Principalities ; and declared that if Prussia had been •acting in con- cert with Russia instead of with the Allies, she could not have performed her part more assiduously. Following closely the course

The Lords.

Hoar of Hour of Meeting. Adknirmnent.

Monday bh 8h 50m Tuesday 6h . . 7h Om Wednesday No sitting. Thursday bh bh 40m

Friday dh 75 ibm

Sittiagsthls'Week, 4; Time, 85 46m — title Session. 39: — 77h 41m

The Commons.

Flour of lion? of

Meeting. AdjMumment.

Monday 4h .(m) lh Om Tuesday 4h .1m) ih 80m Wednesday oe Ming.

Thursday NO Moose. Friday 411 4.0 ih 15m Sittings this Meek, 3; Time 2711 Urn this Session. 47; — 270h bm of the negotiations down to the Conference now sitting, he asked on what pretence could Prussia be admitted, since she bad refused to sign either the. treaty of the 2d December, or a separate treaty with England and Fame, upon 'which the conferences depend. To enforce these views, he did not confine himself to the present, but drawing upon history he nar- rated the well-known conduct of Prussia towards England in 1794 ; and her conduct after-the battle of Austerlitz—when she abandoned her cha- racter as a mediator, and 'received Hanover as the price of her alliance with Napoleon. The vacillation of Prussia at that period, professing one thing and doing another, playing the game of fast and loose, corresponds exactly an principle with the conduct which she has pursued throughout the whole of these ne- gotiations. My Lords, I have no faith in the Prussian Government as a Government ; and, if we were abott to enter into an alliance with that power, I should be disposed to address these words of caution to my noble friend op- posite—‘ Hone tu, Romane, eaveto.' " These facts are in circulation in the country : if there were others in the possession of Lord Clarendon, rendering Prussia less open to blame, he would listen to them with the utmost candour and attention.

At the close of his speech, Lord Lyndhurst expressed his satisfaction at the appointment of Lord John Russell asnegotiator at Vienna ; and his confidence in the energy and resources of this country, which will place us in a higher position even than that from which we have lately de- clined. Our motto should be " Nil desperandum."

The Earl of CLARENDON said, their Lordships would understand the difficulties under which he would speak upon the question at all. If he did.not follow Lord Lyndhurst through his elaborate narrative, it was not because he desired to become the apologist of Prussia. Lord Lynd- hurst's responsibilities were less ; but neither he nor any other Peer is irresponsible for his language and opinions. Lord Clarendon had reason to know the importance attached abroad to speeches in Parliament,—an importance always augmented by the persona] weight and character of the speaker. Lord Lyndhurst's speech cannot fail to produce the great- est sensation abroad; especially in the Prussian Court, which must be struck with the masterly manner in which Lord Lyndhurst has made himself acquainted with and described the events of the last twelve months. He trusted theta would not be thought that he bad allowed judgment to go by default when he said he had no documents to produce of the kind alluded to by Lord Lyndhurst ; and, instead of following -him, he should be best discharging his duty-by supplying certain defici- encies with respect to the communications which have taken place be- tween her Mjesty's Government and the Emperor of the French and the Court of Prussia.

With this exordium, Lord Clarendon briefly described the course of nego- -tiatione; the break-up of the summer conferences by the refusal of Prussia AO take any part, the subsequent track of the negotiations, and the circum- stances that led to the refusal to admit Prussia to the renewed conferences. If she would sign the same protocols, and place herself in the same position as Austria—" who has steadfastly adhered to her policy and her under- takings "—she would be admitted to the Conference. But " for Prussia to claim all the privileges and take none of the risks of a great European con- ference, which might lead to peace or which might lead to war, and con- siderably extend [the sphere of that war—without declaring her intentions or her policy—without entering into any engagements, or saying whether she entered into the conference as a foe or a friend—was utterly impossible. This is the footing on which the matter now stands; and this is my answer to the question 'of my noble and learned Mend, whether Prussia has been admitted to the conference." It is true that a special mission was sent to this country and to Paris, and " if the negotiators had been empowered to admit our propositions the treaty would have been arranged by this time." He did not yet despair of negotiations with Prussia coming to a friendly understanding. "Indeed, negotiations were made only three or four days ago. The issue of the state of affairs, which) have before described, has been that important negotiations have been commenced, whilst Prussia con- .tinnes excluded from them. We can have no interest but to be on friendly relations with Prussia, and to see her occupy the high position to which she is entitled. The great territorial extent of Prussia, her amount of popula- tion, and her vast military organization, entitle her to be one of the great European powers. For a century she has taken part in all the questions which have arisen during that time; and it has been.a melancholy spectacle to see Prussia abdicating, as it were, the high position she has held. It has been a melancholy spectacle to see her endeavouring to reduce the greatest question of modern times—whether Europe shall be independent, or shall suc- cumb to the aggressive and insidious policy of Russia—to see her endeavouring 'to restrict this great question within the narrow limit of German exclusive- -nese. I am aware that there is no country in Europe in which war may be more justly dreaded than in Prussia. We in our insulated position may perhaps speak of war with levity ; but she has, from the recollection of past events, every reason to dread war and its calamities. But these feelings must not be carried too-far ; for the policy of sentiment is not the policy to fulfil the obligations of a great European power, or to maintain its na- tionality. Prussia has always said that peace was her policy, and I have no doubt-of the sincerity of her desire for peace. Peace is quite as clearly the advantage of England, France, and Austria, as well as of Prussia ; and it is well known that we will not carry on the war a day longer than is neces- sary : but the course which Prussia has taken has hitherto made peace im- practicable. I do not question the right of Prussia to adopt any policy she pleases. It is perfectly true that the constant policy of Prussia has been to keep Germany weak from disunion. She cannot side with Russia and march against Austria, and insult twenty millions of Germans, because she knows that the consequence of this unnatural alliance would be that at the end of the war she would find herself at the mercy of Russia. She will not side with Austria ; and the general result of the policy of Prussia hitherto has been, I fear, to frustrate the union, to prevent that uniformity of lan- guage which would havegone far to have secured for us the peace which we so anxiously desired, and to have secured for Germany the guarantees of which she stands so much in need. I therefore, say, that Prussia has placed herself in an isolated and false and therefore helpless position ; which, although it may be satisfactory to her enemies, must be deeply regretted by her allies, and is deeply lamented by her brave and patriotic population. It is from this position that neither honour nor advantage can be gained ; and it is from this position that her Majesty's Government and the Govern- ment of the French Emperor have been most anxious to relieve her. To this object their efforts have been hitherto directed ; and I can assure your Lordships, that no exertions-will be spared to secure the cooperation of Prue- sia. Itwill always be attempted in a friendly spirit, and always with re- gard to the honour and dignity of a great and independent European power."

