NEWS OF THE WEEK.
GOVERNMENT has anticipated the discussion of the House of Com- mons on the question of confidence, by mooting the question of confidence in itself, with an important modification as the result. The'original composition of the Aberdeen Cabinet is broken up, by the abrupt secession of Lord John Russell.
. The regular session commenced on Tuesday, without any prog- nostic: of the disruption. It had been supposed that on that even- ing: the Opposition might come forward with a vote of censure; but the orkamzed Opposition desisted, rather, we believe, from the sense of its own want of power than from any distinct know- ledge of what was going forward. On the first evening there were several notices of measures connected with the Health department, with Public Education, the Law of Partnership, and Savings-banks ; and several notices of motion in both Houses tending to bring the conduct of the war under critical review. The chief of these were, one by Lord Ellenborough in the House of Lords, which would have turned dismission upon the state of the Army in the Crimea, and one by Mr. Roebuck for inquiry into the administration of the war. The main interest turned upon these two, and especially upon the latter ; both of which were set down for Thursday. Wed- nesday passed over with a very brief sitting and a perfect meagre- ness of proceedings in the House of Commons. Thursday came, but Parliament met only to learn that Lord John Russell had resigned ; that Lord Aberdeen was with the Queen ; and that ex- planations would be givenbythe retiring Lord President of the Council on the following evening. Mr. Roebuck deferred his mo- tion; • Lord Ellenborough's was withdrawn.
Astonishment was the first feeling; but on reflection it was ob- served that Lord John's conduct had not been without precedent or preparation. It appears that he addressed a letter on Tues- day to Lord Aberdeen, intimating that he could not resist Mr. Roebuck's motion. Lord John's moral right to leave the Cabinet at such a time is open to grave question ; there can be no ques- tion as to the abruptness of his act. This set people reflecting on 4is anteoedents in such matters. It has before now been too apparent that Lord John was actuated by an uneasy ambition, which rendered him restless in the seat which his patriotism suf- ficed to make him take on the formation of the Coalition Minis- try, but has not sufficed to make him retain. So long. ago as the Strutt affair, last summer, he disturbed the Ministry in order to a needless and bootless shifting of seats. In his new move he was probably not unstistained by some kind of support amongst his personal adherents. There had long been signs that Govern- ment was not perfectly sound and coherent in all its parts. Spiteful grumblings have made themselves anflible amongst the subordi- nates—angry agitations of the Whig " tail," and mutinous hints of hostility to the " Peelite section." But it was affirmed that these dissensions did not really exist within the Cabinet, and would not he permitted to impair its strength. If discontent disturbed the minds of other members of the Cabinet, they have known how to moderate their personal feelings. Lord John' with all his reputed coldness and caution, has not been in the habit of keeping his personal impulses under control. When he last left office his resignation took his colleagues, as well as the publio and the Queen, by surprise. The event of the present week shows that it Was not safe to reckon upon him as a colleague. To break up the Ministry, at the present time, was to run the greatest risk not oul of disturbin the foreign relations of
this country, not only of weakening us before our enemy and dis- Europe ' at laus • since a structural change in our own Govern- ment might Wattended by still larger and worse changes in other countries—in Prance, for example. The brighest hopes were dawning for the future of Austria, and Lord John risked the exist- ence of one Government in the alliance that promoted that pro- mising future. He could not face the accusation that we have a disorganized army in the Crimea; but he did not scruple to pre- sent the country before the world with a disorganized Cabinet. Of course he has a case, and that was ready-made to his hand by the newspapers. He was shocked at the mortality and help-
lessness of our army in the Crimea; he could not deny the charge implied by Mr. Roebuck's motion, of inefficient war administration both at home and abroad : he had urged upon Lord Aberdeen a consolidation of the two War Secretaryships, to be transferred to the vigorous hands of Lord. Palmerston; and he resigned because he could not conscientiously say no to Mr. Roebuck, although he expected that the consolidation which he had proposed would be adopted. The case, thus put, is plausible in itself, but it does not apply to Lord John's action upon it. The proposal of a measure of consolidation was sound advice, but the probable success of that advice deprived Lord John of anything like a practical reason for retiring, unless the delay in its adoption exceeded his toleration.: but then, as Lord Palmerston said last night, he should have retired months ago, and not have waited until the satisfaction of his conscience wore the appearance of running away.
If the Aberdeen Cabinet is not broken up, the post of leader in.
the Houseof Commons is vacated. In the actual state of_political parties, the primary essential for any practicable Ministry is the support of the Liberal majority in the House of Oommons the choice of a leader, therefore, lay between Lord John- E.ussefl. and Lord Palmerston. Lord John Russell has settlekthe question: for himself. He retires into neutrality; self-excluded from taking, part in the business of the g.ay, he 13k-the Prussia _ofstins...0 ,tion. Lord Palmerston. ha: sometimeNeen ikruifected of nceuvering to procure a disruption of the Cabinet, possibly with an eye to promotion; but in truth he does not appear to be at all mixed up in the present imbroglio. Two or per- haps three members of the Cabinet, it was understood, felt bound to follow Lord John Russell into retirement, because they followed him into office ; but they are not supposed to share_ the responsibility of the present step, and they have not left their post. There are yet statesmen in England who know their duty, and are superior to personal considerations. This is for- tunate. Some return was demanded for the blameless conduct, the patriotism and the anxieties of the Sovereign; and on every ground it would be desirable to secure the continuance of public business with a minimum of change. At any cost, however, it would be still more desirable to have the Government made as strong as possible • at least strong enough to break through that impenetrable obstruction to the right conduct of public business which is offered by the departments. Any Ministry that occupies office, which faithfully fulfils the plain duties before it, and frankly relies on the support of the Crown and of the country, will, we are assured, not be disappointed of that support.
As to Mr. Roebuck's motion, honest inquiry for correct inform-
ation might have been granted ; but the question was not only the truth respecting the Crimea, it was also the expediency of ren- dering such a subject matter of debate; and on that the responsi- ble Ministers are justified in putting a negative. They have a right to say, Leave the conduct of military business to us, or remove us. No doubt, we have to consider Mr. Roebuck's proposal under the serious disadvantage of that lamentable illness which out short his speech at the very commencement, and thus deprived us of the reasons which he would have stated with force and clearness. But the question is virtually settled, by the course which Go- vernment has taken in adopting the consolidation of the War de- partment, with a virtual Premier at its head. The debate flagged and degenerated into that growing abuse an adjournment. But there ought to be as little doubt of the conclusion as that Monday will arrive.
