Debatts anti letotetilinas in Varliament.

PRINCIP.AL BUSINESS OF THE WEEK.

HOUSE OP LORDS. MOndory, Jtily 23. Stock In Trade Bill, read a second tim Titles of Religious Congregations (Scotland) Bill, thrown out on third reading—Ad joutned at 1011.30 tn. Tuesday, July 124. Regimental Benefit Societiee B111, read second time—Poor Relief (Ireland) Bill, read a thtrd time and passed—Adiourned 4 6 h. 40 m. Wednesday, July 25 ; extra sitting. Estates Leasing (Ireland) sub read' second time—Stock in Trade Bill passed—Adjourned at 61,. 40 m. Thursday, July 264 Pilotage Bill, read a second time (15 to 10)—Adjourned at 9 h. 35 112. Friday, &as 27: Bankrupt Law Consolidation Bill : Commons amendments discussed and agreed to__ Pilotage Bill, passed through Committee—Nuisances Removal and Diseases PreVent100 Bill, read a second time—Adjourned at 8 h. 20 m., till Saturday at noon.

[Time occupied in the five sittings, 1611. 45 m.

since the beginning of the Session, 24211. 53 m.]

HOUSE OF Commons. Monday, July 23; extra noon sitting till 611. 30 m. : even* sitting commenced at 8h. Sunday Trading (Metropolis) Bill, put off; by adjournment et debate to the let of August—Cruelty to Animals Bill, and Protection of Women 130j, passed through Committee—Marriages Bill, withdrawn—State of Ireland : Mr. Bert. man's Motion debated—Adjourned at 12 h. 15 m. Tuesday. July 24; extra noon sitting till 5 h. 80 m. • evening sitting commenced at T h. Leasehold Tenure of Lands the. land) Bill, passed through Committee—Reformation of Juvenile Offenders : Lord Asti. lay's Statement—British Guiana: Mr. Hume's Motion negatived—Adjourned at 12h. 30 m. Wednesday, July 25; noon sitting. Smoke Prohibition Bill, withdrawn—Nui. sances Removal and Diseases Prevention Bill, Clergy Relief Bill, Protection of Wcsnen Bill, passed—Bankrupt Law Consolidation Bill, considered in Committee- Adjourned at 6 h. Thursday, July 26; extra sitting. Compound Householders Bill, withdrawn-. General Board of Health Bill—Leasehold Tenure of Lands (Ireland) Bill—Metroponim Sewers Bill, Bankrupt Law Consolidation Bill, passed—The Dolly's Brae Affair: Mr. Reynolds's Motion—Adjourned at 7 h. 45 in. Friday, July 27 ; extra noon sitting tat 411. 45 in.: evening Bitting commenced at 611. 15 m. Slave-trade (Persian Gulf) Bill, debated and•paseed—Poor-Relief (Ireland) Bill : Lords Amendments considered—a. j ourned at 11 h. WI Saturday at 211.

[Time occupied In the eight fittings, (with 4h. 15m. extra on Saturday last,) 4451.

since the beginning of the Session, 912 h. 52M.] THE HUNGARIAN WAR.

When the order of the day for a Committee of Ways and Means was read at the extra sitting on Saturday last, Mr. OSBORNE improved the oppor_ tunity to raise that discussion of Hungarian affairs which he was prevented from prosecuting the night before. He formally moved for copies or ex- tracts of any information connected with the advance of Russian troops into the kingdom of Hungary which may have been received by her Majesty's Government, and of any communications which may have passed involving naval or military aid or interference on the part of this country.

Mr. Osborne commenced by asserting and maintaining the historical independ- ence of the kingdom of Hungary, as a free state ever since the year 1000. Within five years after England obtained her Parliament, Hungary established her own Diet and her own municipal institutions; she then became, and she has re- mained, an oasis of liberty amidst a desert of despotism. In 1790, Leopold took the oaths as King of Hungary, declaring her to be free and independent; and in 1848, Ferdinand guaranteed her a separate existence, a free press, and a free legislature: but in the most perfidious manner Ferdinand broke this oath in 1849. He explained that the movement in Hungary is no Republican move- ment, the reforming aristocracy heads it. He regretted to hear Lord John Ras. sell lately use the term "insurrection" in reference to this rising of a nation in defence of its rights.

Lord Join/ Rossur..t.—" I used the word 'insurrection,' but I did not mean to predicate anything as to its being a just or an unjust insurrection." Mr. Osnon.NE—The noble Lord was quite correct ; he used the term without reflection' which, although signifying illegality in this country, in Hungary sig- nified what was legal and right; for when they made a levy en masse in defence of their liberties, the Hungarian term used was " insurrectio," and when the Hun- garian Diet in 1741 said " vitam et sanguinem pro nostro rage," " that was " insur- rectio " in the Hungarian sense of the word ; that was, indeed, an insurrection in a good sense. It was the legal term of Hungary.

Mr. MONCKTON MILNES seconded the resolution, with a speech.

Mr. ROEBUCK supported the same view.