RUNGABY AND POLAND;

LordWiLLTAM GRAHAM inquired whether the Austrian Ambassador had called upon Lord Clarendon for any explanation of the words stated to have been used by a member of tjae Administration, [Sir Robert Pceld

that " no settlement of the Eastern question would be satisfactory un- less Hungary and Poland were restored."

Lord PALMERSTON did not reply in terms to the question as put ; but, remarking that it referred to the policy of the Government, said he would _give the fullest information.

" The Austrian Government know, and have all along known, that the Government of Great Britain would consider it a great misfortune to Europe if Hungary were separated from the Auetrian empire ; because I consider the Austrian empire as an aggregate body in the centre of Europe, to be an essential element in the balance of power of Europe. The Austrian Govern- ment, therefore, have no doubt as to what are the policy and views of the Government in regard to Hungary.

" With respect to Poland—[Considerable laughter was here caused by. a slight pause in Lord Palmerston's reply, and by the inexpressible manner in which he continued]—I have no hesitation in stating my awn opinion that the kingdom of Poland, as at present constituted, and as at present occupied, is a standing menace to Germany. It is for the Powers of Germany to de- termine how far they may think that constitution of Poland is or is not dangerous to them ; and whether, under cirumstances which may lead them into war with Russia, they will think it for their interests to endeavour to change that position of affairs. But, undoubtedly, no stipulations in regard to a new arrangement of Poland form a part of those points upon which her Majesty's Government are now, in concert with the Government of France, negotiating at Vienna. Those negotiations are carried on upon the basis of the four points,- which have been frequently published and are well known to everybody but the two Powers have reserved to themselves the right, according to circumstances, and according to the events of the war, if hos- tilities, either owing to a prolongation or a rupture of negotiations, should continue—they have, I say, reserved to themselves the right of adding in -future to these four points any other stipulations which they may think es- sential for the future security of Europe. At present, however, the nego- tiations are going on upon these four points ; and that is the policy of the Government with respect to this subject."

Loan LOGAN'S Bezels., The Earl of Lucan moved for a copy of Lord Raglan's report of the battle of Balaklava, for the purpose of bringing his own case against Lord Raglan before the House of Lords. In doing this, he went into a minute account of the evolutions of the cavalry throughout the battle; repeatedly referring to a plan of the field which he had placed in the hands of the Peers. The broad outlines of his statement are these.

Aware from the report of a spy, on the evening of the 24th October, that the enemy were advancing, he communicated the intelligence to Lord Raglan. Early next morning, Sir Colin Campbell and himself pre- pared to receive the enemy. Lord Lucan says he had posted his men so that he might take the enemy's cavalry in flank ; when, to his great dis- comfiture, Lard Raglan ordered him to place them further Westward ; and to detach some squadrons to Balaklava. They had just set off when he saw the Russians coming ; and, riding after them, he brought them back, wheeled them, and caused General Searlett, with the Heavy Bri- gade to charge the enemy. Lord Raglan then sent a second order, in this Lim- " The cavalry to advance, and take advantage of any opportunity to re- cover the heights. They will be supported by infantry, which has been ordered. Advance on two fronts."

He says he took a position and was waiting for the expected infantry, when Captain Nolan brought the third and well-known order—

"Lord Raglan wishes the cavalry to advance rapidly to the front, follow the enemy, and try to prevent the enemy carrying away the guns. Troop of horse artillery may accompany. French cavalry is on your left."

