Debates anb Vroctebings in learliament. SUPPLY VOTES.

The House of Commons was engaged in Supply on Monday end Wed- nesday. The votes were traversed rapidly, but not without scanning.

Upon the proposal to vote 20,000/. towards Civil Contingencies, on Wed- nesday, Mr. OSBORNE raised a discussion on that "very gross job" the Trevelyan gratuity of 2,5001. The Coast Guard of Ireland had performed extra services, so that many men contracted violent fevers; but no extra reward was proposed for them. The gratuity was a departure from rule, and Ile would divide the House. The Csukticsixoa of the EXCHEQUER took jet= on the last statement: this was the usual mode of remunerating ex- Araordinary services. Mr. J. A. SMITH and Sir ROBERT INGLIS supported Abe vote, on grounds of personal esteem for Sir Charles Trevelyan; and Mr. BEERY Daummown, on the evidence and the report. Many Members on various grounds joined with Mr. Osborne; Colonel Durum imputing to Sir Charles Trevelyan a want of judgment in many cases; and Lord GEoucix Bmermac by no means thinking the evidence proved such a display of ability by Sir Charles Trevelyan as some gentlemen assumed. Mr. GOUL- BURN, Mr. Mowsmx, and Mr. PAGE WOOD, protesting against the prin- ciple on which Government had acted; Mr. lituarrz wondering how a man could earn 2,5001. a year in regular salary, and at the same time 2,5001. for additional services; Mr. REYNOLDS approving Mr. Osborne's amendment, hot meaning to vote against it, as he thought no vote of the House would obtain restitution of the money paid. The House divided on the motion to reduce the vote by 2,5001.; and the vote was carried, by 73 to 14.

A vote of 1,500/. was agreed to for remunerating the expenses of Lieu- tenant Waghom in testing the practicability of the mail route to India by way of Trieste.

• A discussion arose on Wednesday upon the vote including the Reginm Donum. Mr. LUSHINGTON objected, on behalf of the great bulk of the Presbyterians Independents, and Baptists, to this endowment of Dissent. They were willing to make good the money if the grant were withdrawn. Lord JOHN RUSSELL said, this grant to poor Dissenting ministers had been made ever since the reign of George the First. It was divided among the Three Denominations by Dr. Rees, Dr. Pye Smith, and Mr. Clayton: three men could not be named more entitled to respect for learned acquirements, piety, and intelligence. Dr. Cox a gentleman whom Lord John much re- spected, seceded from those who distributed this grant, thinking it incon- sistent with the principle that all establishments should be destroyed and no public money granted for religion; and an Anti-State-Church Associa- tion had been formed. Lord John, however, thought this paltry grant an unfit occasion to raise so great a question. Mr. W. J. Fox, Mr. KERSHAW, and Mr. BRIGHT opposed the grant; offering to guarantee its amount by voluntary gift of the Three Denominations. Lord Josue RUSSELL said, that if the Dissenters would give security to furnish the sum yearly, the grant should not appear again in the Estimates. The House divided on an amendment to reduce the vote by the amount of the Regium Donum, and sanctioned the original proposal, by 60 to 28. The vote for Polish Refugees, on Wednesday, was opposed by Mr. Os- ;towns. Many of these Poles were receiving large pensions though in pros- perous circumstances: one was a thriving bookseller, and another drove a tremendous trade in cigars. Lord DUDLEY STUART defended the grant. Mr. HENLEY, MY. BRIGHT, and Mr. RENE opposed it. Sir CHARLES WOOD promised that before the next session of Parliament the list should be carefully revised, and those Poles who are in a position to retum home or to maintain themselves here should no longer be continued on it. After further conversation and criticism, Mr. Ossonsaz allowed that Sir Charles's statement was fair and satisfactory; and the vote was agreed to. Votes connected with the Colonies were among those before the House on Monday. In answer to Mr. GLADSTONE, Mr. llamas stated that Earl Grey was disposed fully to respect the spirit and scope of "the treaty of Waitangi" in New Zealand. Mr. Hawes could not definitely say, but he thought it most probable, that the statement was correct which Mr. Glad- Stone had found in a book published by the Aborigines Society, and which 4ttributed to Lord Grey the opinion "that the treaty of Waitangi was an ad of the Executive."

Mr. HAWES stated respecting the Cape Colony, that Sir Harry Smith Ina expressed an opinion, that no time should be lost in giving a represent- ative government to that colony; and the Colonial Office entirely con- curred in his view.

In discussing the vote for Labnan, it was stated by Lord PALKERwrow, that Sir James Brooks will receive 500/. a year as Consular Agent to Borneo, in addition to his salary of 2,000/. as Governor of Labnan. Some objectious were made by the economic Members to the scale of the Labuan salaries, as equal to that of large and well-established colonies. Lord JOHN BUMBLE stated, as the belief of Earl Grey, that the colony will soon pay its own expenses.

On the proposal of a vote of 30,0001. to support captured Negroes, the cost of the Mixed Commissions raised sharp criticisms. Mr. lisocut showed that at Sierra Leone no case has been tried for three years; the Judge hes 2,5001. a year for a perfect sinecure, while the Chief Justice of the colen,y, _ With no assistenttelas but 1,5001. Lord PALMERSTON said, the Colonial Judgeship is not to be continued; but the Commission must be kept on foot under treaties. A division VMS called for by Mr. URQUHART; but none took place and the vote was agreed to.

he conducing vote was passed on Wednesday, with much cheering.

TELE CURRENCY.

