aaturally interested in the vindication of their own opinions, and,
public cause, and involves the very arguments on which the latter and would soon fall to the echo of an echo, and so subside, if not
rests. made vital and perpetual by the accession of that new spirit With reference to an extract made from our paper on the which we desiderata in public affairs ; the sources of which we " Popular Character," the Globe last week remarked, that it con- occasion seemed to require, in the last Spectator ; but when the the stone one is making. Globe charges us with a " truth," we may perhaps be excused
but at length lie redeemed his pledge to return to the subject, and medium of representation for that class in a state of repose.
Whether our perspicuity, or our contemporary's perspicacity, giving and refusing which is equidistant from the merit of either is in fault, we cannot say, but the one truth for which we have and frustratory of the objects of both. He would have a popu- received credit is, we are sorry to observe, evidently not under- lar government—but not a very popular government. He would, atood. To represent the popular character " in a state of re- in his wisdom, give the People such a share of power in the state pose," is, in the first place, not the object sought or desired in the as would, in fact, just enable them to clutch the rest, and then— Radical or in any other political press, but to represent it in a he would stop ; he would refuse the rest ? Would the people ;ate of movement. This, therefore, was stated with regard to the stop?—that is the question. Do the half-liberated usually hug Radical press, as we subsequently remarked, " not as a fault, but what remains of their chains? are they found to cherish the last is a fact." But the reason for stating it was a very sufficient one : links—and with an instrument in hand, too, to strike them off? i'er, whereas the opponents of popular legislation choose to draw But this is the very essence of Whig policy—to concede too much tl'eir character of the People from the spirit of the journals de. for the purposes of Conservatism, and too little for those of public sued to their cause or from the language of their orators and tranquillity ; to yield through imbecility, and then withhold leaders ; and whereas that spirit and that language, thus appealed through fear. The Whigs begin with strengthening the hands to as the fair expression of the popular character, are necessarily of their enemies, (the People are their enemies,) and reinforcing
will be the People's own fault if, in another twenty years, they respect shown to the People, and the deference to their wishes of consideration. What is now currently professed is based on " " "
the inference (though not avowed) that therefore we must have universal band- with the matter in hand ; though we do not deny that it may be working suffrage for the Members of the House of Commons,—that is to say, fairly introduced as a subsequent question, proceeding from the 4or the one body which, when backed on any occasion by the pressure from other. without, is, in our present political system, omnipotent,—we dispute the con- We look upon universal suffrage as a right withheld—one that elusion, although we admitted the premises. For, firstly, it would be paying cannot safely be withheld much longer ; and we consider the ques- ts° dear for what we admit was a benefit, (an organ representing the class in sprestion,) to give to its sole arbitrament the complicated interests of a vast and tion with regard to it to be rapidly narrowing itself to a consider- rtifficult system of empire; and, secondly, even at that price, we believe we ation of these two points How y and When .P abould h as far as ever from getting ' a correct medium of representation of The reasoning of the Globe on this head refutes itself. Like that class in a state of repose.'" all Whigs, the writer sticks at that unhappy point between Whether our perspicuity, or our contemporary's perspicacity, giving and refusing which is equidistant from the merit of either is in fault, we cannot say, but the one truth for which we have and frustratory of the objects of both. He would have a popu- received credit is, we are sorry to observe, evidently not under- lar government—but not a very popular government. He would, atood. To represent the popular character " in a state of re- in his wisdom, give the People such a share of power in the state pose," is, in the first place, not the object sought or desired in the as would, in fact, just enable them to clutch the rest, and then— Radical or in any other political press, but to represent it in a he would stop ; he would refuse the rest ? Would the people ;ate of movement. This, therefore, was stated with regard to the stop?—that is the question. Do the half-liberated usually hug Radical press, as we subsequently remarked, " not as a fault, but what remains of their chains? are they found to cherish the last is a fact." But the reason for stating it was a very sufficient one : links—and with an instrument in hand, too, to strike them off? i'er, whereas the opponents of popular legislation choose to draw But this is the very essence of Whig policy—to concede too much tl'eir character of the People from the spirit of the journals de. for the purposes of Conservatism, and too little for those of public sued to their cause or from the language of their orators and tranquillity ; to yield through imbecility, and then withhold leaders ; and whereas that spirit and that language, thus appealed through fear. The Whigs begin with strengthening the hands to as the fair expression of the popular character, are necessarily of their enemies, (the People are their enemies,) and reinforcing fair, because not whole expressions—because one-sided and oc- their ranks ; and then, with the same remarkable wisdom, as ; therefore we thought it of importance to fix attention