He then, against his own judgment, ordered Lord Cardigan to charge the enemy ; conceiving the written order, coupled with the language and conduct of Captain Nolan. the aide-de-camp, positive and imperative. He held that it had no connexion with the previous order of Lord Raglan, but was an order to be taken by itself. He entered into a detailed -criticism of Lord'Raglan's letter of the 16th December ; and undertook to " tear it to rags." The infantry; he said, had not been ordered to ad- vance ; the French cavalry were toolar away for him to reach in time ; no horse artillery could have driven forward over the rough ground in the -face of a heavy fire ; he had all the Heavy Dragoons in their proper places, -ready to support the Light Brigade and prevent pursuit. Lord Raglan's order, he said, arose from the " misconception," " as the popular phrase is," that the guns were removed, which they were not.

" On the night of the action at Balaklava, I saw Lord Raglan • nd the

.first remark made to me by his Lordship was, Why, you've lost Light .Brigade.' I denied that I.had lost the Light Brigade ; and I said, I felt ,myself obliged to carry out your Lordship's orders.' Lord Raglan made no

further remark upon that occasion, except to say that I, being a Lieutenant- General, ought .to have exercised my own discretion. Notwithstanding that "Lord Raglan, as Commander-in-chief, was upon the spot at the time, and far -better able to see -what was going on than myself, his Lordship said to me, ,that if I disapproved the.charge, I had a discretionary power and ought not to have made it. He said, You did not advance far enough in the move- ment before ': but he never attempted to show that one order had the least -connexion with the other."

Lord Lucan detailed several conversations between himself and Lord Burghersh and General Airey with regard to the letter he addressed to Lord Raglan, complaining of the "unmerited " terms in which he had been spoken-of in the report of the battle of Balaklava. He 'thought it was understood that his letter should be sent home - and General Airey had never asked him to withdraw it. He denied that there were any " differences " between him and Lord Raglan. He said that his recall came as unexpectedly to Lord Raglan as to himself.; that, bleasied with robust health, he had never been a moment from his post ; and that he was not altogether an unsuccessful general. Sir Colin Campbell, with whom he had acted for four months, said to him when he came away, ." I shall always remember this, that when we have had:in the army croakers, grumblers, and dissatisfied men, you have always laughed at every difficulty." The Adjutant-General said, not to him, but to others, " If they recall that officer, they will recall a man who, while other of- .ficers are skulking and flinching from their posts, is always at his post." Sir George Cathcart, in a letter to his wife, which was taken from his body after the battle of Inkerman, wrote in reference to the charge of the Light Brigade, ," Neither Lord Lucan nor Lord Cardigan were to blame, but the contrary ; for they obeyed orders." Lord Lucian didaiot question the Queen's prerogative to recall an officer at her Majesty's mere plea- sure ; but he was not recalled by the prerogative.

" I am given to understand that I am recalled in diagram; for I defy your Lordships to put your fingers on a sentence in the letter containing a word of comfort. You might have endeavoured to have softened the recall; but

there was not one word of consolation to be found. Before I left England her Majesty did me the honour, in consequence of my appointment, to in- vite me to Buckingham Palace. On their return from the army there has been no officer of any rank who has not received from her Majesty that gra- cious invitation ; but she has not—and I conceive could not do otherwise— thought me a proper person to receive that honour. Ism positively in such a position that I have not been able to avail myself of even the satisfaction of waiting on her Majesty at a levee." In conclusion, he begged they would reconsider their decision, and give him a court-martial.

The Earl of Cannossar corrected a statement made by Lord Liman, to the effect that Lord Cardigan had sent him a message objecting to stand where he did, "because be was so much in advance that he expected the batteries on the left would open on him." On the contrary, Lord Car- digan stated— I sent no such message whatever. In the message I sent, I said, ob- serving a movement was going to be made, that the hills en both sides of the valley, leading down the valley at right angles with it, on which waathe Russian battery, with the.cavalry behind it, were occupied by Russian rifle- men and artillery. I sent this message ; and when the Lieutenant-General came in front and ordered me to attack the battery in the valley, behind which was placed the large force of Russian cavalry—which had been per- fectly perceptible to myself and to the whole of the Light. Brigade for at least twenty minutes—my reply was, 'Certainly, sir ; but before I go I must be allowed to point out that the hills in both valleys are covered with Rus- sian artillery and riflemen.' The answer I received was, They are Lord Raglan's positive orders.' " Lord PANMIIRE justified Lord Luean's recall, on the ground that "the confidence which should subsist between the Commander-in-chief and an officer commanding a division of his army had to a certain extent been shaken " • that either Lord Raglan or Lord Luoan must have been re- called, and Government did not think that Lord Raglan should be. With respect to the demand for a court-martial, there is nothing either in the Mutiny Act or the Articles of War that would justify the concession of such a demand. Lord Raglan has made no charge, technically speaking, against Lord Lucan. He described conduct that led to unfortunate re- sults, as arising from a " misconception of orders." Had not the Duke of Wellington done that, without any one complaining, or ever dreaming of demanding a court-martial ? It is a military maxim that no soldier or officer- shall be brought to a court-martial if he be employed after committing any offence. Lord Luean'e employment subsequently to the battle of Balaklava condoned any alleged offence which must be the basis of the charge. To grant an inquiry in this ease would strike at the root of military discipline.