Unfortunately, this despot of Russia is not the only guilty infringer of the great principles of international morality and policy: while they direct their shaft at the great despot of the North, let them not forget the many-headed despot of France and its attack on the unfortunate people of Rome. But, however strong their indignation, it would go for nothing unless it were aided by some practical proceeding on the part of the Government. He did not concur with those who thought the Minister was necessarily unpopular under whom England went to war ; for the people of England like the Minis ter and hold him dear in their hearts, who maintains the honour and dignity of this country. All their inte- rests and feelings are not bound up in the mere interchange of commodities for profit.

Colonel Timm:now spoke in a similar tone.

Lord CLAUDE HAMILTON protested against the assumption that in this cause the Hungarian people are fighting for their privileges. Never had people been more ground to the earth by a privileged aristocracy than the unfortunate Hungarian peasants. Changes had been made in the old constitution; but it was astonishing that any reference to those changes could be made without an allusion to a venerated Hungarian nobleman whose efforts to im- prove the condition of the people had been opposed by the party of magnates, of which Kossuth is now the head, and whose disappointment and despair, and the shock his mind received from the infamous conduct of this Kossuth, had de- prived him of reason. We should look for some better indication of the popular feeling than the statements of agents sent here to support a particular cans?. Let the House, before it gave any decision upon this subject, ascertain whether. it might not be trying to fix on the Hungarians the remains of a feudal constitution which was the greatest curse of the country.

Lord PataturtsroN delivered a speech, evidently prepared for the oppOr- tunity which Mr. Osborne's motion offered him. In the few observations he would make, he wished to guard himself against the possible imputation of unfriendly feelings towards Austria. "I know well, that imputations have been cast upon her Majesty's Government, and upon myself 0.1 the organ of that Government, in regard to our foreign relations—imputations 01 being guided and impelled in our intercourse with the powers of Europe bY per- sonal feelings of hatred to this power and to that. Such imputations, let then?, come from what quarter they may, and whether ther be written or spoken ---11 they be sincere, are the result of ignorance and folly—if they are insincere, I lea0 others to qualify them as they may." Willi "It is true, that for a long time Austria has not been a favourite the Liberal. w party in Europe. Austria, by the coarse of policy which she has.oul. sued, has, in the opinion of a great part of the Continent, been identified ith.00-. struction to progress. That circumstance unfortunately has made her prte00,.

don

ately a favourite in the eyes of some; and when we hear such declamations tap; of Austria, I would warn the Austrian Government not to trust too much to th e protestations. It is not as the ancient ally of England during war—it is not as 1.11 means of resistance in the centre of Europe to any general disturbance of the of power—it is as the former (though I trust it is no longer so)—the form?: bol of reaistance to improvement, political and social—it is in that capacity web Austria has won the affections of some men in the conduct of pnblic affairs. There are persons who see in the relations of countries nothing but the intercourse of cah'inets; who value a country not for its political weight, but for its political opint—ons, and consider that the relations between countries are sufficiently intimate ihen the personal intercourse of their governments is placed on a complimentary footing. Sir, there are men who, having passed their whole lives in adoring the Government of Austria, because they deemed it the great symbol of the opinions which they entertained, at last became fickle in their attachment, and transferred their allegiance to the Government of France, because they thought that in that Government they saw an almost equal degree of leaning to the arbitrary principle,

d because they, forsooth, suspected that Government of designs hostile to the and of freedom. We have heard of persons of that sort making use of the expression 'old women.' Public men ought not to deal in egotism, and I will not apply to them the expression that has fallen from their own mouths: I will only say that the conduct of such men is an example of antiquated imbecility.' The House would not expect him to etifei judgment between the Austrian Go-

vernment and the Hungarian nation. I say the Hungarian nation, because, in -spite of what has fallen from the noble Lord opposite, I do believe, from the in- firtnation I have received—and I do not pretend I may not be mistaken—but I firmly believe, that in this war between Austria and Hungary there is enlisted on the side of Hungary the hearts and souls of the whole people of that country. (Cheers.) I believe that the other races, distinct from the Magyars, have for- gotten the former feuds that existed between them and the Magyar population, and tbat the greater portion of the people have engaged in what they consider a great national contest. (Cheers.) It Is true as my honourable and gallant friend has said, that Hungary has for centuries true, a state which though united with Austria by the link of the crown, has nevertheless been separate and dis- tinct from Austria by its own complete constitution. That constitution had many defects; but some of those defects were, I believe, remedied not long ago; and it is not the only ancient constitution on the Continent that was susceptible of great improvement. . . . . I take the question that is now to be fought for on the plains of Hungary to be this—whether Hungary shall continue to maintain its separate nationality as a distinct kingdom, and with a constitution of its own, or whether it is to be incorporated more or less in the aggregate constitution that is to be given to the Austrian empire?" (Cheers.) Such a contest is most painful to behold ; as, whatever may be the result, Austria cannot but be weakened. 'If the Hungarians should be successful, and their success should end in the entire separa- tion of Hungary from Austria, it will be impossible not to see that this will be such a dismemberment of the Austrian empire as will prevent Austria from continuing to occupy the great position she has hitherto held among European powers. If, on the other hand, the war being fought out to the uttermost, Hungary should by superior forces be entirely crushed, Austria in that battle will have crushed her own right arm. Every field that is laid waste is an Austrian resource destroyed; every man that perishes upon the field among the Hungarian ranks is an Aus- trian soldier deducted from the defensive forces of the empire. There are two ob- jects which England ought peculiarly to aim at: one is to maintain peace, the other is to count for something in the transactions of the world. It is not fitting that a country occupying such a proud position as England—that a country having such various and extensive interests—should lock herself up in a simple regard to her own internal affairs, and should be a passive and mute spectator of everything that is going on around. It is quite true that it may be said, 'Your opinions are but opinions ; and you express them against our opinions, who have at our command large armies to back them—what are opinions against armies?' Sir, my answer is, opinions are stronger than armies. (Cheers.) I say, then,