On Tuesday, Mr. HUMES called attention to the reports of the two Rouses of Parliament on Commercial Distress and Currency; and moved, " That this House will, early in the next session of Parliament, take into its serious consideration the reports from the Committee from this House, and from the Committee of the House of Lords communicated to this House, appointed to in- quire into the cause of the recent commercial distress, and how far it has been affected by the law regulating the issue of bank-notes payable upon demand.' His object was, to obtain a pledge from the House that the restrictive pro- visions of the Bank Charter Act of 1844 should be taken into consideration early next session, with a view to their modification. He reviewed the history of the act of 1844; stating the purposes which its framers proposed to effect by it: those purposes were, to regulate the paper issues of the Bank with a view to influence prices, to check extravagant speculation, and to secure the absolute convertibility of bank-notes into gold. None of those three objects bad the bill secured. Prices were not prevented from enormous variations; the Bank itself had been seen charging 3 per cent at one time and ID per cent at another the for discount; speculation was not prevented from attaining a height and ex. travagance unparalleled in,the history of commerce; and if notes had not become inconvertible, it was not in the least a consequence of the operation of the act In a comparatively short period, Government bad been obliged to interpose and suspend its provisions; and aubsequently,Parliament, summoned on account of the emergency pranced by the act, confirmed the measure by which it was so suspend- ed. In fact, the Government had in some sort anticipated the present motion by moving for a Committee early in the session: but the effect of their step had only been to throw the matter over to a late period. Besides, the constitution of their CoMmittee had beep far from satisfaotory: of twenty-six Members—an us usually large number—only ten at most were opponents of the Bank Act; the rest were at the disposal of those who had the management of the proceeding. At the same time the Lords appointed a Committee; and it was to the character of the evidence adduced by these two Committees, and the different convictions it duced on the inquiring bodies, that Mr. ferries now desired to call attention. Lords' Committee reported that the principle of the act required amendment, so far as the restrictive clauses were concerned. Similar resolutions were proposed in the Commons' Committee, but were negatived by-the great dexterity and mdomit. able intrepidity of the Chaneellor of the Exchequ.er. It was worthy of remark, that of the six Members of that Committee who were mercantile men, five con- stantly. voted in the minority. against the :Chancellor of the Exchequer. An analysis of the evidence taken by the Committee gave these results. Twenty-six witnesses were examined: two of these spoke only of the East India trade and might be excluded. The other twenty-four might be divided into six classes. The first and most important class consisted of the four witnesses deputed by great commercial bodies to represent their opinions. Mr. Bevan represented the Lon- don bankers, Mr. Birkbeck the Country bankers, and Mr. lEnnear and Mr. M'Farlane the Chambers of Commerce at Glasgow and Edinburgh. These were unanimous in their belief that the act of 1844 aggravated the commercial distress. The second class consisted of eight persons, representing great commercial or banking establishments. The Governor and Deputy Governor of the Bank of England and Mr. Norman were of course favourable to the act; one represented the Bank of Ireland; and there were Mr. Anderson and Mr. Bell from Scotch banks, and Mr. Murray and Mr. Bristow from leading Irish banks. The five last were decidedly against the act: they thought it absolutely necessary, for the safety of the country, to alter it. The third claps consisted of men of eminent posi- tion and experience in banking and mercantile operations; including Mr. Gurney the greatest money-dealer in the world, Dir. Bates of the great house of Baring Brothers, and Mr. Horsley Palmer: all these gave distinct evidence of the perm- dons operation of the act. The next class consisted of six persons representing the provincial banking and trading interests,—Mr. Pease, the banking of the mi- ning districts; Mr. Salt and Mr. Muntz, Birmingham; Mr. Hodgson and Mr. Turner, Liverpool; and Mr. Gardner, Manchester: these also were strongly against the act The fifth class included men of study and research on this particular question,— Mr. Jones Loyd, Mr. Tooke, and Mr. 'Taylor: of course Mr. Loyd opposed change; Mr. Tooke advocated relaxation; Mr. Taylor disapproved of our whole monetary system, the act of 1819 as well as that of 1844. 'Thus, of twenty-four witnesses, only one was undecided, four maintained the act, and nineteen condemned It. After such evidence, was not the conclusiop of the Committee surprising—" After a careful review of the evidence, we have come to the conclusion that the act dew not require alteration." But nearly the same persons were examined kr the Lords' Committee, who had come to the very different conclusion already men- tioned.

There were these three elements which must ultimately force a change,— the letter of the Treasury in October last, which the House had recognized, and which involved the principle that the act required alteration; the report of the Lords' Committee against the act; and the preponderance of evidence against it before the Commons' Committee. The examination was directed to the causes of commercial distress, which are no doubt very numerous and various; and the par- ticular operation of the act of 1844, which the Lords' Committee concurred with general opinion in considering of an aggravatory description. After all the events of which the House was cognizant, Mr. Herries hoped the subject would not be al- lowed to sleep. Ile would not call Members from the country at this late penal to determine these questions, but would entreat the House to pledge itself to an early consideration of them next session. Mr. TTRNEY Datriamoun thought the evidence of bankers and merchants on these questions was not of much authority: the opinions of such per- sons would at one time have been an equally good objection to the Bullion Report of 1810. [" Hear!" from Sir Robert Peel.] Sufficient for the session were the debates thereof: it would be most unwise for the House to pledge itself in this session as to what it would do in the next.

Mr. NEWDEGATE rebuked Mr. Drummond for his jocoseness on a sys- tem that had rained 143 first-class mercantile houses within three months of last autumn. [Mr. Newdegate was proceeding to quote a quantity of statistical documents, when a Member moved that the House be counted: forty-two Members presented themselves, and Mr. Newdegate resumed; but presently, saying he would take the hint given him, he sat down.] The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER admitted the importance of this question, and the propriety of its being brought forward as early as Mr. ferries pleased next session. But for the House to give the pledge now asked of it, would be an extraordinary and a bootless proceeding, and ex- tremely inconvenient. Sir Charles would therefore move the previous