Lord HARDINGE vindicated the conduct of Lord Raglan. He also ex- pressed his opinion that the order conveyed• by Captain Nolan should have been shown to Lord Cardigan.

" When I asked Lord Cardigan, 'If you had received an order written by Lord Raglan and signed by General Airey, should you not, before you made the attack, have considered you had discretion to send it to Lord Liman ?' he answered, that he considered the order left the Lieutenant-General full dis- cretion; and that he thought it the duty of an officer in command not to obey implicitly, on such an occasion as that, an order which would imperil his men, but to exercise his discretion. I must say, that I think on all oc- casions a cavalry officer has a right to exercise his discretion much more than an officer of infantry, because cavalry have far more opportunities of making efforts and changing the disposition of their force as the occasion arises."

The Duke of RICHMOND warmly defended Lord Raglan. Answering an appeal from Lord Lucan, he said that an order conveyed by an aide- de-camp from the general in command was certainly to be obeyed like a direct order from the general himself; but that if he had been in Lord Lucan's place he should have attended to the written order, and disre- garded what Coptain Nolan said-

" As my noble friend has appealed to me, I have no hesitation in saying, as far as I can understand the matter, I should have looked to the written order, and that in advancing the cavalry I should not have read that order as he did."

The Earl of DERBY said that Lord Luean's was a-case of extreme hard- ship, and somewhat justified his appeal to the House under the circum- stances. The Duke of NEWCASTLE said, nothing had been more painful to him than the duty of recalling Lord Lucan ; and although expressions of sympathy are out of place in public despatches, he regretted that such expressions had not been employed.

LAST YEAR'S FINANCE.

Lord Monteagle's complaint respecting the Exchequer Bills added to the permanent debt was taken up and repeated in the House of Com- mons on Monday, by Sir HENRY WILLOIIGHEY ; and, commenting on the statement that Mr. Gladstone had abandoned his policy of providing for the war from the taxes of the year, Mr. J. L. RICA.RDO said, that " the attempt to carry on the war by annual taxation of the country was an utter, irretrievable, and unmixed failure altogether." This drew from Mr. WiLsost a retrospective financial statement. He showed that the 1,750,0004. Exchequer Bills have made no addition to the permanent debt; for since 1853, the Funded Debt has been diminished by 9,200,0001., and the Unfunded Debt by 559,0004 Mr. Gladstone had distinctly said that the 1,750,0001. would be paid out of the taxes ; but he added that he could not foresee what more might be needed. In May he produced his second budget, and took 5,375,0001. of Exchequer Bonds in aid of the expenditure of the year ; and he included both Bills and Bonds in his calculation. In May 1854, the estimated excess of expenditure was 11,157,000/. ; up to the 17th March 1855, the actual excess was 14,198,000/. Almost the whole of that has been disbursed in ready money, and not a single payment has been deferred more than it would have been in time of peace. To meet the excess of 3,041,000k over the estimate, there is 5,120,000/. of uncollected taxes, voted for war purposes, due on the 5th April. In the last nine months upwards to

tof 5,000,000/. Deficiency Bills have been paid off; and if we be obliged issue 2,000,000/. more in April, there will still be a balance of 1,000,0001. in favour of the Exchequer at the end of the year. Mr. GLADSTONE added somewhat to this explanation. On the 7th

March last year, he had explained that be On

wanted theIncome-tax x. 1,750,0001. Ex-

chequer Bills in anticipation of the first moiety of

the 8th May, however, he distinctly told the I House that he should want both the Income-tax and the Exchequer Bills. It was said he should have told the House that he intended to renew the Excher161 Had he done so, he would have been guilty of the grossest1 0,+tor 11e wee perfectly unable-to form a judgment on the- subject. Mr.

without supporting his assertion by facts or arguments, said that the at- tempt to raise the supplies for the year by the taxation of the year has turned out to be an utter, irretrievable, and unmixed failure : now that oracular statement was to Mr. Gladstone an utter, irretrievable, and un- mixed puzzle. The estimates have certainly been exceeded by 3,000,0001.; but that is not much in a first campaign ; and if the expenditure had not exceeded the estimates, there would have been a surplus of 1,000,0001.

Mr. DISRAELI deprecated these desultory debates upon financial sub- ]ects, while the statement of the responsible Finance Minister is with- held ; and sneered at Mr. Wilson for having volunteered a detailed ex- position of his own proceedings in the " Ego et rex meus" style. But he endeavoured to fasten upon Mr. Gladstone the gist of Lord Monteagle's complaint, that the Exchequer Bills had been added to the permanent Unfunded Debt, and that the attempt to defray the war expenditure from the annual revenue had broken down.

Sir FRANCIS BARING, on the same side, continued the controversy for some time longer.