i

that it s our duty not to remain passive spectators of events that in their imme- diate consequences affect other countries, but which in their remote and certain consequences are sure to come back with disastrous effect upon us ; that, so far as the courtesies of international intercourse may permit us to do so, it is our duty, especially when our opinion is asked, as it has been on many occasions on which we have been blamed for giving it, to state our opinions founded on the experience of this country—an experience that might have been, and ought to have been, an example to less fortunate countries. We are not entitled to interpose in any manner that will commit this country to embark in those hostilities. All we can justly do, is to take advantage of any op- portunities that may present themselves in which the counsels of friendship and peace may be offered to the contending parties. Her Majesty's Government have not, in the present state of the matter, thought that any opportunity has as yet presented itself that could enable them with any prospect of advantage to make any official communication of those opinions which they entertain on this subject. I say official, as contradistinguieled from opinions expressed in a more private and confidential manner: but undoubtedly, if any occasion were to occur that should lead them to think the expression of such opinions would tend to a favour- able result, it would be the duty of the Government not to let such an opportu- nity pass by." "Sir, to suppose that any Government of England can wish to ex- cite revolutionary movements in any part of the world—to suppose that any Government of England can have any other wish or desire than to confirm and maintain peace between nations and tranquillity and harmony between govern- ments and subjects—shows really a degree of ignorance and folly which I never supposed any public man could have been guilty of—which may do very well for a newspaper article, but which it astonishes me to find is made the subject of a speech in Parliament." (Loud and continued cheering.) Lord DUDLEY STUART looked upon the speech which had been delivered by Mr. Osborne, followed up as it had been by Mr. Roebuck and Lord Palmerston, as one of the most important events of the session. Mr. WYLD commented on the almost unanimous feeling which had been expressed.

Mr. OSBORNE, finding there had been no official communications on the subject, withdrew his motion.

BRITISII GUIANA.

Mr. Hums, on Tuesday, fulfilled the pledge which he gave some weeks ego, by moving— "That it appears by the evidence taken before the Select Committee on British Guiana, that that Government has been carried on for the last tea years in op- position to the expressed views and opinious of the elective members of the Colonial Legislature; and that the supplies are now stopped in the colony by con- tinued opposition, to the great injury of the colony. That this House is of opi- nion that the time has arrived when the public expenditure of the colony should be reduced, as desired by the colonists; and also for the establishment of a re- sponsible local government, which should have full power to decide on the extent and nature of their establishments, and to provide the means for paying the same." In support of his motion, Mr. Hume recapitulated the main features of the controversy between- the Colonial Office and the Colony of British Guiana: the agreement to a civil list in 1841, upon condition of obtaining fel immigrant ordinance and a vagrant law—neither of which were passed till 1844; the re-grant of the civil list in 1844, upon understandings which Were broken in 1846 by the passing of the Sugar Act; the attempts at economy made by the impoverished colony, and unfeelingly resisted by Lord Grey on the ground of a compact which the Colonial Office itself had 'lever adhered tot. and the subsequent arbitrary and illegal proceedings of Governor Light, acting under the directions of the Colonial Office; in (2e!isequence of which, the supplies have been stopped for a year, and the '1")1,3' been brought, in the language of Governor Light himself, to a state of titter ruin. Why should not British Guiana be Possessed/ as Canada is possessed, of officers who have the means of ascertaining on the spot what are the capabilities and wants of the colony, and are enabled to administer to those wants as is done in Canada?

Mr. HENRY BAILLIE seconded and supported the motion. Sir Henry Light, who is described by the functionaries of the Colonial Office as a Governor of extraordinary abilities, and who has had the Order of the Bath conferred on him in the most flattering terms, himself informed the Committee, that for the ten years daring which he administered the affairs of British Guiana, he governed them contrary to the views of all the admitted members of the Legis- lature; and he observed that such had been the practice for the last twenty years. By the constitution of the colony, the Combined Court had the power to regulate the official affairs of the colony: but that power had been set aside by the Gover- nor. It was against the powers exercised by the present and former Governors that the inhabitants bad been contending; and unless they were disposed to submit to the tender mercies of the Coloeial Office, there was every reason to apprehend that they would be handed over to the Black population; among whom crimes of all descriptions had been greatly upon the increase.