question. •

He defended the constitution of the Commons' Committee: its resolutions were almost all carried by a nett majority of two only, that did not consist with allf overwhelming majority of partisans one way or the other. With regard to the commercial distress of the previous year, Mr. James Wilson the Member for West- bury, Mr. Anderson of Glasgow, and Mil. Gurney, all concurred in the belief that the act of 1844 had nothing to do with it. It was shown in evidence that nearlY every one of the houses which stopped in 1847 were more or less engaged in rail- way speculation, The 143 failures were not therefore owing to the Bauli According to the evidence of Mr. Gurney, the restrictions imposed by the act DO t operate at all till after those failures. Mr. Gurney was not opposed to the principle of the act, and only desired a relaxation of its restrictive powers. But on one point, in favour of the act, all the witnesses agreed—its beneficial opera- tion when exchanges are adverse and gold going oat: all admitted that a reduc- tion of paper issues was then the only legitimate and safe course. With regard to the removal of the restrictive clauses, Sir Charles maintained that it would be better to follow the recommendation of the Commons' Committee, and allow the act to stand as at present; reserving to Government a discretionary power for ex- tnermuary cases. He believed he expressed the views of Government in that opinion; and whenever Mr. Herries brought forward his motion, he would advo- cate to the best of his power the opinions which he formerly professed and still holds without change. Mr. SPOONER insisted that all but four witnesses before the Committee stated that the act of 1844 aggravated the distress. Mr. Gurney said, that not only the degree of insolvency but the number of elilures had been increased by it; and added, that if it had been carried out it would have been impossible to predict the consequence. The Bank itself might hare stopped. Of course Mr. Jones Loyd was in favour of the bill—his own crotchet; but even he no longer abides by its principle, and is not so confident of its action as he formerly was. Mr. Spooner reiterated his well-known opinions on the act of 1819—the cause of all the fluctuations and ruin that have occurred since it passed. He regretted the absence of Sir James Graham, and mentioned a conversation which occurred in the Committee-room. Mr. Spooner had asked Sir James what he thought of the evidence of Mr. Pease. Sir James said, "it is very alarming—it is very distressing." " Ali I" said Mr. Spooner, "it is your fault, Sir Jemes: if you had bat held to your first convictions—if you had been true to your principles, you might have been Prime Minister at this day; and you would have saved your country, which is now involved in all this distress." What was his reply? He said, I heye not altered ray opinions on the bill of 1819. I said it was a dead robbery then, and I say it now: I remain still of the same opinion which I printed at the time, thatlae bill was a dead robbery of all the debtor in- terests of the country."

It is now said the mischief is done; but Mr. Spooner denied that the mischief's complete, and warned the Government to look danger full in the face, and avoid a responsibility which would overwhelm them.

Sir ROBERT PEEL amusingly criticized the Birmingham Currency doc- trines.

There was a friend of Mr. Spooner examined before the Committee, whom he thought his honourable friend Mr. Spooner had treated very scarvily. His honour- able friend, indeed, appeared desirous of dismissing him altogether; but Sir Robert could not consent to dismiss him so summarily. This gentleman seemed to him more consistent in his principles than Mr. Spooner himself: he was no volunteer before the Committee, but came before them as the chosen champion of the Bir- mingham Currency schooL He referred to Mr. Salt. Now his honourable friend seemed ashamed of this witness; but Mr. Salt must be allowed great credit for the manliness of the opinions he avowed, while the confidence with which he asserted them produced a great impression in his favour. Sir Robert asked Mr. Salt- " Will you state whether I correctly understood you as saying that national paper should be issued ad libitum till the period when prices were remunerative, and every industrious able-bodied man found full employment?" Mr. Salt's answer was, 'Certainly." Sir Robert was afraid of taking this answer, and, in order that there might be no mistake, he said to the witness—" Do I correctly state your views when I state that you would propose that national paper should be issued without limit, or without any reference to any metallic standard of value, until that period should have arrived when the prices generally should give to every able-bodied industrious man full employment?" Mr. Salt's reply was, "You correctly understand me." Sir Robert was ashamed of his friend Mr. Spooner for being ashamed of his friend Mr. Salt. With regard to the motion before the House, it did not engage the House to alter the law, but to take it into serious consideration. It should be remembered that the House did not stand high at this moment in respect to the practical adoption of great reforms. ("Hear, hear!") In short, it had already shown greater taste for discussion than for practical activity. "We are now arrived at the 22d of August, not having made much progress with practical measures—. not, in fact, having fulfilled our indispensable engagements; and yet we are asked to draw a bill at six months on the next session. And under what circumstances is the House asked to give the pledge ? I was one of those that my right hon- ourable friend referred to as having retired from active service: I attended, how- ever, last Tuesday, in order to be present at the discussion. My right honourable friend says that there is an intense anxiety throughout the country on the subject of that motion: why, last Tuesday I found thirty-five Members present at the time my right honourable friend should have brought on his motion ; tonight I returned, and there were only forty-two Members present when an honourable Member moved that the House be counted. Is it likely that any recommendation of a House that shows so little of that intense anxiety which my right honourable friend referred to will have much weight with the country? My right honourable friend, indeed, in- dulges in figurative language, and says that the House, a wounded snake, drags its slow length along: Now, if that be so, let us not give ourselves the airs of a boa constrictor; and above all, let us not finish the session by making the remainder of the quotation applicable—' A needless Alexandrine ends the song.'" (Great laughter.) Notwithstanding his objection as to time, Sir Robert would be very unwilling to stifle discussion. When the time for discussion should come, he would maintain to the utmost of his power the policy of keeping in force the restrictive clauses of the act of 1844. He believed those clauses prevented in April last the superad- dition of political panic to commercial pressure- and that they prevented the Bank from persevering from April to June in extending their securities, as they did from January to April. It would be the greatest calamity that could befall the country, to believe that in time of _pressure the evil should be mitigated by relaxing the restrictions in question. It is safer for the country, and better for the monetary interest, to reserve the discretionary power in the hands of Go- vernment, to be exercised according to the emergency and the nature and charac- ter of the pressure, than to give the Bank a power to relax only under .given cir- cumstances. The Government must act under an absolute necessity as they deem advisable rather than attempt to provide by law a discretionary power to be vested in a certain body. Casualties happen in the course of nature, in mechanism, and in everything else; and you may take precautions against ordinary dangers, bat do not exclude the possibility of some circumstances occurring which render it impossible for those regulations to be acted upon. I will refer, for example, to a circumstance that occurred the other day. An officer went to a railway station having in charge Mr. Smith O'Brien; he told the person in charge of the train that he wanted to proceed to Dublin; the man told him that his directions from those placed over him was to go to Limerick, and therefore that he would not go to Dublin as directed; the officer produced a pistol and threatened to blow his brains out if he did not proceed to Dublin. Now, suppose that officer had done So—he would be indemnified for the act if it were shown that the necessity for so acting had arisen; but you would not think of passing a law to provide that an _officer, an adequate case of necessity arising, shall be at liberty to blow a man's brains out. You calculate: for the usual operations of machinery, but you don't Provide for explosions. Do not, then, attempt to make a law calculated to meet a eanic, or attempt to provide for a panic by legislation."

