The intelligence from France bears ample testimony, that dis- affection
to the Government of Louis PHILIP has spread far and wide. It is also manifest, that everywhere the military are too strong for the people; and that, for the present at least, even the semblance of freedom is banished. The Doctrinaires seem to think that they may safely despise the forms of law in their measures for the suppression of free discussion, and the punishment of all whose hostility to their system of military despotism has lately given them trouble, or may be dangerous in time to come. Not content with breaking up the printing-office of the Tribune, the Police seized the persons whom they found reading the journals there, and took them to prison, where they remain. The lists of subscribers have also been secured ; and every name is certain to receive a black mark in the books of the all-grasping Police. A. number of the country journals, of Republican politics, have been suppressed in a similar manner, and their editors and printers thrown into gaol. All this is done in direct defiance of still exist- ing laws. There have been numerous arrests of suspected persons in Paris, and in the Departments. In several districts, the National Guards have been disbanded, and troops of the Line stationed in their stead, to overawe the people. There have also been some arrests of officers belonging to the regular troops. Every proceed- ing of the Government betokens desperation. The very fact, in- deed, that the Ministers insist upon having a standing army of 400,000 men in order to preserve tratiquillity, is proof of their con- sciousness that the loyalty of the nation is not to be relied uporj...sS Still there is reason to appsehend, that a large, too lart,e a ON of the middle classes in France, are content to sub present degradation. The commercial state of the country is, generally speaking, morsprosperous than it has been. The Pa- risian shopkeepers are making money.; and men who are comfort- able in their private copeernastire nog in the habit of serutinizing very closely the measures oNlieir rulers. They have no love for Louie PHILIP ; but they are fond of quiet, afraid of commotion, and they tolerate him " lest a worse thing should befall them."
It appears from the following remarks of one of our Paris cor- respondents, that the conduct of some portions of the English Press, supposed to speak the sentiments of men in power, has afforded much encouragement to LOUIS PHILIP and his despotic instruments. This we can readily believe. How the writers in question, and others who are vehement in their execration of Don MIGUEL and the Emperor NICHOLAS, can speak so calmly of the atrocities of. the French King, is indeed marvellous. In order to be consistent, they should unsay all they ever uttered in favour of the Revolution or July 1830, and in condemnation of CHARLES the Tenth, a milder tyrant by far than the Republican hero of Jemappe.
"I suppose the time may arrive—I see no signs of it at present—when what ispassing in this country will have some slight chance of being judged calmly as to facts, and benevolently as to consequences. " There are many honourable men who fancy that this people is moulded out of extraordinary and peculiar elements—elements out of which nothing can be made but the tyranny of military domination, and the servility of popular fear. They say that NAPOLEON understood them best, and ruled them most popularly. NA rol.F.oN did not think so himself, in his own hour of reflection. He was de- ceived, as others are deceived, by the surface of things. He saw not (till too late) the deep current below. " The extraordinaryjudgments of the English press, and in consequence, of English opinion, as to French affairs, is to those among us who love and honour France alike unintelligible and distressing. If there are those who see subject far congratulation in the fact that the Executive is completely arbitrary and the Legislature wholly corrupt, let them rejoice: they have good reason. 1f there are who think that it becomes a people to be resigned and contented, who have neither freedom of the press, nor personal liberty, nor the means of assembling, nor the right of association—whose representation is a mockery, and whose go- vernment a close monopoly—with those who think so it is useless to contend : France is the beau ideal of their system.
" Such a system existed under the Bourbons : ' it fell, 'midst shouts that drowned the crash it made in falling.' The Revolution of July introduced a new dynasty, and a King who repeated, in the hearing of thousands, that he was a Republican—in heart and soul a Republican—who only desired power to give development to Republican institutions. How far the vow bas been kept —how far the tendencies of things have been towards freedom and good govern- ment—let any observer attest. " When the Parisian people overthrew their tyrants—when, in the midst of so tremendous a change, order and the law were reverenced—when property was• respected, not in Paris alone, but in all the towns which one after another chased the "legitimate" authorities—when, in the eyes of the world, a revolution was effected without pillage—without reaction—who was bold enough to say that the people were unfit for liberty ?
"Did they obtain it? Oh no ! The men who had been the instruments of every despotism in turngot hold of the reins of government. The servants of NAPOLEON, of Louts the Eighteenth, of Con Imes the Tenth—the very tools of all the abominations of misrule—were again called into place and power by Lours Prime. And men wonder at the public discontent ! And Englishmen —lovers of freedom—are found to make the restlessness, the versatility, the dis- affection of the French people—subjects of their ever-repeated reproaches! " Why are they restless? Because they are ill at ease ; because they hav- not obtained the objects they have at heart—good government and liberal instie tutions. Why are they disaffected ? Because their rulers have established no claim—none whatever—to their friendly and confiding opinion. Are they ver- satile? Every dity is evidence of a determined, persevering, single-minded struggle fur a great and national object—popular sovereignty. They have been betrayel— that is most true—but they know it, and seek to relieve themselves: and those who fancy that any thing but good government can tranquillize France, will find themselves in error.
" What was the immediate cause of the Lyonnese insurrection ? The Law against Associations. A law more monstrous, more anti-social, more repug- nant to the vet), innate nature of man, was never invented. What ! a Govern- ment representing *0,000 citizens is to deny to 30,000,000 the means of com-
munication, the power of meeting to discuss any object of local, national, general interest—any plan of benevolence—any scientific, moral, religious, or political topic !
" The Parisian revolt was but a bloody squabble. The Republicans, as a party, took no share in it. The Societe des Droits de l'Homme used its influence to prevent the conflict ; and it was, after all, but an amalgamation of the worst elements of Carlism, Jacobinism, and the Police. Let it not be confounded with that enlightened public opinion which is looking with grief and vexation on all these acts of brutal violence. All that I ask is, let not the great cause of good government be sacrificed, nor our sympathies for the liberties of France be weakened by the violence of parties, who only seem to agree in the determination to destroy the hopes and to crush the efforts of the friends of peace and progress. " I take no part in the squabble about names. I care not whether France be ruled by a Monarch or a Consul—whether the sway be Imperial or Presidential: but I venture to prophesy, that revolt will follow revolt, Insurrection will suc- ceed to insurrection, until the system of misrule is changed—until there is secu- rity for personal liberty, guarantees for popular rights—until the national will reckons for something in the direction of the national councils. Every triumph of what is called government, so far from leading to an increase of the public freedom, has been Invariably accompanied by a demolition amine of its remain. ing fragments ; and at every step the chances of a peaceful solution of the great question diminish. Those who might have some influence in bringing about so desirable a result—I mean the pacific development of liberal principles—begin to lose heart and hope. I grieve to say that the English Press, by encourag- ing the Ministry in its career of madness, has marvellously weakened our chances of success. Your pages have been hitherto unpolluted by the advocacy of mis- government. I think you will feel the privilege of your pusitiou."
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