Mr. Hawn ran over the leading points of Lord Grey's case against the colonists.

The civil list was bargained and fixed in 1844 till 1854, and could not be re- duced without breach of faith to old public servants: the revision of new appoint- ments had been conceded. The civil list is only 27,0001. a year while the general revenue is 227,000/. a year ; over which the Combined Court have never attempted to exercise their unquestioned control for any purpose of retrenchment: and the revenue has increased, instead of diminished as was anticipated whenthe retrench- ment PM proposed. Governor Barkly has introduced a measure to modify the constitution of the Court of Policy ; a mere oligarchical body, having very little influence in the colony. The constituency at present did not amount to more than 700 or 800. Under the new measure, it would be increased to 3,000 or 4,000. It is not to be supposed that in extending the franchise so greatly, the object of the Governor was to obtain representatives who would agree to his civil list. On the contrary, it is evident from the conduct of the Governor, that, in his opinion the opinions of the colony at large are not in accordance with those of the Court of Policy. It had been said that this report was Sir Robert Peel's report. On that point, he must do "his honourable friend " the Member for Buckinghamshire the justice to say, that the part of the report which had reference to the improvementof the constitution of Guiana belonged to him. Mr. STUART moved the adjournment of the debate; which was negatived by 94 to 17; and the original motion was negatived without division.

STATE OF IRELAND.

In bringing forward a motion for an address to the Crown on the un- happy state of Ireland, Mr. HORSHAM observed that the year's legislation is about to terminate, and the question naturally occurs, "What has been done for Ireland."

During the present session, Parliament, with a wholesome distrust of its own competence, determined to inquire as well as to legislate; but, with that blonder- ing which has characterized all the Irish policy, they legislated first and in- quired afterwards. The inquiry proved that all their legislation was wrong; and it furnished them with information of the most valuable kind as to the causes and cures for existing evils. The first thing was to ascertain the actual condi- tion of the distressed unions. This Mr. Hemmen pictured to the House by giving an account of the state of Bailin& Union as a sample; the details of which are already familiar to readers of Irish debates. The difficulties disclosed by such pictures, he admitted, are not of a nature to be removed in a day. The great cure would be the introduction of fresh capital; every other remedy mast be insuf- ficient and superficial. Mr. Nicholl himself took ground on the statement that "security of personal property cannot coexist with general destitution." The chief canoe of the general destitution is, no doubt, the almost exclusive cultiva- tion of the potato, the system under which the poor man has relied, not on wages but on land, living the greater portion of the year in idleness and turbulence; and then the blight which destroyed the poor man's sole reliance. It was, he hoped, unnecessary for him to dwell upon the evils that must inevit- ably arise from a reestablishment of the potato cultivation on the old scale in Ireland; and he trusted that the Ld.gislature would never encourage the feeling with which he was afraid too many still cling to the use of that root. Sooner than that the potato should become the life and soul of Irish agriculture, he would have prayers offered up in every church and chapel in Ireland for the ex- termination of the fatal poison. In remedying the complicated evils of Ireland, much had been looked for from the Irish Poor-law ; but every day's experience has shown that Ireland had not undergone the preparation that was necessary for a poor-law. When the population was so excessive as to go beyond the pro- portion that ought to exist betwixt population and capital, a wholesome state of things was not to be restored by a poor-law. If they kept great bodies of poor at the expense of a poor-law, they were just acting upon what constituted the spe- cial vice of Communism There were two modes by which the excess of popula- tion might be cured,—either by introducing capital so as to increase the demand for labour, or by having recourse to emigration. Now, with respect to the first of these modes' it was admitted that proprietors would not take loans, because they were afraid they would be crashed by an unlimited demand for poor-rates. He would not enter upon the question of a maximum on the present occasion; but he would ask whether it was to be expected that capitalists would lay out their money in districts where the pauperism amounted to forty, fifty, and sixty per cent of the population? This being the case, they must resort to emigration; and he must say, he was surprised that Parliament had suffered another year to pass by without insisting on a plan of systematic emigration. On this point the late Mr. Charles Boller had given an opinion, that a debt contracted by proprietors for the purpose of promoting emigration from their estates was not a waste of capital, but was rather to be looked upon as a contract, the object of which was to give an additional value to the land. Before laying out this capital, however, the pro- prietors, as in every other case, must have the security of limited liability. There is no objection to a Ivor-law in Ireland. There might originally have been doubts on this point, but as it has been introduced, the only question now is how to make it as perfect as possible. The proprietors of Ireland ask for a poor-law based on true principles, and capable of sound administration. Give them the English Poor-law as we have amended it, not the old bad Poor-law of England which we have discarded. The small area of taxation is the great barrier against pauperism. It is regarded as the main security for good administra- tion in England, and yet they refuse it to Ireland. The workhouse test can- not be applied, because there is not sufficient workhouse accommodation; and thus with endless pauperism and weak administration of the law and no test of destitution, the property of the country is left to ruin. Captain Larcom ex- pressly gives it as his opinion that evictions are augmented by the size of the electoral districts and the unions. Mr. Horsman fully admitted the disadvantages under which the Irish Members have laboured; from the indifference and something more of the House to Irish questions; but he thought that the Irish Members are chargeable with a grave dereliction of duty. The sufferings of that country have been unparalleled in the annals of civilization; but famine has quelled faction, and paralyzed those secret associations which were accustomed to stain her soil with blood. The people have learned that political excitement cannot heal her woes. To Ireland ,.then, the one thing needful is statesmen—men with eyes to see her wrongs wuulorn to explore, and energy to direct her resources. H: e appealed then to the British Parliament, but still more strongly to the Irish Representatives, to call on the Minister to stand up in his place and declare what hope he could hold out to that country. n was the duty of those Representatives in the time of their country's

