POSTSCRIPT.

SATURDAY.

The topic of absorbing interest is the Ministerial explanations in the Rouse of Commons, last night.

. The orders of the day having been postponed, on the motion of Lord Palmerston, Lord Joins RUSSELL proceeded to state the reasons that led to his resignation. Mr. Roebuck gave his notice on Tuesday. Lord John had thought it probable some such motion would be made; and felt that the course he would take could only depend on the quarter from which the motion came. Mr. Roebuck could not be supposed to be hostile to the Government; his only object could be the vigorous prosecution of the war. The inquiry he proposed could only be resisted on one of two grounds—either that existing evils did not call for an inquiry, or that means had been taken to remedy those evils. Lord John could not make the first allegation.

"No one can deny the melancholy condition of our army before Sebastopol. (Cries of "Hear, hear, hear !") The accounts which arrive from that quarter are not only painful, but they are horrible and heartrending ; and I am sure no one would oppose for a moment any measure which be thought likely, if not entirely to cure, even only to mitigate those evils. And, Sir, I must say that there is something that, with all the official knowledge to which I bad access, is to me inexplicable in the state of that army. (Cries of " Hear, hear! If you had been told, as a reason against the expedi- teen to the Crimea last year, that your troops would be seven miles from the sea—seven miles from a secure port, which at that time, in contem- plation of the expedition, we hardly hoped to possess, and that at seven miles' distance they should be in want of food, of clothes, and of shelter, to such a degree that they should perish at the rate of from 90 to 100 a day, I should have considered such a prediction as ut- terly preposterous, such an objection as fanciful and unjust. But now we are forced to confess the notoriety of that state of circumstances." Be could not give a faint "no" to the proposal for inquiry. But he would have been disposed to give the second reason ; because a Committee sitting up-stairs would be fatal to the efficiency of the military departments. But he could not conscientiously make that objection. He had concurred in the appointment of the Duke of Newcastle to the War Department : he had kept up through the autumn a constant correspondence on the war; but in November, after attending the Cabinet Council, it struck him that a better administration of the- affairs relating to the war was required. He then entered into a correspondence with Lord Aberdeen, in which he proposed that the War Department should be rearranged, and that the office of Secre- tary of State and Secretary at War should be held by the same person. "From the other point of view," he continued, in a letter dated November 17, "the prospect is equally clear. We are in the midst of a great war ; and in order to carry on that war with efficiency, either the Prime Minister must be continually urging, hastening, completing the military preparations, or the Minister of War must be strong enough to control other depart- ments. There are, of course the objections of other ministries, the plea of other interests to be attended to ; but these pleas, and a thousand others that may be advanced in justification of the separate heads of departments, must be forced to yield to the paramount necessity of carrying on the war so as to secure the efficiency of each service and the completeness of the means to the end in view. lf, therefore the first considerations I have presented lead to the conclusion that the Secretary of State and the Secretary of the War Department must be in the House of Commons, the latter considerations point to the necessity of having in that office a man who, from experience of military duties, and from inherent vigour of mind, may be expected to guide the great operations of war with authority and success. There is only one person belonging to the Government who combines in himself those ad- vantages ; and my conclusion is, that, before Parliament meets, Lord Pal- merston should be the person." (Great cheering from the Opposition.) Lord John did not throw blame on the Duke of Newcastle, who deserves great credit for what he has done, and who has not been able to do all that might have been done for want of the necessary powers of control. Lord Aberdeen said that what Lord John proposed amounted to a mere change of persons,—although Lord John did not desire that the transaction should re- ceive that interpretation. Lord Aberdeen also objected, that no man could undertake the proposed duties, and that hereafter it might be desirable that some military chief, sitting in the House of Lords, should hold the office. Lord John replied, on the 28th November, that the Cabinet is a cumbrous ma- chine for carrying on a war, and that what was wanted was a Minister of War of vigour and ability. "In answer to this, I received a letter from Lord Aberdeen, dated November 30, in which be says—' After all, I think your letter certainly reduces the question to the simple issue of the first alternative—the substitution of one man for another. In answer to my suggestion that some consideration was due to the Duke on the part of his colleagues, you say you understand that the Admin- istration was founded on the principle of doing what was best for the pub- lic service, without regard to the self-love or even the acquired position of individuals. Undoubtedly that was the case' and I feel assured you will agree with me in thinking that the Duke of Newcastle would be the last man to wish that he should be made any exception to the rule. But I must observe, that at the formation of the Government no such office as the War Department was contemplated; and when, subsequently, the Colonial and War Departments were divided, no objection was made to the choice of the War Department by the Duke of Newcastle, nor, so far as I am aware, to his administration of that department. Now, though objections made on a first appointment may be allowed to carry full weight, it is a very different thing to depose a man who has conducted the business of his department with ability and efficiency. Undoubtedly, the public service must be our first object ; but I can see no sufficient reason for such a change, which, in- deed, is forbidden by a sense of justice and good faith. On the whole, then, believing that such a change would be of doubtful advantage to the public, as well as an act of injustice and unfairness to a colleague, and thinking that all such changes which 'are not absolutely necessary only tend to weaken a Government, I must repeat that I cannot honestly assent to the proposal.'"

