The Europe Britain Must Join
By JEAN LECANUET
Athe present difficult phase in the building of a united Europe, Lord Gladwyn's The European Idea* comes as a brilliant, courageous and persuasive argument. It gives reason for hope and persistence. It is good that such a profession of faith, so well argued that it is irrefutable, should have been made by an Englishman whose experience and knowledge are so widely recognised. I am convinced that the time for British entry into the European Economic Community is drawing near. Britain will play a leading role, and her decisions will settle the future of the Community.
On the main points in the argument, I am in complete agreement with Lord Gladwyn. I agree, in the first instance, that it is important to em- phasise, as he does, that the idea of the unity of the Continent is one of the oldest and most widespread ideas in the Continent's history. In working towards unity now, our countries are not denying their history, but ful- filling it. They are not rejecting their past, but prolonging it. They are not giving up being themselves, but are giving each other the oppor- tunity of developing their own personalities in the future. Divided, Europe would certainly fall under the sway of a foreign power, not only in the economic and political, but also in the in- tellectual and moral fields. United, Europe's own character could assert itself, and it would be able to play a full part in world affairs. A united Europe would preserve and enrich a civilisation whose main strength lies in its diversity, but which if left disunited will certainly be lost.
It is welcome that such a strong condemna- tion of any kind of useless compromise, of false pretence and lack of complete commitment by member states, should be made by an English- man writing largely for an English audience. I am convinced that a united Europe can never be created by platonic discussions to which fiercely independent governments now and again lend their nominal support. From the very start two completely new ideas must be accepted: each member must renounce for ever the age- old desire for domination, and accept the others as equals; and all members must be prepared gradually but increasingly to hand over some part of their autonomy to common institutions. It is reasonable to believe that the unification process will take a long time. Perhaps, in fact, this is the only possible way of looking at it. Different viewpoints have to be brought into line before the final step can be taken. But there can be no mistake either about the ultimate goal —the United States of Europe; or about the immediate aims of the common institutions. I agree with Lord Gladwyn entirely in his dislike of such terms of ?Europe des parries' and TEurope des Etats; which cloak the permanent underlying concept of nationalism under the guise of a European vocabulary.
It is becoming increasingly apparent that unless Britain joins in, the Common Market will never be fully effective or be able to develop at a political level. Continental Europe needs Britain. It needs her parliamentary tradition, her economic strength (despite her present diffi- culties), her experience in world affairs, and the counter-weight her presence would provide in an edifice which cannot safely rest on the founda- tion of Franco-German friendship alone, how- ever essential that is.
Lord Gladwyn is certainly a better judge than I am of the reasons which should encourage Britain to take such a step, and those which he puts forward seem to me utterly convincing. Let me add, however, that Britain's entry into the Common Market might come about in one of two ways. Instead of strengthening the Com- munity, Britain might well weaken it. Rather than help it become a closely-knit unity, she could bring it down to the level of a purely commercial organisation with no powers of its own and no political possibilities. It is quite likely that over the coming months or years some member of the Common Market will approach Britain with proposals which would have pre- cisely this effect: inviting her complicity in a plan to reduce the powers of European institu- tions, instead of her help in strengthening them. I am sure that Britain would not agree to such proposals. If she did, she would be acting against her own interests, which are best served by join- ing a full European community. She would jeopardise her future relations with Europe, which sooner or later would hold it against Britain that she had taken advantage of tem- porary disagreements to try to put 'divide ut imperes' into practice.
All will be well only if Britain's entry acts as a stimulant to the Common Market rather than as a brake, only if she reinforces the Market's institutions instead of trying to dismantle them. This political decision is one of enormous sig- nificance for Britain and one which would have far-reaching consequences. She would be join- ing her future by a close and unbreakable link with that of the rest of Western Europe. The Germans, the French and the Italians will judge her sincerity in making this move by the extent to which she insists on upholding the strict rules and efficient and democratic institutions of the, Community.
There is, finally, the difficult question of the relations of a united Europe, including Britain, with the United States. I, personally, am in favour of President Kennedy's grand design of a new Atlantic alliance resting on the twin pillars of the United States of America and the United *Published by Weidenfeld and Nicolson at 251. States of Europe. It seems to me that this is the only feasible and lasting solution to the problem. For if the friendship and confidence between the two powers is to be lasting, the two partners must be roughly equal. Equality is the result of equal power. By uniting, Europe could acquire this power, and this includes the nuclear field where Anglo-French co-operation would be essential. For my part, I am certain that a more powerful and more independent Europe would prove a more effective ally to the United States, as well as a better negotiator with the Soviet Union. By serving her own interests, Europe would also be acting in the interest of world peace.
Moreover, Britain's entry into the Common Market would strengthen the links between West and East Germany. The strong attraction of such a Europe would be the surest way towards a peaceful reunification of Germany. Any policy for the unification of Germany within a Europe balanced by Britain's presence would mean certain peace. On the other hand, any breaking-up of the Common Market runs the risk of arousing German nationalism and the subsequent dangers of direct negotiations between West Germany and the Soviet Union. The failure of European unity would lead to the isolation of France and Britain and finally to their satellisation. Ours is the age of giants: the. United States, the Soviet Union, with China soon to join them. There is thus no guarantee of independence for our countries outside a united Europe.
My own ideas on foreign policy are almost identical to Lord Gladwyn's. The fact that they are by no means universally accepted provides only a further reason for stating them and for arguing for them over and over again. This I am doing in France. And I am delighted that a former British ambassador to France should be using his influence and prestige in the service of a cause on which the world's future depends: The European Idea.
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