Mr. Mcirrz commented briefly on the speeches of Sir Charles Wood and Sir Robert Peel. If the act of 1844 did not increase theist° distress, why was it relaxed ? If it did, why is it maintained ? Worse panic and greater misery have yet to come. The people willj suffer more; and then they will have no second tampering with this law.

Mr. Hume had always believed the Committee would give a verdict against the evidence; its object having been only to whitewash those who had a hand in the act of 1844.

He thought the report of the Lords' Committee an honest one, though some of its recommendations were past his understanding. He would not leave the com- mercial affairs of this country to the discretion of any one man: a time might come when that man might be a fool. The act of 1845 had been thrust down the throats of Scotchmen at the end of a session; and no one could read the Scotch evidence and not acknowledge the mischief that the bill had done. Both bills must be reconsidered; and he therefore concurred in the motion.

Mr. 'JEMMIES rose to shorten the debate. He had shown the House that the Commons' report was not in conformity with the evidence; and having attained his end by drawing attention to the subject, he would not trouble the House to divide.

The motion was accordingly negatived without a division.

FRANCHISE LAW: PAYMENT OF RATES.

In the House of Lords, on Monday, Lord BEAUMONT moved the third reading of the Parliamentary Electors Bill.

Lord REDESDALE opposed the bill; for his objections to it had not been removed in Committee.

The measure had been carried only by a majority of 4 in the other House;' it involved a material alteration of the Reform Act, which, it was admitted, ou&ht not to be lightly touched; and it had come up at too late a period of the session to be fully discussed: on these grounds, he moved that the bill be read a third time this day six months. On a division the amendment was negatived, by 31 to 28, and the bill was read a third time. On the motion of Lord BEAUMONT, an alteration was made: instead of requiring that all rates due on the previous July should have been paid in October, the bill was made to require that all rates due on the 5th of January should have been paid. The bill was then passed.

CORRUPT PRACTICES AT ELECTIONS.

On Monday, the Corrupt Practices at Elections Bill was brought up from the Commons, and a conversation arose on the motion that it be read a first time.

Lord REDESDALE opposed this step, and moved the reading of the 24th Standing Order, which declares that the late period of a session shall not be made an excuse for hurrying bills forward.

The order was read from the table; but the LORD CHANCELLOR decided it to be inapplicable to the present case. Lord BROUGILLM said that no one branch of the Legislature could dis- franchise any borough, or suspend its right to send Members to Parliament. The borough ought to be represented pending any inquiry. Earl GREY admitted it would be desirable to postpone the bill till next session, if it could be resumed then as left by the other House; but if it were now put off it would be lost altogether. As to the suspending of writs by the other House, it was nothing novel: Lord Brougham himself had voted the suspending of the East Retford writ for two years.

Lord BROUGHAM said, he complained only of the practice becoming general. The Dike of WELLINGTON advised the House to possess itself of the object of the bill, by reading it a first time. As far as he was informed, it would establish a new jurisdiction, and deprive the Peers of their power of inquiring into cases. Whether so or not, the matter was of great import- ance, and ought not to be pressed forward without due consideration.

The bill was read a first time.

On Thursday, the LORD CHANCELLOR moved the second reading of the bill; with a statement in support of it. Lord REDESDALE should not object to affirming the general principle that it is desirable to inquire into corrupt practices at elections; but he objected to the arbitrary powers which the bill would confer on the Com- missioner under it. In deference to the House of Commons, he would not oppose the second reading; baton the motion for going into Committee, he should move a resolution declaring it inexpedient to proceed without more deliberate consideration than was possible "at so late a period of the ses- sion," and promising the serious consideration of the Lords to any bill which might be brought before them next session; due time being allowed to consider its provisions. The Marquis of LANSDOWNE supported the bill, but concurred in the course suggested by Lord Redesdale.

He did think it most desirable, if it could be done consistently with a respectful feeling towards the House of Commons, that more ample time should be afforded to their Lordships to consider the measure, both in principle and in detail; and there- fore he most readily acceded to the suggestion which had been made by the noble Lord. He was convinced that, if his noble and learned friend pressed the second reading of the bill, he would do it only in the way of requiring the assent of their Lordships to the principle, in the limited sense that it is expedient, at all events, to provide a more effectual remedy than that which now exists for preventing corrupt practices at elections. The bill was read a second time accordingly.

IRISH NATIONAL SCHOOLS.

On Monday, Mr. G. A. HAMILTON, as an amendment to the order of the day for going into Committee of Supply, moved an address praying her Majesty to direct a modification of the present system of National Education in Ireland, so as to remove the conscientious objections of a very large pro- portion of the clergy and laity of the Establishment; or otherwise, that means may be taken to enable Protestant clergy to extend the blessings of Scriptural education in Ireland.

In support of his motion, Mr. Hamilton referred to a petition signed by 1,600 out of 2,000 of the clergy against the present system. He thought the clergy and laity of the Establishment in Ireland were entitled to a separate grant for Church Education, if the present system was to be still adhered to.

Mr. Hamilton complained of the stigma thrown on a part of the clergy by the present Government, and accused the Lord-Lieutenant of using his Church patronage for political objects. He had himself seen letters from the private Se- of the Lord-Lieutenant to gentlemen asking for their opinion on the sub- ject national education, and intimating that any Government provision must be contingent upon their opinion on that subject. Entertaining the highest re- spect for the Lord-Lieutenant, he meet appal to the House whether such a come could be tolerated.