necessity to call on the Minister to act, and to protest against that system of in- activity by which their intereets have been betrayed, and to rescue the nation from despair. The motion which Mr. Horsman finished by reading was- " That an humble address be presented to her Majesty, praying her to take into her gracious consideration the unhappy state of Ireland, representing that a crisis of unparalleled magnitude is afflicting that most wretched country ; that the chief food of her population and the main product of her agriculture has failed to a most disastrous extent for several years; that thereby all classes of her Majesty's subjects

in Ireland have been involved in ruin ; that much of Its soil has gone out of cultiva- tion ; that the moral and physical condition of the people Is lamentably degraded ; and that, in spite of unexampled aid from England, vast numbers or oar fellow-subjects have actually perished from want.

" That it is the conviction of this House, that the very vastness of the calamity furnishes a well-founded hope that a wise legislation, apprehending the peculiar oppor- tunity hereby offered, and skilfully availing Itself of the elements now set free for the reconstruction of agricultural relations in Ireland, might lay the foundation of a pros- perity hitherto unknown to that country. "That the House Is confirmed in that conviction by the evidence given before Par- liament by witnesses of the highest intelligence and of the profoundest knowledge of the actual state and undeveloped resources of Ireland.

"That on a review of that evidence, this House is constrained painfully to acknow- ledge, that while the acts specially framed for the relief of distress since the commence- ment of the famine have not realized the benevolent intentions of Parliament, neither have those of a more permanent nature been characterized by a true discernment of the peculiar features of the present crisis, and the establishment of any comprehensive policy adequate to the emergency.

" That this House humbly prays her Majesty, to direct the special and careful atten- tion of her Majesty's Government to the evidence which has been laid before Parlia- ment ; feeling assured, that the ability, information, and practical suggestions therein displayed, furnish ample materials for a legislation at °bee solid, profound, and rege- iterative."

Sir WILLIAM SOMERVILLE drew from Mr. Horsman's own instance a proof of the industry, patience, and indefatigable attention, with which everything relating to Ireland has been considered in the House of Com- mons. He recounted the measures which the Government resorted to in palliation of the distress or in permanent improvement of the social diseases in Ireland,—measures which it is easy now to criticize, but which had not been deemed so objectionable in every respect at the time they were pro- posed. He passed to Mr. Horsman's suggestions, founded on the adminis- tration of the Poor-law in England; and pointed out differences in that administration, which forbid that a single portion of the English law should be applied to Ireland.

For instance, out-door relief in England was the general rule: in Ireland it was the exception. You could not give out-door relief in Ireland until the workhouse was full ; that was not the case here. Neither in Ireland could you give out-door re- lief except in kind; that was not the case in England. Out-door relief in Ireland could only be administered under a special order of the Commissioners, and that only for the period of two months; no such order was necessary in this coun- try. Therefore it is obvious that the honourable gentleman is totally mistaken in drawing a comparison between the system of out-door relief to the able-bodied ,poor in Ireland, and the system in England, to the disadvantage of the latter, as regarded the stringency of the law. Would the honourable gentleman repeal the law? Was he prepared to come forward and say that no out-door relief should be given to the poor of Ireland at all? Was he prepared to say that? If such a proposal were adopted, it would be a sentence of death upon thousands. So through the rest of his speech there was not a point in it which had not been over and over debated in the House. Mr. Horsman's evidences of the present state of Ireland, the distressed unions, were unfair. Ballina Union is an extreme case. By a return which he held in his hand, he found that out-door re- lief in Balboa, for the week ending the 30th of Jane in the present year, was granted to 27,700 persons,—an enormous proportion of the population certainly, and an amount calculated to convey a most grievous impression to every man's mind; but when he turned to the number to whom out-door relief was granted in the corresponding week of the year 1848, he found it to be not 27,700 but 41,000. He would mention an interesting circumstance which happened in the union of Ballina. A gentleman told him that he was lately in the district of Ballina, and he saw a hags crowd gathered round the Poet-office. He inquired what was the cause, and be was told that the people were there for the purpose of receiving the money which had been sent to them by their friends through the post-office from different parts of the world ; and he ascertained that there had been as much as 800/. received in Ballina in one week by money-orders sent to the wives and families of those who had left the union to seek work elsewhere. These money- orders were sent not from America merely, but from England and Scotland— wherever the parties could obtain work. He need not dwell upon the credit which such conduct reflected upon the people, who thus cared for and ministered to the wants of their relatives and friends. It was conduct which deserved the approba- tion of the House of Commons.