Lord John rejoined, that as Lord Aberdeen could not assent to the sub-

stitution, and as he himself did not wish to change the Government, he would press the matter no further. Lord Palmerston and others ot his colleagues advised him not to press the change : yet now he was told that he had acted with too much baste.

That being the case with regard to men, what could he say as to measures ?

He had given a pledge that the military department should be newly ar- ranged ; but the only change he could announce V79,0, that the Commissariat had been placed under the War Minister. No further change was men- tioned until, on Saturday last, an inefficient proposal was made in the Cabinet. He had therefore to consider, on Tuesday last, what he should do on Thursday—to ask himself whether he could fairly and honestly say, The evils are great, the sufferings such as make the heart of England throb with sympathy ; but the War Department has been consolidated, placed in a hand of vigour and efficiency ; wants will be immediately supplied, abuses in- stantly remedied.. He could not say that, especially alter what he had written to Lord Aberdeen. He should betray confidence if he had given an assurance not justified by the fact.

"Well, Sir, it appeased to me that the members of the Government could

hardly remain with such a Committee as the honourable and learned gentle- man has proposed.; 'that it would not be, I will not say dignified, but that it would not be consisteut with the practical good working of our institu- tions, that there should be a Ministry sitting on these benches and govern- ing the war, and that their military administration should be constantly overlooked and checked by a Committee sitting up-stairs ; that the Minister of War should have not only to consider what he was to do in order to pro, vide for the urgent necessities of the hour, and also to provide necessaries for the requisitions that come from day to day, but that he should also have to consider the evidence that he must furnish of his conduct five or six months ago. I therefore felt that, as I could not resist the inquiry, by giving the only answer which I thought sufficient to prevent or stop its taking place, it was my duty not to remain any longer a member of the Government. r therefore, on the 23d, wrote the following note to the Earl of Aberdeen- . " °bedlam Place, Mid January l855. " My dear Lord Aberdeen—Mr. Roebuck has given notice of a motion for a Com- mittee to inquire into the conduct of the war. I do not see how this motion is to be resisted. But, as it involves a censure upon the War Department conducted by my colleagues, my only course is to tender my resignation. I have, therefore, to request, that you will lay my humble resignation of the office which I have the honour ta hold before the Queen, with the expression of my gratitude for her Majesty's kind- ness for many years past. " I remain, my dear Lord Aberdeen, yours very truly, J. RossELL." To this letter he received no answer; but on the following evening Loni

Aberdeen informed him that he had been to Windsor, and that her Majesty had accepted his resignation. Those Ministers who could resist inquiry would be perfectly right in doing so: at the same time he must say he had heard a rumour that the seals of the War Department were to be placed in the hands of Lord Palmerston ; and he should be glad to think that his re• tirement had contributed to that change, as he thought it must have done. Having stated thus much with regard to his own position, he proposed,