NEWSPAPER STAMPS.

Sir GEORGE Lewis explained, in Committee of the whole House, the plan which he proposes for the settlement of the Newspaper-Stamp ques- tion. His plan is in substance, but not in detail, the same as Mr. Glad- stone's. Avoiding the legal difficulty of defining what is a newspaper, he proposes to extend the existing rules respecting newspapers to all printed periodical publications which appear at intervals not greater than thirty- one days. In the case of all such periodicals, the penalty for publication without a stamp will be repealed, and it will be optional with the pro- prietors of any such periodicals to stamp any portion of their publication or leave it unstamped altogether. The present limit of superficial contents will be extended to all publications published at any interval within thirty-one days ; that is to say, that the first sheet will contain 2295 superficial square inches at a penny stamp, and the second sheet contain- ing 1148 square inches will be covered by a stamp of one halfpenny. All periodicals which stamp any portion of their circulation will be subject to the present rules respecting registration and securities. These are maintained because the circulation of libellous matter by post gives it immediate and simultaneous publicity, whereas pamphlets are slow of circulation ; and on this point the policy of the country is settled. But these provisions with regard to sureties do not form an essential part of the plan, and do not affect the exchequer. The abolition of the stamp- duty, it is estimated, will involve a loss to the public revenue of 200,0001. per annum. Sir George moved technical resolutions for the purpose of founding a bill upon them.

Mr. GLADSTONE regretted the changes that had been made in the bill. He condemned the present law as regards securities, which he character- ized as an anomaly and absurdity ; because it would give no protection in the case where a man is lilsslIsd near his own home, where it is most im- portant to defend p:ivate character. Mr. Gladstone also advocated some copyright prsiection for original articles and foreign correspondence. With regard to the loss of revenue, a moderate postage-tariff for printed matter of all descriptions would materially tend to indemnify the ex- chequer.

Sir FRANCIS BARING said, the proposal to sacrifice so much revenue had been made at an unfit time ; and he would like to know what taxation will be imposed in lieu of this. Mr. MILNER GIBSON criticized the bill ; denied that it is a fiscal question ; and said he would vote for the reso- lutions.

Sir GEORGE LEWIS also said that it was not merely a fiscal question. It is dealt with because the House passed a resolution last year on the sub- ject ; and because the present state of the law has involved the Govern- ment in great embarrassments with regard to 'prosecuting offenders ; so much so that the House must either assent to an alteration of the law, or strengthen the hands of the Attorney-General to enable him to enforce the law. Mr. GLADSTONE backed up these statements.

The discussion was continued by Mr. LAING, Sir HENRY WILLOUGHBY, Mr. PACKE, Mr. BENTINCK, against the plan ; and Mr. Weasten. and Mr. BRIGHT in its favour.

The resolutions were agreed to.

SUNDAY EXHIBITIONS.

Sir JOSHUA WALMESLEY moved a resolution, to the effect that the moral and intellectual improvement of the working classes of London would be promoted if the British Museum and the National Gallery were open to the public inspection after morning service on Sundays.

Mr. BIGGS seconded the resolution. He gave the debate a theological turn, by maintaining that the obligation to keep the Sabbath rests on custom, and that there is no injunction in the Scriptures to keep the first day of the week as a Sabbath at all. Mr. DAVIES, Mr. DRUMMOND, and the Marquis of BLANDFORD, controverted this view. Mr. DRUMMOND said, that whether it was the first day or the seventh, the principle is the same—that the seventh part of a man's time, and the tenth part of his income, are due to God.

He felt a great difficulty in saying what ought to be the duty of Members, when he saw them night after night entertaining questions for refusing sup- port to the national churches,—those churches which were for the benefit almost exclusively of the people,—and then substituting for churches, which they would not keep in repair, the going to the British Museum to see the gentlemen just arrived from Nineveh—red men with green beards. (Laughter.) At the same time, he thought there was a great distinction between what every man might feel in his own conscience right to do upon a Sunday, and what is the duty of the nation.

Mr. APSLEY Patearr said that opening public places on Sundays is taking a wrong course to enlighten the minds of the working classes. They are in favour of early closing, a half-holiday on Saturdays, and less Sunday trading. He moved as an amendment, that the British Museum and the National Gallery should be open every day in the week, and at all events on Saturdays and Mondays. Mr. Knexantn, Mr. E. BALL, and Mr. GOULBURN, opposed the motion. It was supported by Lord STANLEY in an elaborate speech, and by Mr. W. J. Fox.