Sir William combated the delusive notion that a reduction of the area of taxa- tion would individualize responsibility so as to make the proprietary have an in- terest in the care of paupers. He did not think they would ever be able to carry it out ; because, if the argument were carried out to its legitimate extent, they must have areas of taxation conterminous with the estate. The argument in- volved as much, and they must ultimately come to an estate area of taxation. The opinions of very intelligent persons in this country are in favour of a very arge area of taxation.

In conclusion, Sir William replied to the question with which Mr. Horsman commenced, " What hope is there for Ireland ?" He was not a very sanguine person. He admitted that everything connected with Ireland had for a long time been gloomy in the extreme; but be did think there were grounds for hope now presenting themselves, and which, with the blessing of Providence, might warrant them in looking forward to a brightening future. They had the prospect of a bountitul harvest. The reports which had reached him that morning induced him to believe that things were on the mend. The papers before him very clearly showed that the numbers of deaths of paupers in workhouses had greatly de- creased, and were gradually decreasing. He. had a statement taken from the re- ports of the Constabulary force, comparing the number of outrages committed in the month of June in the present year with those committed in the month of May: in May the number of outrages reported by the Police was 2,034, while in the month of June they amounted only to 1,490. He conceived that that condition of the criminal returns gave indications of a greatly improved state of things. Sir William reminded the House, that the measures of the Government had been adopted by very large majorities; that the feeling of the House was, that Ministers had acted for the beet, and that neither the House directly nor the Go- vernment impliedly deserved the censure which the honourable Member for Cock- ermnuth had sought to cast on them: he should therefore meet hi, motion by a direct negative.

Mr. STAFFORD was satisfied that local self-government for Ireland was the only course of policy for that House to pursue. That principle had been violated and destroyed by their legislation, but he was convinced that a return to it was the only way to regenerate Ireland. Mr. &LEM did not consider the Government to be faultless; but he was bitterly sarcastic on Mr. Horsman's "profound and unobjectionable legis- lation."

At the instance of the O'Gonntsx Msaow, the debate was adjourned till

next day; Lord JOHN RUSSELL not objecting, but not undertaking to giy; the adjourned discussion precedence over other business.

On Wednesday, Mr. lIonsmex intimated, that, under all the circum- stances, he should not feel it right to continue the order upon the paper. he would therefore move that it be discharged; he intended to bring the' subject before Parliament again next session. Mr. GRATTAN objected to this course; but towards the end of the sitting the order was discharged, without comment.

TEE Doetv's BRAE AFFAIR.

Mr. BRIGHT inquired, on Thursday, whether the Government had re- ceived any further information about the affair at Dolly's Brae.

A dinner had been given to one of the Magistrates intimately connected with the procession in question, at which dinner the High Sheriff of the County pre_ sided; and the Magistrate he alluded to said, referring to the anniversary of the 12th of July which had been lately held, "And such an anniversary it would have been only for a little blot, if blot it could be called." As Government had admitted that such processions were illegal, did not they feel it their duty to re- move from the commission certain Magistrates who had connected themselves with that procession?

Sir GEORGE GREY said, this was the first word he had heard of the dinner referred to: he would be happy to transmit any authentic document on the subject to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland.

Since this subject was last mentioned in the House, he had been informed that the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland had appointed Mr. Bennett, an eminent Queen's counsel and Assistant-Barrister, to conduct an investigation, and to make a mi- nute and searching inquiry into all the circumstances.

On Thursday, Mr. REYNOLDS revived the subject; moving for copies of official correspondence respecting processions, meetings, and armed assem- blages in the county Down, on the 12th instant. He complained of partial administration of justice in Belfast; where the Mayor refused to receive informations against four persons accused of murder, and committed the brother of the murdered man to prison in default of bail. He again refer- red to the Downpatrick dinner: the speech quoted by Mr. Bright was de- livered by Mr. Beers, a County Magistrate who was present at Castle- wellan. He accused Lord Roden of encouraging a reckless and sanguinary faction, who had imbrued their hands in the blood of the people; and threatened, that unless satisfactory inquiry were made discord might show itself unpleasantly during the Queen's visit. He called for the dismissal of offending Magistrates. Sir GEORGE GREY declined to reply, pending the inquiry which is proceeding. Sir WILLIAM VERNER defended the Orange party, and made a counter-charge.

A challenge had been sent to the gentry of that county three days previous to the 12th of July, inviting them to meet at Dolly's Brae and show their valour: it added, that though there was no river convenient into which they could be driven, yet the inviting party would blow them to the elements with powder and shot; and that this was the last 12th of July on which such bloodhounds should ever walk in and through the county. The challenge concluded with the words "Repeal for ever," and with the expression that the parties sending it bade de- fiance to all the magistrates, authorities, and powers.