as he should take no part in the debate, to go somewhat further with re- spect to the present state of public affairs. "I shall say in the first place, that I believe that all parties in this House without distinction are anxious that the war should be carried on, as the meeting at Leeds expressed it, by the most vigorous measures, until we obtain a just and honourable peace. I think that those measures which are most vigorous for the prosecution of the war, those terms of peace which are most decidedly and unequivocally just and honourable, will meet with the most favour from all parties in this House ; and I thoroughly believe that if any success attend her Majesty's arms, those who have been in opposition to Lord Aber- deen's Government will as heartily rejoice in that success as those who have supported it. This certainly gives the Government great facili- ties for carrying on the war with success. Nor do I think that the as- pect of affairs generally is such as to warrant the depression which appears to prevail in some quarters. No doubt, the accounts which we have re- ceived from our camp at Sebastopol are gloomy and disheartening; but with regard to the great object of the war in which we are engaged, I believe that our prospects are by no means gloomy. As I have been accused of hav- ing on Wormer occasion depreciated the manner and the intentions of Austria, I now wish to give every credit and importance to what that power has done.. It is in consequence of the large armaments that she has kept up, equip, ping her army to the extent of 500,000 men, intrenching and strengthening the points that were weak, and horsing a numerous force of cavalry, that the Emperor of Russia has for the first time abated much of his pretensions, that be has been induced to listen to propositions which he at once rejected last August, and that he is now willing to consider whether be will not make such .concessions as will conduce to peace. We have therefore, in a great degree owing to the admirable ability, but still more to the admirable patience, exhibited by Lord Clarendon in the nege- tiations with Austria, obtained the advantage of that power not only throw- ing her weight into the negotiations, but declaring that if peace cannot be

obtained on such terms as she shall think safe for Europe, she will act in the field with the Allies, and bring her 500,000 men in aid of the armies now employed. We have in the next place, to rely without the smallest doubt on the fidelity of our ally the Emperor of the French : nor can I have the smallest healtation in assuring the House of the confidence I feel that the two countries of England and France will continue united to the end of this great struggle. Well, Sir, with these advantages on our side, I think we may hope either that the Emperor of Russia will make those concessions which will be just and honourable for England and France and safe for

Europe, or if he should fail in making those concessions, that will be such a force of Eur perm armies collected against him that finally triumph must attend our armies. (Cheers.) I feel assured that whoever is Minister may rely, first, an the patriotic zeal and loyalty of this House ; next, on the unflinching alliance of the Emperor of the French ; and next, on the un- ffinohing allianee of the Emperor of Austria, if honourable terms of peace cannot be obtained. (Cheers.) As I have left Lord Aberdeen's Government, I cannot help quoting Sir Robert Peel's words with respect to that noble Lord, and stating that, in my opinion, they are fully justified. When Sir_Robert Peel was leaving office he said— 'My noble friend has dared to avow that there is a moral obligation upon the Christian Minister of a Christian country to exhaust every effort for the main- tenance of peace, before incurring the risk, not to say the guilt, of war. But while he has not shrunk from the manly avowal of that opinion. I will in justice to him Add this—and it is perfectly consistent with that opinion, as to the moral obligation of maintaining peace while peace can be maintained with honour—that there never was a Minister less inclined to sacrifice any essential interest, or to abate anything from the dignity and honour of this country, even for the purpose of securing that inestimable blessing.' "I believe this opinion, which was uttered by Sir Robert Peel, to be perfectly just. It was only a few days since that I had a long conversation with him on the terms on which peace might be satisfactorily concluded ; and I must say that I entirely concurred in all, he said, and that I have the fullest reliance that he will not consent to any peace that is not just and honourable, and would not consent to any peace that would not be approved by the general opinion and feelings of this country." Lord John said he should look back with pride to his association with many measures of the Administration; notably Mr. Gladatone's financial scheme in 1853. It had been said that the Whig party has not had its fair share in the distribution of power in this Administration. Previously to that time an unjust belief prevailed that the.Whige we an exclusive party, wanting all office for themselves. "I believe that opinion to have been unjust, and I think that the Whig party during the last two years has fully justified the opinion I entertained. I will venture to say, that no set of men ever be- heved with greater honour, or with more disinterested patriotism, than those —I might indeed say the whole—who have supported the Government of the Earl of Aberdeen. It is my pride, and it will ever be my pride to the last day of my life, to have belonged to a party which, as I consider, upholds the true principles of freedom ; and, it will ever be my constant endeavour to preserve the principles and tread in the paths which the Whig party have laid down for the guidance of their conduct." (Cheers.) Lord PALMERSTON assured Lord John Russell and the House, that, officially and personally, nothing could be more painful to him than the step his noble friend had taken. There had been temporary differences, that might have clouded their intercourse for a time ; but they had passed away from the minds of both ; and whether with him or divided from him in politics, his esteem and friendship can never be affected by anything past, present, or future.