The motion was supported by Captain Josats, Mr. Gaocart, Sir WIL- LIAM VERNER, MT. NA.PIER, and MY. NEWDEGATE, on the grounds already often urged—the compulsory nature of the system, and Its repugnance to

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Protestant consciences; or, on the other hand, its want of a religions cha- racter. The charge of " influencing" the clergy by exclusively patronizing the advocates of the present system was also reiterated. Sir Wirt-man SonwaviLLE admitted that a large body of the Established clergy opposed the present system; but he thought that was the greatest mistake they ever made.

Many eminent men are relinquishing their opposition; and some of the warmest opponents have become the warmest advocates of the National Schools: indeed, a vast number of clergymen have changed their opinions, and the change makes progress year by year. Considering the state of Ireland—considering the pro- gress made in the establishment of schools—considering the support given to the Present system by a large portion of the population—considering, as he firmly be- lieved, that the jprejudices which existed against that system even on the part of Protestants and Protestant clergymen are fast disappearing—Sir William hoped the House would uphold the system as it is now established.

Mr. Oseortwe made an observation on the outcry about the Govern- ment's restricting its patronage to clergymen who support the National School system. The truth, however, is, that the clergy are much more afraid of be'ng perse- cuted by their own Bishops than of being excluded from Government patronage. In the diocese of Cashel, over which the Bishop of Waterford exercises ecclesi- astical sway, the Government hold the patronage of three small livings only, while the Bishop holds the patronage of thirty-four large livings, and in no instance has he given a presentation to any clergyman who supports the national system. Not content even with the choice which Ireland afforded, the Bishop imported three clergymen from England, one of them being the Under-Secretary of a Pro- testant Association which held its meetings in Exeter Hall, and the two others being persons of high repine in connexion with the same views. The Bishop of Fern holds forty-four livings, and the Crown holds only one. In no instance has the Bishop been known to collate a clergyman who entertained friendly opinions as to the National system. Mr. Osborne thought there was but one sound system of national education,—namely, that in which the Protestant, the Roman Catho-' lie, and the Presbyterian, could be educated together.

Lord Joins RUSSELL admitted that Mr. Napier had correctly ascribed to him the opinion that the Kildare Street system was the best. Lord John continued.

"I am still of opinion, that in a Protestant country, where the great majority of the people are Protestants, it is best to found the teaching in these schools on the Bible. But the Church of England clergy are not agreed even on that; and many of them say that it is necessary to add to the Bible the Catechism and the teachings of the Church. This latter plan, however, would exclude Protestant Dissenters in this country; and I dissent from it, as I do from that of the honourable and learned gentleman, which, if adopted in Ireland, would exclude Roman Catholics. I am for the most comprehensive plan. In my opinion, that is the best teaching which can be given to the greatest number; and I am in favour of that system which extends to the number nearest the whole of the community. I am for the principle which will do the most good, and act the most fairly to- Wards the great majority of the people." A charge had been made upon the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, that he inva- riably bestowed the Church patronage of the Crown upon those who were in fa- vour of the National system of education: but the great bulk of the patronage of the Church of Ireland is in the hands of the Bishops, who are opposed to that system; and, as the clergymen who support the mixed system have no chance whatever of promotion from the Bishops, it is no wonder that the Crown should favour those who have no other chance; though, no doubt, it would be wrong to exclude a learned and pions divine only because he could not conscientiously sup- port this system. "For my part, I think that a system which for sixteen years has steadily and greatly increased in its efficiency—a system set on foot by Lord Stanley, and continued and carried on by the subsequent Governments of Earl Grey Lord Melbourne, and Sir Robert Peel—a system which tends to unite Pro- testants and Roman Catholics, and which, were it not for the unfortunate preju- dices of the clergy, would still more unite them—is one which is well worthy the continued and hearty support of the House and of the country." (Loud cheers.) The other speakers against the motion were Mr. Setanatax CRAWFORD and Mr. J. REYNOLDS.

The House divided, and the amendment was negatived, by 118 to 15.

IRISH RELIEF NEXT WINTER.

In Committee of Supply, on Wednesday, on the vote for the Commis- sariat department in connexion with Irish distress, Lord Joni.; RUSSELL made some statements of interest on the changes now proceeding in Ire- land; and on the question of crops, and the possible course of Parliament next winter.

The honourable Member for Stroud thought that there ought to be no vote at but he did not consider the immense changes going on in Ireland, affecting both the landlords and the people of Ireland. Parliament had within this year or two changed a burden of 400,0001. to one of upwards of 1,800,0001- Another change was this—that corn and grain were now more cultivated by the people of Ireland, and the cultivation was not so much carried on by cottiers as by farmers. Lord John thought it was our duty to aid and assist in this important transition, and that it was not wasting the money of this country in assisting the unions to make head against the burden cast upon them. There were great complaints that the Poor-law in Ireland had cast a great additional burden upon the land- lords; but they had borne it with a degree of readiness which did them credit. With regard to the future, Lord John should not, at that time of the night, enter into a discussion upon that subject; but he thought it would not be a wise course to lay down any system or plan, when we did not know the actual extent of the potato cultivation—whether there had been an increased cultivation of potatoes, and what the amount of failure would be, or how much the crop would turn out this year compared with last year's and the probable amount of destitu- tion; and not knowing what course it would be fit to adopt, it would be very imprudent to lay down any particular plats for the future. But this be would say, that, without losing sight of economy, if the extent of the calamity should prove serious, it would be the duty of her Majesty's Government to reassemble Parliament and submit some measure of remedy.

DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH Rows.

The House of Commons spent a considerable time on Thursday, first at the early sitting and afterwards at night, in a desultory debate on the motion to go into Committee on the Diplomatic Relations with Rome Bill.