After a somewhat heated conversation, Mr. REYNOLDS declared himself satisfied with the Ministerial assurances, and withdrew his motion.

PILOTAGE BILL.

Earl Gna.svirma having moved the second reading of the Pilotage Bill, the Duke of WELLINGTON expressed doubts whether the bill would not operate very injuriously in giving a discretion to the Lord Warden which would enable him to supersede the Fellowship of Cinque Port pilots. The Fellowship is regulated by act of Parliament, and comprises 120 men. The Duke has been Warden for twenty years: during the first ten years, 3,800 ships were annually brought into the river by Cinque Port pilots; there were twenty-two complaints of mishap or misconduct on the part of the pilots, and of those, nine complaints were substantiated: in the latter ten years, there were fourteen complaints, six substantiated. Lord STANLEY and Lord COLCHESTER also resisted the bill, as invading the interests of pilots. Lord ELLENBOROUGH moved that it be read a second time that day three months. The bill was defended by the Marquis of LANSDOWNE. On a division, the amendment was negatived, by 15 to 10; and the bill was read a second time.

BANKRUPT LAW CONSOLIDATION.

The ATTORNEY-GENERAL stated, on Wednesday, that from the 18th of June up to yesterday the members of the Select Committees on the Bank- ruptcy Law Consolidation Bill have been in constant and close attention to its details. It had been their extreme anxiety to introduce nothing into the law that could possibly injure trade; and he pledged himself to the accuracy with which the enactments have been transferred from the exist- ing bankruptcy laws to the bill. Mr. STUART lauded the extraordinary labour and attention bestowed on this bill; which had received many ea- sential improvements in the Select Committee. Sir JAMES Gnanast es- sented to these praises; but hesitated, in entering on the consideration ot a

bill of 278 clauses, to accept the whole law of bankruptcy on the faith of

the Committee. Peculiar care must be taken, that under the guise of con- solidation no alteration be introduced. The ATTORNEY-GENERAL under- took to point out every material alteration. The House went into Com- mittee, and advanced to the 160th clause; reserving some important

clauses for further discussion.

On Thursday, there was a somewhat interesting discussion on the 256111 clause. Mr. ROEBUCK objected, that the clause virtually gave the Com- missioner a power of penal imprisonment, on charges that really ought to be tried by a jury under a criminal law, which a bankruptcy law ought not to be. He moved an amendment giving force to his objection. The amendment was supported by Mr. BERNAL and Mr. BE14LEY; opposed by the ATTORNEY-GENERAL and Mr. MASTERMAN. Mr FREDERICK Peet supported the clause with a speech of great clearness and substance, le which he argued that the provision would restore a provision for the cre ditor under sufficient check to prevent abuse. On the other hand, Sir. JAMES GRAmtm contended with great force, that the fraudulent abase ol credit by the debtor ought to be the subject of treatment by the criminal law, and not of a law which confounds a civil jurisdiction over the ban.- rupt's property with a criminal jurisdiction over his person: recent occur- rences in the Bankruptcy Courts have shown that the Bankruptcy Co missioners are not a class of judges suited to the exercise of such jurisdic- tion. The amendment was negatived without division. Later in the even- ing, the bill was read a third time, and passed.

SUPPRESSION OF ARMY BENEFIT SOCIETIES.

On the second reading of the Regimental Benefit Societies Bill, .to Put down the Regimental Societies established under the Benefit Societies Act

proved highly injunous, from the discussions to which they give rise be- yond the control of the military authority; but the efforts of the Duke of York, Lord Hill, and himself, to suppress them, have been prevented by the firm tissue of the act. He proposed a commission to wind up the ac- counts and affairs of such societies in an equitable manner, according to the principle of an act passed twenty years ago, to extinguish the benefit society in the Royal Regiment of Horse Guards Blue. The bill would also relate to certain charitable funds in the possession of divers regiments.

TITLES OF RELIGIOUS CONGREGATIONS IN SCOTLAND.

On Monday, Lord REDESDALE renewed his opposition to the Titles of Religious Congregations (Scotland) Bill, on the ground that the bill had not received sufficient consideration. On this occasion he received the support of the Peers; and the third reading was negatived, by 23 to 17.

BURIALS IN METROPOLITAN CHURCHYARDS.

The Nuisances Removal and Diseases Prevention Bill having been read a third time, on Wednesday, Lord ASHLEY moved the addition of four new clauses. The first gave the General Board of Health power to make in- quiries respecting the state of burial-grounds excepted from the operation of the Public Health Act 1848, and to direct measures of precaution. The second enabled Churchwardens of parishes to arrange in such cases for having their burials in the burial-ground of other parishes, or in those of some cemetery. These clauses would have a temporary operation till the end of the next session. The other clauses enabled further inquiries, and the formation of a scheme for a general system of extramural interments; which scheme, together with the reports it was founded on, was to be pre- sented to Parliament. After some conversation favourable to the clauses, they were agreed to, and the bill passed.