Lord Peasseasrox objected both to the motion and the amendment. All agree that it is highly necessary to encourage the respectful ob- servance of the Sabbath; and in proportion as that observance prevails, t to see a people moral and well educated, or the reverse. ion is, that Sunday ought to be a day of rest, of devotion, and nd innocent recreation. To enforce that strict observance of hich some persons contend, is obviously impossible. That no we may

Ilty

of dread SunOaylo

work should be done on Sunday, would stop the whole movement of social existence: but it is impossible for any law to define—and I think it would be inexpedient for Parliament to attempt to pass such a law—the precise de- gree to which that principle may properly be carried. That must be left to the conscience of each individual. Each man must be left to determine, according to his own position and circumstances, to what degree he can com- bine the ordinary and necessary occupations of life with what he considers the proper observance of Sunday. But when a matter is brought before Parliament in regard to which the religious feelings of a great portion of the community are deeply affected, it is highly inexpedient that Parliament should by any vote set itself in opposition to that which is the religious feeling of the people. I think Parliament would be doing an injudicious act if, by any vote of its own, or by any resolution, it should lead the country to think that it is less mindful of those religious principles which ought to govern the conduct of all men than the great mass of the com- munity themselves are. For these reasons, thinking that the resolution would do violence to the feelings of a large portion of the community— feelings which we are bound to respect, and which it is highly desirable studiously to encourage—I shall give my opposition to the original motion."

The objection to the amendment was, that to open the British Museum on Saturday would interfere with the cleaning arrangements.

On a division, Sir Joshua Walmesley's resolution was negatived by 235 to 48. The amendment was withdrawn.

SANDHURST.

Colonel NORTH moved a series of resolutions relating to the Royal Military College of Sandhurst,—to the effect that ten orphan sons of offi- cers shall receive their education, board, and clothing there, free from ex- pense to their friends ; that the number of cadets now admissible into the first class shall be increased to fifty ; and that the civil as well as the mi- litary service should be thrown open to distinguished students.

Admiral WasCOTT seconded the motion.

Mr. PEEL said it would be satisfactory if the advantages of the College to officers' sons could be extended ; but as the resolutions would involve a grant of money, the House should consider whether the objects sought could not be attained by other means. For instance, could they not be secured without calling on the Government for assistance. Formerly the House annually voted from 80001. to 10,0001. for Sandhurst; but the sys- tematic opposition of Mr. Hume led to the discontinuance of the vote, and also of gratuitous education. Could they be sure Parliament would not, if a grant were now made, withdraw it hereafter ? The income of the College is now 18,0001. or 19,000/. ; that sum is raised solely by the con- tributions of the different classes of students who pay sums ranging from 401. to 1251. a year. There is a surplus over the expenses of 12001. paid into the Treasury ; and it would be a fair proposal to consider what scheme could be adopted for appropriating this sum towards the gratuitous education of officers' sons.

Sir GEORGE PECHELL, Colonel DUNNE Mr. BRADY, Captain SCOBELL, and Mr. Rica, expressed their dissatisfaction. There were calls for a division. Lord PALMERSTON interposed—The discussion, he said, re- minded him of the remark that the House of Commons is exceedingly liberal at one moment and very niggardly at another. The Sandhurst College was originally founded on a scale much larger than the present. It was then said that it ought to be self-supporting, and the annual vote towards its maintenance was withdrawn. There is some reason in that course ; because, in return for the money paid towards the establishment, the young men who pass successful examinations receive commissions without purchase. He asked the House to suspend a resolution which assumed that the public were to contribute, while it is still doubtful whe- ther the desired object cannot be accomplished without a vote ; and he promised to take the whole matter into consideration with that view. Mr. WATSON suggested that there should be a Committee of inquiry into Sandhurst. Lord PALMERSTON said, he should not object to move for one himself. On this assurance, Colonel Nonni, who seemed dis- posed to divide, withdrew his motion.

NEWFOUNDLAND.

With some criticisms on the appointment of Lord John Russell to the Colonial Office, Mr. ROEBUCK inquired whether Newfoundland would re- ceive the same form of responsible government as that conceded to Ca- nada; and whether the complaints of the people of Newfoundland with regard to their Governor will lead to the removal of that official. Lord PALMERSTON said that the Government intend to keep faith with the colony of Newfoundland. Steps have been taken to fulfil the promise made by the Duke of Newcastle, and elections have been ordered with the view of effecting an enlargement of the popular assembly; and the nomination of those who are to constitute the Second Chamber will be deferred until the representative body is chosen. As to the second ques- tion, Lord Palmerston said the House would not expect him to state the intentions of the Government as to the removal, or continuance in office, or exchange of Colonial Governors.

Mr. ROEBUCK gave notice, that on an early day he would present a petition from the Assembly of Newfoundland, and would upon that occa- sion take the sense of the House upon the propositions contained in that petition.

HOSPITALS LN THE EAST.

In reply to inquiries from Mr. STAFFORD, Mr. PEEL made some state- ments on the authority of authentic reports received within the last two days from the Hospital Commissioners sent out by the Duke of New- castle.