Mr. ANSTEY, in spite of a reminder by Lord John Russell that he had spoken at considerable length on the principle of the bill, proceeded to reiterate his objections; and moved that the House go into Committee on that day three mouths. Among others, Sir Jonw TYBELL supported the amendment, in a speech full of oddities. It was a popular notion, he said, that the session was protracted by the long speeches of Mr. Anstey; and also that Lord John Russell had no serious objection to a prolonged session, since he had a very comfortable residence at Richmond. Sir john read a letter by a gentleman who was yachting on the coast of Ireland, and who described the terrible state of the country. This gentleman, Major Pipon, bad been defending a Protestant family, the father of which had "made a bolt" from his castle, under threat of "annihilation." "But the proclamations having cowed the people, our friend," said the writer, "has returned, and is

determined to fight to the last should he be attacked. We have helped him with arms, and he is now quite plucky." (Laughter.) Major Pipon thought the vags. bond priests ought to be exterminated, as there is not a doubt but that in many cases they urge the people on, and, now they are frightened, pretend to try to quiet them."

Lord JOHN RUSSELL found it difficult to understand Mr. Anstey's Mo. tives; and Sir John Tyrell's were still more unintelligible.

Sir John, because he was not present at the second reading, expected to have the debate all over again; and Mr. Anstey insisted upon repeating his speech, be_ cause he had before obtained neither attention nor answer. " When the honour. able gentleman made a speech the other day, I listened belt for some time; but though undoubtedly there were arguments, I was not in possession of the che- mical test which would detect the solid matter in such a quantity of fluid. (Laughter.) I was not able to find exactly where the solid argument was; ails therefore, although I heard a considerable part of his speech, and although I took part in the discussion afterwards, and replied to the arguments of the honourable Member for Oxford and others, I felt myself incapable of replying to the area. ment of the honourable gentleman. And I do not propose to reply to it now, le- cause I find myself nearly in the same situation." (Laughter.)

One reason given by Mr. Anstey was, that Lord Palmerston had made a speech which was remarkable for brevity. " Why, I think, in these times, a Member who makes a speech which is remarkable for its brevity ought to be held up as a model. Members who have entered the House in this Parliament for the first time should be told, Look at that gentleman; endeavour to do something of the same kind.'" On a division, Mr. Anstey's amendment was negatived, by 73 to 28; and the original motion was carried. Resumed in the evening, the debate turned more pertinently on the sub- ject of Papal authority in this Protestant country, and the expediency of intercourse between our Government and gm Pope. It proceeded without the slightest novelty of argument, until Mis GORING moved that it be ad- journed, as he wished the House to proceed with the Spirits Bill and the Copper-duties Bill. The motion was negatived, by 103 to 32 ; and, after similar amendment and division, the House went into Committee. Some hostile but small amendments were moved, without materially altering the bill; and at nearly two o'clock in the morning, on the motion of Lord Jonw RUSSELL, the Chairman reported progress.

SLAVE-TRADE.

In the House of Lords, on Tuesday, Lord DENMAN moved an address to the Queen, praying " That her Majesty will be graciously pleased to give directions for the en- forcement of all treaties with foreign powers for the extinction of the slave-trade on the coast of Africa, and for the prosecution of all British subjects directly or indirectly concerned in violating the laws against that crime; and that her Ma- jesty will be graciously pleased to take into her serious consideration the expe- diency of concerting measures with her allies for declaring slave-trading piracy, with a punishment less severe than that now incurred according to the laws of nations for that crime."

Lord Denman regarded the proceedings of the late Committee of the House of Commons on this subject as something ominous: there was a preconceived opinion in favour of the course of leaving the slave-trade free to any one that chose to deal in it. He combated the two propositions, that the slave-trade could not be put down, and that our squadron does more harm than good by increasing the cruelty of the traffic. In different places where the exportation had been from one to twelve thousand, the trade has been entirely put down. In many parts of the coast the traffic in slaves has been quite abandoned, while it has not increased in others. In 1843 many of the slave-dealers had left the coast to engage in other pursuits; for it was then thought that the British Government were in earnest in their at- tempts to put down the slave-trade; but subsequently a report was carried out to the coast of Africa that the House of Commons had rebelled against the Queen— that Lord Palmerston had been sacrificed to the popular clamour, and the slave- trade had been revived. (A laugh.%) This report gained prevalence, and the in- famous trade no doubt obtained a slight stimulus in consequence of it: but Lord Denman was convinced that if more vigorous measures had been adopted this dreadful and unrighteous traffic would have been extinct ere this. He commented on the evidence of Mr. Cliffe, and expressed his astonishment at the calling of such a witness. [Ur. Cliffe is an American surgeon naturalized in Brazil, who formerly dealt in slaves, but abandoned the traffic on account of its mortality.] He would as soon have called Jack Sheppard on the best mode of patting an end to robbery and murder as Mr. Cliffe on putting down the slave-trade. He entreated the House not to be led away by partial statements of the evidence: attempts were made to prejudice the public by calling attention to portions of it only; let them wait for a digest of the whole and he was confident it would prove that this accursed traffic could be suppressed, and that the African squadron had done much to effect so good an object.

The Marquis of Lawsoowain moved "the previous question"; because it might be inferred from the terms of the motion that there had been a re- missness in carrying out the existing treaties on the subject of the slave- trade. If one man more than another had shown himself to be a constant and firm sup- porter of existing treaties for the suppression of the slave-trade, it was his noble friend the Secretary for Foreign Affairs; and he thought it must be admitted that he had left no means untried to give effect to the treaties with a view to put an end to this wicked traffic. To make the slave-trade piracy, with a modification of the punishment attached to that crime, would be perhaps the best means of patting an end to it. Lord Lansdowne was not prepared to pronounce an opinion on the subject twenty-four hears only after the publication of the evidence before the Committee of the other House on the subject; but he hoped the time would never come when any coun- tenance would be given, directly or indirectly, to the statement that it was the in- tention of the present Government to abandon their determination to put down a traffic which had been the curse of the world, and at one time a stigma on our national character. Lord BROUGHAM was sure no one could read the evidence without per- ceiving that the witnesses had been marshalled and examined with a view to support a foregone conclusion—the conclusion which was enunciated in the Committee's report. Ever since 1811, the slave-trade has been felony; and he could not but regret, as an instance of the evil arising from the misapplication of words, that the slave- trade had not been called all along by its right name, that of "felony" and "man- stealing." Lord Brougham grew warm on mentioning the name of Mr. Cliffe; who, he said, had in effect declared, "I am a felon and a murderer, and ought to have been hanged by the laws of my own country long ago." Such a man had been the darling and cherished witness of a Committee of one House of Parlia- ment; who, instead of sending him for his trial, professed tenderness for his repu- tation, and allowed his evidence to outweigh that of a Captain in her Majesty's Navy. The previous question" was carried, without division.