Lord Palmerston admitted the right of a public man to quit office when he cannot reconcile continuance in office with his sense of duty. It was not for him to say whether Lord John was right or wrong in the course he took with regard to the Duke of Newcastle. He could cor- roborate his noble friend in his statement that his colleagues entreated him not to quit the Government when Lord Aberdeen declined to ac- quiesce in his views,

"I am assured my noble friend will feel that, on this occasion, I am not speaking as a party concerned, but simply as a member of the Government from which a colleague has departed. ("Hear, hear!" from Lord John .Russell.) But from the time, that correspondence was concluded, on the 3d of December or about that date, when at the unanimous request of his colleagues, he consented to remain in Mice, my belief is, that up to the mo- ment of his resignation he did not renew that proposal." With his views, Lord. John must have felt the difficulty of resisting Mr. Roebuck's motion ; but he must also have felt, that independently of any change in the War Department, there are grave constitutional objections to the motion. "Though my noble friend might properly and naturally have continued to entertain an opinion that a change was necessary with regard to the person who held the office of Secretary of State for War, yet I must venture humbly to submit to him that that opinion ought to have been repeated to the noble Lord at the head of the Government before the reassembling of Parliament after the late recess. He ought to have given the Government the opportunity of stating to him whether or not that proposal would be accepted on his renewal of it. If, before Parliament met, my noble friend had said to the head of the Govern- ment, 'I, in common with all mankind, expect that when Parliament meets some motion will be made, either inculpating the Government or requiring an. explanation from them with regard to the conduct of the war '—for, indeed, the conversation at every street-corner, the leading articles in every newspaper, must have satisfied every one that such an event was to be looked for—if the noble Lord had said, 'Such a motion appears to me, if not inevitable, at least highly probable; and I tell you beforehand, that if it tomes on I cannot resist it, unless such and such changes are made in the department conducts,the war,' then the Government would have had the opportunity either of reconsidering the objections which had been made to the noble Lord's proposal or of acquiescing in it at once. If the same ob- jections which had been made to it on a former occasion had prevailed, they would then have had the opportunity of determining whether they would continue to sustain the loss of the noble Lord's services, or whether they would deem that loss to be of such preeminent importance as to impose on theta the necessity of surrendering their offices into the hands of her Ma- jesty, with a view to the formation of some other Government. A resigna- tion at that time, and under those circumstances, might have happened without any disparagement to the parties concerned. Ample time would have been, given for arrangements of any kind, either for the remodelling of the ex- isting Government or for the formation of a new one. Such a proceeding wejild have been in the ordinary practice of politics. But the course taken by my noble friend, I must venture humbly to submit to him, was not in eorre- spondence with the usual practice of public men. It was one calculated inevitably to place the Government to which he belonged in a position of embarrassment, in which, at the hands of a colleague at least, they ought not to have been placed. But my noble friend,—not having while he was in the Cabinet made any distinct proposal, of which I am aware, for the bet- ter.prosecution of the war, which had been rejected, and on the rejection of which he was entitled to say that he could not continue to Le responsible for measures of which be disapproved,—on Tuesday evening last, after having appeared in this House, and .having given notice of motions which he had to make in his capacity of President of the Council,

writes to the noble Lord at the head of the Government, tenders his resignation, upon the simple ground that he is unable to resist