soon as defeat is certain, they hazard a battle. Our contempo- 1.45 the fact, that that popular character which it has now become rary the Globe, as Coryphaus of the party, does all that Inge- the dutysof our public men to know and consult—that popular nious writing can do to set forth and adorn this peculiar philo- character to which it is no longer safe or even possible for states- soppy; and he will hardly quarrel with us for pointing to his pro- men to remain indifferent—which must henceforth be the compass ductions as the crack specimens of the manufacture. fof all our storm-weathering pilots—and which is moreover, at The writer observes, with truth, that the House of Commons, this very moment, that by which many of the most important " when backed on any occasion by the pressure from without, is, measures now pending must be guided to an end,—that pope- in our present political system, omnipotent." He argues from lar character, we say, is not to be collected from any existing this the inexpediency of extended suffrage; because, forsooth, if literary medium,but from personal observation alone ; and then, sot the Lower House of Parliament is already so strong, or at least without the aid of an enlightened, philosophic, benevolent mind. is capable of this extraordinary invigoration on needful occasions, If the last twenty years of political agitation had Gained no what prudence in augmenting such a power? The natural an- ssther triumph for the cause of social and political improvement, swer would seem to be, that "omnipotence" is not susceptible of this at least they could boast to have accomplished—the entire any augmentation; that if the power of the Commons is already change of tone with regard to the People assumed by their supe- superlative, no new infusion of popular influence could possibly fairs in station. The old spirit may animate the upper classes increase it ; that the country has seen the extreme results of that which animated them at former periods—the old policy be designed, influence, and has no shocks to come other than it has been used even counselled ; but the tone is a new tone ; it is respectful, to sustain. But this is not enough to say. The Globe overlooks evarteous, nay, deferential. "This is our answer to the question the fact, that the " omnipotence" of the lower classes, whenever lately put to us," said the Standard a few weeks since, "upon it is manifested, is the gigantic offspring of their calamities, tuba do we rest our hope of a Conservative Administration ? We and that these are pepetuated by the misgovernment which their rase our hope upon the People—the only power, under Heaven, due representation would forbid. The lower classes would lose upon which we have ever rested any hope of ultimate success." that turbulent supremacy which the writer dreads under the name The ardour of such a compliment to the People from a high of " omnipotence," in proportion as they gained a station of just influence—of which, until thus duly represented, they cannot con- skier themselves possessed. If the object of the Whigs, or of any other sect of politicians, be to prevent those classes from exer- cising a control over the affairs of government, (a consummation " which God forbid," says the Globe,) it is manifest that that ob- ject is unattained under the present system. since the complaint is that they do exercise such a control—that they can always exer- cise it—that their " pressure from without" is at all times more than a match for the pressure from within. But has the experi- ment ever been tried in this country, of a full and fair representa- tion in Parliament of the wishes of the People ? What has Par- liament, as a whole, ever represented, but itself—the interests of an order distinct from the People ; itself—a body neither chosen from nor by the People, and, nine times out of ten, not only distinct from, but opposed to, the People? And as for this "pres- sure from without"—we admit that it is inconvenient, but what then ? Why is it without ? If neither the People, nor those who represent their interests, are in Parliament, of course they " are without ;" and the " pressure," under these circumstances, is natural enough: but, we ask again, why are they without? and, if the pressure is inconvenient, as it is certainly bath just and natural, why not admit them? If you exhaust a receiver by expelling its natural occupant, the air, (" the air we breathe," as the Whigs used to be so fond of saying,) you must expect it to press pretty strongly " from without ;" but if you are tired of that pressure—restore the equilibrium. The Globe would he sorry " to give to its sole arbitrement the complicated interests of a vast and difficult (ay, very difficult !)
system of empire:' So should we. [The writer speaks of the
" hand-working class.1 But we are at a loss to perceive how this wholesale assignment of the reins of government to the hands of that class is involved in the simple process of investing them with
the franchise. We have already declared our belief, as well as shown reason for it, that the strength of the People—in as far as it partakes of a destructive character—is greater, and more to be feared, " without " than within. They will always be strong, being intelligent ; and a wise policy will provide that this strength may be diverted to the objects of their proper industry, and not be called forth in hostile shapes to the perpetual confusion of the o ,untry.
Our last sentence has a Conservative air. We are glad of it. That Radicals are not Destructives, is beginning to be seen ; and
facts will soon attest (if they may not be considered to have done so already) what speculation long since foresaw—that the most searching reforms have respect to the peace and security of the empire, but that half-measures are whole failures, and lead to nothing but revolution.
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