As many as 20 per cent of the force under Lord Raglan's command bad been at times in the regimental hospitals ; but the numbers are less now. The great defects were not in the number of surgeons but in the want of houses ; now every regiment has a hospital hut. At the Balaklava hos- pital, the chief cause of confusion was overcrowding ; that has been ob- viated by the erection of huts. With respect to the transports for the sick, there are now five vessels fitted up expressly for that service, with an abundant supply of medical comforts on board. The purveyor's de- partment at Constantinople has been placed on a sound footing. To remedy the overcrowding at Scutari, an arrangement has been made to provide wooden huts for 1000 persons immediately, and for 4000 as soon as possible. Mr. Peel at some length, and reading from official reports, showed that the site of the hospital at Smyrna is not unhealthy, but pe- culiarly suitable for hospital purposes. In a letter dated March 5, a gentleman from the War-office stated that the best results have been ob- tained from the hospital at Smyrna, and that the greater part of a body of invalids, who arrived there on the 14th February, were then on their

way back as convalescents. Orders have been issued to establish con- valescent stations at Tenedos and Corfu.

Lord PALKERSTON made some additions to these statements. Dr. Suther- land, Dr. Gavin, and Mr. Rawlinson, recently sent to the East, are in- structed to inspect the arrangements of barracks, hospitala, and transports, and to suggest such measures of improvement as they deem fitting. Lord Palmerston has written to request Lord Stratford, Lord Raglan, and Lord William Paulet, to see that their suggestions should be carried into effect immediately, without reference to any professional jealousy or any pro- fessional obstacles : what they recommend shall be done forthwith ; and, whether it depend upon communications with the Turkish Government, or upon arrangements to be made by medical officers in her Majesty's ser- vice, no impediments whatever will stand in the way of effecting such changes and new arrangements as those gentlemen may consider de- sirable.

THE SEBASTOPOL INQUIRY.

The chief object of the investigation this week has been the state of the hospitals ; and the chief witnesses, Mr. Stafford M.P., and Dr. An- drew Smith, have kept more closely to the point than some of the pre- ceding witnesses. Mr. Stafford was examined on Monday. He had met with no obstruction at Scutari. The authorities seemed de- sirous of remedying the existing evils ; and as regarded the home authori- ties, the Duke of Newcastle had sent to him, in reply to an application, a private letter which could not but redound to the Duke s credit if the whole of it could be published. The state of the hospitals on his arrival was inde- scribably filthy. There was.one horrible nuisance which infected the place, and made the anteroom almost impassable, and which arose from the stop- page of soil-pipes. He applied to Dr. Macgregor to get those places cleaned out : Dr. Macgregor referred him to another department. He went to the head of that department ; that person agreed that the place ought to be cleaned, but said he had "no money" to pay labourers. Mr. Stafford told him he had with him some 2001. ; the half or the whole of which he offered to place at his disposal for the purpose. The Committee inquired the name of the person : Mr. Stafford hesitated to name him ; but after delibera- tion with closed doors, the Committee insisted peremptorily, and Mr. Stafford said it was Major Sillery, the Commandant ; but added, that he had always found Major Sillery desirous to assist any improvement in every way. The Turks afterwards cleaned out the places. Mr. Stafford distinctly showed that the utmost confusion of authorities prevailed : he described it as a kind of paralysis of fear of incurring responsibility for going beyond instructions. It was impossible to tell where one department ended and another began. With regard to the landing of the sick, it was difficult to say who was re- sponsible. Admiral Boxer had charge of the sick till they were landed. Now it happened that sometimes the sick got no breakfast, because the ship authorities supposed they would be fed ashore, and the hospital authorities supposed they had been fed on board. He had fed the poor fellows some- times himself; he had once carried a man up to the hospital ; he had assist- ed to take off their filthy clothing, covered with vermin as thick as the let- ters in a page of small print. The sick could not be landed without Admiral Boxer's permission, ion, as the hospital had no boats. Sometimes the communi- cation was interrupted for three days. The medical authorities applied for a steamer : at first it was refused by Admiral Boxer, " a seaman of the old school" ; but afterwards one was put on. Some of the medical officers did not live at Scutari ; and when their signature was wanted, if the wind was South, that signature could not be had till the communication was renewed. Mr. Stafford spoke very favourably of the medical men ; who, he said, were overworked.

The great want at the hospitals was not medicines, but medical comforts, to restore the exhausted- strength of the men. "There was one case of a man dying. from his diet having been changed. He had been put on a strengthening diet, and was recovering, when by a mistake it was changed to a lowering diet, and he died in consequence. He was quite aware of the cause of his death, as he spoke of it : he said he supposed in so great a

crowd it could not be helped." _ Speaking of the hospital at Balaklava, Mr. Stafford said—" The doctors there were of opinion, that while the diet of the army remained as it was, no medical skill could avail them. That was a constant remark; and, in- deed, they appeared to be acting under a kind of fatalism. One doctor, pointing to a poor soldier, said, •There is what is called a ease of cholera; but it is in fact the result of a vicious habit of body, feeding entirely on salt meat, without the benefit of any succulent vegetables.' " As to the green coffee, he said, "If you wished to excite the most phlegmatic soldier, or to irritate the most patient sufferer, you had only to name green coffee. It was a perfect byword : the men said, 'You might as well give us pebbles." Mr. Stafford thought it was a great mistake to place the hospitals under Lord Stratford : the unlimited power to provide supplies should have been vested in the superior medical officer at Constantinople.

Dr. Andrew Smith, Inspector-General of the Medical Department, was examined on Tuesday and Thursday.