the motion of the honourable and learned Member for Sheffield If, as I said before, his resignation was founded upon the objection of the First Lord of the Treasury to adopt the change proposed by my noble friend in the War Department, I think my noble friend would have acted better if he had repeated that ground in the letter in which he signified his resigna- tion, and have thus given the noble Lord at the head of the Government an opportunity of considering the occasion of my noble friend's resignation ; and if he still continued of opinion that a change was indispensable, his resigna- tion would have stood on grounds to which no one could make any objection. But, I think, under the circumstances which existed, his colleagues were not only entitled to feel regret on losing the services of so eminent a member of the Government and so influential a member of this House, but also that they were entitled to say it was a loss which was wholly unexpected by them, and that they were not justified in expecting it. In speaking of the hasty manner in which he tendered his resignation, the precipitate manner in which he announced it, and the grounds on which it took place, I must say I think it was unusual, and that the Government have a right to say they were not justified in expecting it. Having said so much, I will abstain from any further remark upon this subject ; and I assure my noble friend, that in making these remarks upon the course which he has pursued, I have made them from a strong sense of my duty, and not from any unfriendly feeling to him. ("Hear, hear ! " frees Lord John Russell.) "In the -close of his address he has said, that whoever may be charged with the functions of the War Department will feel it to be his duty to con- duct the war with that vigour which is necessary to bring it to a auccessful result. I concur with my noble friend in that opinion. The Government have felt it their duty, notwithstanding the great loss which they have sustained by the secession of my noble friend, not to run away from the motion of the honourable Member for Sheffield—that it would be disgraceful not to meet it, standing in the position which we now occupy, minus my noble friend— (.4 laugh)—and they have resolved to meet that motion. If that motion be carried, of course it is unnecessary to say what will be the result. If, in the merge of the debate, reasons be given of sufficient weight to induce the House to reject it, it will be for the Government to consider in that case what will be necessary in the recomposition of the Government. (Laughter.) We meet the motion as we stand; the future depends upon the results. But whoever has the conduct of the war, it will be his duty to conduct it in the manner described by my noble Mend; and he will find it necessary to prosecute it in accordance with the public feeling, and with all the vigour and efficiency necessary to conduct it to a successful issue."

I Mr. ROEBUCK brought on his motion immediately. He set out by stating, that an army unparalleled in numbers and equipments, had left our shores, and is now admitted to be in a condition that wrings the hearts of the country. There are two questions,—what is the condition of the army before Sebastopol, and how has that condition been brought about ? The army had been reduced from 54,000 to 14,000, of whom. only 5000 are fit for duty. They are without clothes, shelter, ammunition, food. What has become of the 40,000 missing ? [Here Mr. Roebuck began to show sign of great physical exhaustion.] How, he proceeded, had that condition been brought about ? By the incapacity of the Administretion at home and abroad. At Balaklava there are stores sufficient for twice the army ; but having transported them three thousand miles, the admin- istrators of the army are defeated by the last seven miles, and the troops are deprived of what they require for their existence. Now confessing physical inability to continue his speech, Mr. Roebuck made his motion for a Select Committee, and sat down.

Some pause ensued, broken by cries of "Divide!"

Mr. SIDNEY HERBERT said he rpse with hesitation, after witnessing what must have pained every one. What had occurred had also placed him in a difficult position, for no specific charge had been made, no case substantiated. He did believe that the army had been reduced to a state which excites the anxiety of the country. How had that come about ? The disorganization of the army arose from the long peace. The army in the Crimea is not an army in the Continental sense of the word—it is a collection of regiments, perfect in regimental discipline, but not going beyond that. Many things that we have done since 1815 will have to be undone ; and war is not so simple a thing that its practices can be learned at a moment's notice. Pointing out that disaster attends the out- set of all British campaigns, and entering into details to show how many incorrect stories have been circulated, he described in a forcible way the effect which the inquiry would have upon the War departments and the army. "What will be the effect of all this on the departments themselves ? The member of the Government at the head of each department must attend the Committee in order to conduct his own defence; and I want to know what time will then be left the members of the Government to administer the affairs of the army, and carry on the measures necessary for the prosecution of the war, if their life is to be spent day after day in a Committee-room of the House of Commons, answering questions, producing returns, and endea- vouring to defend themselves from attacks made in the House. The Government will be simply paralyzed during the time this inquiry lasts. And what will be the effect upon the army into whose con- dition you are to inquire ? How do you intend to prosecute that inquiry ? Will you send Commissioners to the Crimea, to interfere with everything going on in the camp ; or do you intend to bring officers home from Sebastopol to give you the information you want ? You are taking upon yourselves the duties of the Commander-in-chief. If the Com- mander-in-chief is incapable to perform his duties, it is the duty of Govern- ment to recall him. It would be a crime for the Government not to recall the Commander-in-chief they deemed incapable; but it would be no less a crime to "limp at a conclusion of his incapacity without proof, and to sacri- fice men here to public clamour for the unworthy purpose of placing on their shoulders the blame the House of Commons wishes to throw upon their own." He pressed for a decision at once. Government has long been with- out genuine Parliamentary support, and has suffered from a mum of ca- lumny recklessly and unscrupulously pursued. But, weak as it was, its

position is now more precarious since the emersion of Lord John Burwell. Under these circumstances—as the state of things in the Crimea requires