HUDSON'S BAY COMPANY: VANCOUVER'S ISLAND.

In answer to a question by Mr. HUME, on Monday, Lord Jonw RUSSELL said it was intended to accompany the grant of Vancouver's Island to the

Hudson's Bay Company with certain conditions which would make it im- perative upon the Company to do all in their power to promote colonization. If the Company should accept the grant upon those conditions, his noble friend at the head of the Colonial Department intended to lay all the papers connected with the subject before the Committee of the Privy Council, and it would depend on the recommendation of that Committee whether the grant should be concluded or not. It was not the intention of the Government to send out a commission of inquiry to Hudson's Bay; because that would delay the (*ionization project for two years, besides being a source of expense.

Mr. Hume did not wish the Government to send out a commission of inquiry: all he desired was, that Parliament should have time to consider this subject before the Government came to an irrevocable decision upon it.

Mr. GLADSTONE thought Lord John Russell's statement most unsatis- factory. It appeared that the Government was prepared to confirm the grant of Van- couver's Island to the Hudson's Bay Company, irrespectively of the charge now pending against that Company of having exercised illegal and despotic authority over her Majesty's subjects. The fundamental unfitness of the Hudson's Bay Company for the work of colonization had been demonstrated; and, whatever in- structions might be imposed upon them for the purpose of preventing positive abuses, it would be as impossible to infuse the active powers necessary for coloni- zation into the Company as it would be into a corpse. (" Hear!")

Lord Jonx RUSSELL added a further explanation-

The inquiry which the Secretary for the Colonies had directed to be made into the conduct of the Hudson's Bay Company, before any discussion on this subject took place, would proceed; but the Government did not intend to await the result of that inquiry before confirming the grant of Vancouver's Island to the Com- pany. Both he and the Secretary for the Colonies were of opinion that Van- couver's Island was not likely to be colonized for a great many years by any other means than through the instrumentality of the Hudson's Bay Company. The subject was introduced to the Peers on Thursday, by Lord MONT- EAGLE, with a motion for papers.

He described the political value of Vancouver's Island, from its geographical position, and its being the only site for coal between the Russian settlements and the Isthmus of Panama. He examined the terms of the draft charter, and showed that it contained no guarantee for any real colonization of the island by the Com- pany.. He objected to the gratuitous nature of the grant. He described the Com- panyas being, by the nature of its trade and objects, unfit for the function of co- lonizing or governing.

Earl GnEr defended the grant, much as his colleagues had done in the other House.

He declared that it was necessary to colonize the island forthwith, lest it should be irregularly settled from the American continent, and practically pass from the possession of the British Crown: the people that threaten to invade it are the sect of Mormonites, who have been expelled from their settlement Lord Grey en- deavoured to reconcile his advocacy of the present grant with his former opinions in favour of disposing of Colonial lands by sale rather than grant; likening it to the grant of 1,000,000 acres made to the New Zealand Company to parcel out among settlers. The government of the new colony would be provided for in the usual form-a commission from the Crown appointing a Governor, a Legislative Commit appointed by the Crown, and a Legislative Assembly elected by the people. The land is given to the Company only as trustees for the public; and ample security is taken for the fulfilment of the conditions, in the power of re- vocation reserved to the Crown-at the end of five years on breach of the condi- tions, or at the end of eleven years by payment to the value of outlay and im- provements, at the pleasure of the Crown. Lord Grey defended the rule of the Company in their territories, as supplying a very severe police, which would be impracticable to the Crown from its expense, and so conducing to order and civilization.

Lord Monteagle's motion for papers was unopposed.

Taw SUGAR-DUTIES Bus. was passed by the House of Commons on Monday. Lord GEORGE BE/MINCH moved a resolution in favour of refining in bond. This Was opposed by Sir CHARLES WOOD, on the grounds before alleged, of injury, to the revenue from any partial measuret and of his own inability at present to de- vise any general measure. On a division, Lord George was defeated, by 70 to 40. 14Ed GEORGE BENTINCK also moved his arithmetically corrected scales of duties. SiI CHARLFAIVOOD said he believed his own figures were right and Lord George's wrong; but he would not trouble the House with the details. Two divisions were taken: Lord George's first scale was rejected by 80 to 63, and his second by 81 to 65. The bill then passed.

A NEW Warr was ordered for Derby, on Thursday, without debate.

Tom CHELTENHAM ELECTION COMMITTEE reported, On Thursday, that the election in June last was a void election; that the Honourable Craven Fitzhard- Inge Berkeley had been pronounced guilty of treating at the election in July 1847, and was therefore incapable of sitting for that borough; and that his agents had bribed an elector at the last election, but Mr. Berkeley was not cognizant of the bribery.

FOURTH REPORT OF THE SELECT COMMITTEE ON THE SLAVE-TRADE. The Select Committee appointed to consider the best means which Great Britain can adopt for providing for the final extinction of the Slave-trade, and who were empowered to report the Minutes of Evidence taken before them, from time to time, to the House, and also their opinion thereupon, have further considered the matters to them referred, and have agreed to the following Resolutions-

1. That it appears by evidence laid before this Committee, that the state of the African Slave-trade with relation to America at the undermentioned periods, was, as far as can be ascertained, as follows. lie. I.-Memoranda of the Number of Slaves computed to have been Exported and Im- ported Westward from Afrioz, from 1788 to 1840.

1 Amount of Slaves Exported. Average La- . ,..• .

sualties du- 2 2 5 2 g's lb at-Ls..g 2.

. 2 4 m t 14 ring Voyage. t 7 c..., Imported into other Date. 2126 .5 ' tc.i (east Countries. 1 Total Amount of Slaves Imported. 1 Loss by Casualties (again stated.) Total first.) !4-t. i, Te511,1 Aver- age from m1640. 165,800 - per et.