His evidence consisted partly in a narrative account of the various supplies of medical stores sent out to the East from the commencement of the war, and partly of replies to questions arising out of his statement. Dr. Smith bore strong testimony to the conflict of departments. His immediate supe- riors were the Commander-in-chief, the Secretary at War, the Minister for War, the Board of Ordnance, and he "did not know how many, more." There was, and always had been, a dispute between the Secretary at War and the head of the Medical Board, as to the authority each had over the pur- veyor. The perpetual reference of representations and matters from one au- thority to another interfered most seriously with the efficient performance of the duties of his department. He would rather be placed under the control of one single responsible power, the Minister of War, exclusively, which would enable him to execute his duties at one-half the labour, and with far greater satisfaction to the public. Matters would receive immediate atten- tion, and decisions would be given without delay, and without reference to multitudinous departments. The public would then know on whose should- ers the blame lay; and that would be a piece of good luck for the doctors. Dr. Smith specified the dates at which medical stores had been sent out. At the outset of the war, the surgeon of every regiment sent to Malta re- ported to him that his medicine-chest was complete and his instruments in order. Mr. Wreford, the purveyor at Constantinople, was authorized by him to get whatever was necessary, and Lord Stratford had authority to spend whatever money might be wanted for that purpose. When he told Mr. Mac- donald that the relief fund would not be needed, all the reports he had received justified him in saying so ; for ample supplies had been sent Out and at that time he knew the medical authonties were expecting the entire equipment, for a large hospital left at Varna would have been carried to Constantinople. But, notwithstanding repeated remonstrances from the me- dical officers to the Transport service, passage for it was not obtained, and it did not arrive until the 10th November. If stores were every wanted, the pur- veyor ought to have availed himself of eve opportunity to purchase them at Constantinople. Had Dr. Smith himself been there, he would have pur- chased everything that came into the harbour. Mr. Ellice here observed—" So that, in fact, this conflict and uncertainty of authority connected with the administration of the medical department of the army, produced on the part of every person connected with it a timidity which led to great embarrassment ?"

Dr. Smith—" Clearly ; and I may add, that at the breaking out of the war, after the last forty years, during which the screw was put upon roe in reference to the expenditure of money for medical stores, it was months be. fore I could convince myself that I had the power to expend money." Requisitions for medical stores are made to the medical head-quarters; but a duplicate of the despatch conies home direct, and preparations for send- ing the stores are instantly begun. Dr. Smith read reports from medical officers, showing that there was no want of lint after the battles of the Alma and Iukerman, and that no application was made to the French for lint ; that up to the middle of November there had been no want at Scutari of medicines and surgical appliances ; and that the statements in the newspa- pers on that head were false. He drew a distinction between "medicines and surgical appliances," and "the things supplied by Miss Nightingale and Mr. Macdonald" : dieting, medical comforts, clothing, cleaning im- plements, are not included in the phrase " medicines and surgical ap- pliances." The officer who was responsible for any deficiency of stores, and for the cleaning of the hospitals, was Mr. Wreford the purveyor. The supply of medical comforts comes under the authority of the medical offi- cer, and the purveyor is bound to purchase what the medical officer requires. With regard to cleaning the hospitals, it is the duty of the purveyor to point out what things are required, and to say- " There is a requisition for them, if you approve it they will be supplied." Mr. Wreford, the purveyor at Scutari, is sixty or sixty-live years old—he had served in the Peninsular war he frequently complained that he was unequal to supplying the demands of the hospitals. There were constant disputes as to authority between purveyors and medical men. He could not say whether he had stated to the Duke of Newcastle that these disputes would occur to the army in the field. He had suggested, that " anything " for which a medical officer gave an order, the purveyor should be obliged to buy ,• but that was not adopted. Since the months of Sep- tember and October he had to supply all the medical comforts of the army ; and from that time he could tell when they went, where they went, and when they were delivered ; previously to that time he could not tell. He thought the control of all the stores for hospitals should be with his department ; but that is not the ease at present. There had been plenty of disinfecting agents employed. Peat-charcoal had been sent out, but not in the immense quantities which its constant use in the hospitals would require. The ordinary charcoal was to be pro- cured in Constantinople in any quantity. Besides peat-charcoal, there had been chloride of lime, chloride of zinc, and hydro-chloride of soda used. He had read Mr. Stafford's evidence respecting the "latrines" : unless their construction was altered they could not be in a proper condition. The me- dical officers are bound to report as to the hospital accommodation, and are responsible if they do not. The total number of medical officers sent out to the East was 659 ; of whom 29 had died, 58 had been invalided, and on the 7th of March there remained in Turkey and the Crimea 469 army medical officers, a number which would give about 30 sick to each medical man. With respect to clothing for the armv suitable to the East, he had acted on a report from Dr. Dumbreck in Bulgaria, received early in 1864. The Snit steps were taken in the matter early in May. With difficulty large plies were collected and sent out in August ,• and unless there was sopy,,,',1_ accountable delay it must have arrived before November. It w different from the ordinary winter clothing of the troops, and was not supply sent out in the Prince.