daily action—as delicate negotiations are impending—as it will be fatal to both to suspend the functions of the Government, he demanded a plain and rapid decision. "I say, Sir, it is time the House of Commons should decide for us. We are ready to abide by that issue." (Cheers.) The next speaker in the debate was Mr. DRUMMOND • who entered into details of mismanagement, in support of the charge that an army, three

times victorious, has been left to be utterly destroyed by the gross in-

competence of those who should have supported it—the Earl of Aber- deen and the Duke of Newcastle. Colonel NORTH made a speech on military organization. Mr. .Moziezzos MILNES spoke against the mo- tion, as constitutionally unjust. The Marquis of GRAXBI did not ap- prove of the Committee, but he would vote for it as a vote of want of confidence. Mr. W. S. LINDSAY supported the motion, but not as a vote of want of confidence. Mr. LAYAB.D arraigned the whole conduct of Ministers in regard to the war, and supported the motion. Sir GEORGE GREY, on the side of Ministers, expressed surprise and pain at the resig- nation of Lord John Russell ; and dared the Opposition to propose a direct vote of want of confidence. Mr. War.rorm contended that Government should have asked for an inquiry, limited to pad transactions : he did not vote for the motion "in the strict sense of a censure on the Government," but in order that blame might be fixed on the proper persons. Mr. Yee- Kox &mit opposed the motion, though with great difficulty. Colonel Surrnorte railed at Ministers. Mr. KNIGHTLEY showed precedent for lopping off the ineffective parts of a Government. On the motion of Mr. STAFFORD, the debate was adjourned until Mon- day.

In the House of Lords, the Earl of ABERDEEN gave a brief explanation of the circumstances of Lord John Russell's resignation. Two mouths ago, he was aware that Lord John was dissatisfied with the conduct of the war ; but after the explanations which then took place, he was sur- prised at the receipt of Lord John's letter, which he read to the House. He viewed that great loss with deep regret.

"Indeed, many of your Lordships may recollect that at the formation of the present Government I expressly stated that I never would have ventured to undertake the formation of an Administration, had I not secured the ac- tive cooperation and assistance of my noble friend. Under these circum- stances, and in ordinary times, I might perhaps have myself adopted a dif- ferent course ; but in the present condition of this country, and of the war, and of her Majesty's Government, I felt it due to our own honour, to our own consistency, and to our sense of duty, to meet that motion which is to be made tonight in another place, which will decide whether a censure is to be pronounced upon her Majesty's Government or not."

The Earl of WINCRILSEA, with a vehement condemnation of the Times for its statements respecting the Crimea, put several questions, which drew forth a statement from the Duke of NEWCASTLE. The Duke expressed his regret that the warning which he gave to the editors of the journals, to be discreet in their, publication of intelligence from the camp and not to give information to the enemy, had not been uniformly regarded. Even this week, a letter from Lord Raglan, received on Wednesday, pointed out mischievous reports from the same quarter as before : and the Duke believed it to be the fact, that there are persons in this country who are in the habit of transmitting the news- paper information, by telegraph, to the Emperor of Russia. An indi- viduaL who was not entitled. to receive such permission, was originally told that he might have a free passage to Malta : the Duke of Newcastle learned the fact, and the gentleman was informed that it was altogether against rule ; and he left the ship. An application from two editors for their correspondents to be allowed rations drew attention to the fact that the same correspondent of the Times was receiving rations in the Crimea : the permission had been given before the Commissariat was united to the War Department, by a gentleman who was decidedly unauthorized—Sir Charles Trevelyan : and orders were sent to stop the abuse.

Some of Lord John Russell's friends state for him that he does not mean to take any office again, "for the present" ; and they have long objected for him that he should have any post but the highest. Lord Aberdeen's wish to retire is well known : the post of Premier therefore will be vacant ; while the leadership of the Commons, once devolved upon Lord Palmerston, cannot be taken from him again. But Lord John's friends aforesaid have throughout contemplated his translation to the Upper House, where the Premiership may one day await him once more.

The Globe states that despatches arrived in town today from Lord Raglan ; and that "the accounts from the Crimea just received prin- cipally consist of the details of the recent sortie, and mention the gratify- ing fact, that every man in the army had received his winter clothing on the 12th instant."

We believe it is not improbable that the Earl of Cardigan will be the new Inspector-General of Cavalry.—Globe.