The Spectator believes in and supports Federalism for the Empire
because we wish to draw the States that compose the Empire closer together. We do not believe in Federalism for the United Kingdom because we think that the Central State of the Empire must be strong, secure, and homogeneous, and that this condition Cannot be obtained by a fissiparous political policy or by a return to the Heptarchy. If we establish domestic Federalism in the now United Kingdom, the Federal system will be spoiled because one of the component States will constitute far too large a proportion of the whole. If we split up England into Wessex, East Anglia, Mercia, and Northumbria, we shall violate what from time immemorial has been one of the greatest of our political assets—the solidarity of England.
Still, if the fascination of the word is so great, and if a majority of our politicians, led by the great Spellbinder, are determined to try the new patent medicine, at any rate let us be cautious in its application. . We suggest that those who, like ourselves, dread Federalism where it means not uniting but rending asunder, but who of course must loyally bow to the will of the majority when that will is properly expressed, should, prior to the introduction of the Home Rule Bill, obtain the assent of Parliament to certain general clear propositions laid down in the form of Resolutions. They might well be as follows :— (1) That the areas chosen for the erection of State Legis- latures and Executives shall be areas in which the follow- ing characteristics prevail for the majority of the population : (a) Homogeneity in regard to Religion. (b) Homogeneity in regard to Racial Origin. (c) Homo- geneity in regard to Social and Political Ideals. (d) Homogeneity in regard to Commercial and Industrial Configuration. (2) That any system of Federalism applied to one part. of the United Kingdom must, as regards Financial, Legislative, Executive, and Administrative powers, be exactly applicable to every other portion of the intended Federation, as in the cases of the United States, the Swiss Confederation, and our Dominion Federations.
(3) That the Federal Constitution before its final adoption be submitted for endorsement or rejection to a Poll of the Whole People of the United Kingdom.
Surely Parliament cannot dissent from propositions so perfectly sound and reasonable. If our Neo-Federalists are willing to adopt such Resolutions, we can assure them that their path towards establishing the Federal system will be greatly facilitated. For ourselves, for example, though we should have many doubts and hesitations, we should not think it right to oppose a scheme in which the will of the majority was so carefully protected. Here, as in all cases which do not involve slavery, or some unbearable tyranny or moral turpitude, we consider that it is the absolute and essential duty of the good citizen to bow loyally to the will of the majority, and to be content with his remedy—i.e., the right to convert his fellows if he can. What we will not bow to is the strangling of the nation at the will of a minority, and especially of a minority which is hostile to the body politic as a whole, and does not desire its welfare, but actively desires its destruction.
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