- ' 1798 to 1805. 85,000 14 12,000 15,000 20,000 38.000 73,000 12,000 85,000 1805 to 1810. 85,000 14 120000 15,000 25,000 33,000 73,000 12,000 85,000 1610 to 1815. 93,000 14 13,000 30,000 30,000 20,000 87,000 13,000 93,000 1815 to 1817. 106,600 25 26,600 32,000 31,000 17,000 80,0(0 26,600 106,600 1817 to 1819. 106,600 25 26,600 34,000 34,000 12.000 80,000 26,600 106,600 1819 to 1825. 103,000 25 25,800 39,000 37,000 1,200 77,200 25,800 103,000 1825 to1830. 125,000 25 31.000 40,000 50,000 4,000 94,000 31,000 125,000 lin „10 1535. 78,500 25 19,600 40,000 15,000 3,e0e 58,900 19,600 78,500 In 1788. 100,000 14 14,000 25,000 18,000 44,000 86,000 14,000 100,000 ptured by Cruisers 95 33 900 29.000 65,000 7,900 101.900 1.3,900 135,1100 ,

.sje snalisers 4.tsttact,

No. Lt.-Memoranda of the Number of Slaves computed to have been annually Bcported and Imported Westward from Africa, from 1840 to 1848.

Amount of Slaves Exported. Average Ca

sullies du- S

Date.4 / i (u at Slaves Imported Into Spanish Colonies.

2):11

ring Voyage. Is . Total

'Oa .e.,1 tint.)

I

Captured by Cruisers.

I Total Amount of Slaves Imported. Loss by Casualties I (again stated.)

o 0

.4 E P. Amount.

per et.

1840 64,114 25 16,068 14,470 30,000 3,616 48,086 16,028 64,114 1841 45,097 25 11,274 11,857 16,000 5,96633,823 11,274 45,097 1842 28,400 25 7,100 3,150 14,200 3,950 21,300 7,100 28,400 1643 55,062 25 13,165 8,000 30,500 2,797 41,297 13,765 55,062 1844 54,102 25 13,525 10,000 26,000 4,577 40,577 13,525 54,102 1845 36,758 25 9,189 1,350 22,700 3,519 27,569 9,189 36,758 1846 76,117 25 19,029 1,700 52,600 2,788 57,088 19,029 76,117 1847 84,356 25 21,089 1,500 57,800 3,967 63,267 21,089 84,356

orelgn 086cc Reports, and BandlneTa Abstract.

2. That during the progress of the present year the Slave-trade has been in a state of unusual vigour and activity.*

3. That from the end of the year 1845, down to the present period, the strength and efficiency of the British Preventive Squadron have been raised to a point never before attained, and that squadron has been supported by the squadrons of France and the United States, according to treaties. 4. That the total number of Negroes liberated by British cruisers in the years 1846 and 1847 scarcely exceeded 4 per cent of the slaves carried off from Africa in those years, as estimated according to the table affixed to the first resolution.

5. That during the years 1846 and 1847, and during the progress of the pre:- sent year, the price of slaves in Brazil has experienced a progressive and very considerable decline.

6. That the actual direct expenditure connected with the suppression of the Slave-trade appears at present to be not less than 650,0001. per annum, without taking into account, on the one hand, the share of establishments and charges for the non-effective service which may belong to this portion of the active service, nor, on the other, the question of what proportion of the naval force it may be ne- cessary

to maintain for the protection of commerce. 7. That the African Slave-trade of Brazil has been attended with very large profit; and that it is now conducted with an amount of organization, and with a degree of confidence in the success of its adventures, such as have never been be- fore opposed to the efforts of the nations engaged in suppressing it. 8. That the extent and activity of the African Slave-trade, though in some degree affected by foreign interference, and at times restrained by the exertions of the Governments of Cuba and Brazil, have been mainly governed by the demand for the products of slave-labour in the markets of Europe.t

9. That the admission of slave-grown sugar to consumption in this country has tended, by greatly increasing the demand for that description of produce, so to stimulate the African Slave-trade as to render an effectual check more difficult of attainment than at any former period. 10. That the sufferings and mortality of slaves in the barracoons and in the middle passage are appalling to humanity, and the intensity of the sufferings and the amount of the mortality are unexampled in the history of the Slave-trade. 11. That in the uncertainty under which the Committee labour whether any recommendations which they might make would be accepted by the Government and Parliament, they have not thought it advisable to take into consideration at this late period of the session an alteration of the policy heretofore pursued for the suppression of the Slave-trade. The Committee have been induced to adopt this course from a wish not to weaken or embarrass the Executive Government during the recess; but they cannot conclude without urging upon the immediate atten- tion of the Government the difficulties and embarrassments which attach to the present position of the subject.

12. l'hat the Committee is of opinion that it is expedient that this Committee should be reappointed at the commencement of the next session of Parliament- 10th August 1848.

* It was the wish of the Committee that a resolution should have been reported ex- hibiting the number of Slave-vessels which have been captured in any part of the world since 1839; but, from the impossibility of obtaining the necessary information without a considerable delay, such resolution does not appear.

t Comparative Statement of the extent of the Slave-trade at different periods,from Mr. BandineTs Table, and of the prices of ordinary Havanna Sugar, as given in Par- liamentary Return No. 400, Session 1848.

Date. Rise. Fall. Slaves Price of in in

per Cwt. Exported' trade trade Average Amount el Increase Decrease

Sugar Slave- Slave-

S. d.

1820 to 1825 .. 31 0 .... .... 103,000

i 825 to 1830 .. 34 6 9 per cent .... 125,000 21 per cent

1830 to 1835 .. 24 8 .... 29 per cent 78,000 • . • • 37 per cent

1835 to 1840... 29 3 19 per cent .... 135,000 73 per cent

1840 25 4 .... 13 per cent 64,114 . • .. 53 per cent

1841 to 1844.. • 21 1 .... 17 per cent 45,665 .... 29 per cent

,845 to 1847 25 7 88 per cent .... 65.743 44 per cent