RAGGED SCHOOL PUPILS AND EMIGRATION.

Lord ASHLEY brought under the notice of the House of Commons the state of a portion of the juvenile population of the Metropolis, and moved-

" That it is expedient that means be annually provided for the voluntary emi- gration to some of her Majesty's Colonies of a certain number of young persons of both sexes, who have been educated in the schools ordinarily called Ragged Schools, in and about the Metropolis." Utter lack of opportunity, he said, must be his excuse for bringing the subject forward at so late a period of the session.

Day after day he had entertained a strong desire to do so, not only in hope of showing to what profitable use the small grant he obtained last session had been turned, and the prospects of future success, but also to excite some interest in the Preventive system as contrasted with the Reformatory system, about which so much is now said and written. Last year, he stated the number of the class whose interests he represented at 30,000—that estimate he now believed very much under the mark: he described the temptations to which that class was subjected, and he indicated the dangers which threatened society from the existence of such a class—in those details he would not be able to show much improvement. So long, indeed, as these unhappy beings are left crowded in their dens, lurking- places, and sties, it is impossible to hope for any general improvement of their social or physical condition. But what he wished and was able to bring under the notice of the House, was the increase of schools and the improvement of the pupils, and the well-grounded progress which the pupils make. In 1847, 41,479 males were taken into custody in London ; of whom 8,405 were under twenty years old, 3,228 between ten and fifteen, and 306 under ten. In 1848, 42,933 males were taken into custody in London: and while of these 8,776 were under twenty, and 3,604 were between ten and fifteen, only 311 were under ten. So that, although the total increase was 1,454, and above half of this increase was among those under twenty years of age, there had been an increase of only six in those under ten—the class which chiefly attends the schools. The criminal returns of the Metropolis show a great preponderance of offenders at the ages of ten to twenty, as compared with those at the ages of twenty-five to fifty. While the former class give 12,692 arrested offenders, the latter far more numerous class give only 18,961: and, looking at the number of these offenders who were tried and convicted, the disproportion is more remark- able; between the ages of ten and twenty, an interval of ten years, there were 1,237 convicts; while between twenty-five and fifty, an interval of twenty-five years, there were only 1,059 convicts. The accurate criminals returns of the great town of Manchester give similar results. It is therefore clear that the seeds of crime are sown early in life, and that if not then rooted out they grow Speedily to a rank maturity. From forty-three Committees of Schools he re- ceived replies, nearly uniform in negative tenser to the question, "Do many adult males become criminals for the first time after twenty years of age." One mis- sionary replied, "1 should say, not one in fifty." Another, "I believe that among the lowest classes of society, hardly any become criminal for the first time after twenty years of age." A short time ago, he was anxious to perceive with his own eyes what was the condition of these people—what was the state of their abodes, their lairs, their re- treats for the night. He and others perambulated the Metropolis. They dived into its recesses. The House would be surprised to hear what was the condition in which they found those people. Most of them were living in the dry arches of houses not finished, inaccessible except by an aperture only large enough to ad- mit the body of a man. When a lantern was thrust in, six or eight, ten or twelve people, might be found lying together. Of those whom they found thus lodged, they invited a great number to come the following day: and time an examination Us instituted. The number examined was thirty-three. Their ages varied from twelve to eighteen, and some were younger. Of this number, 24 had no parents; 6 had but one ; and 3 had stepmothers: 20 had no shirts; 9 no shoes: 12 had been once in prison; 3 twice; 3 four times; 1 eight times ; and 1 (only fourteen sears old) twelve times. The physical condition of these children was exceedingly bad: a prey to vermin; troubled with itch; begrimed with dirt; not a few suffer- ing from sickness; and two or three days afterwards several died from disease and the effects of starvation. He took eight or ten of them into a separate room, one by one, and examined them. He made a bargain which they thought fair—he would question them, and they should question him, and each was to give true answers. He said to several, "How often have you slept in a bed daring the last three years?" One said, perhaps twelve times; another, three times; another could not remember that he ever did. He asked them how they passed the night in winter? They said, "We lie eight or ten together, to keep ourselves warm." Re entered on the subject of their employments and modes of living. The only WaY of earning a penny in a legitimate way was by picking up old bones. But they fairlY acknowledged, for themselves and others scattered over the town with whom they professed themselves acquainted, that they had not and could not have any other means of subsistence than by begging and stealing. One of these young Persons was a remarkable illustration of the dangerous class that was thus form- ing iu the heart of society: he was past seventeen, and, to Lord Ashley's sur- rise knew the French language. He and his mother had gone to Paris some tom or five years ago. He there got into some employment; but, as the political a,tmosphere became warm, he yielded to its influence, and being enticed by French Do75, his companions, he joined in the general warfare, fought at the barricades, was taken prisoner, tried, and sentenced to punishment. There were hundreds and thousands of others as capable of being employed for the worst purposes as tbe Garde Mobile of Pane, of 33 George III., the Duke of WELLINGTON stated, that such societies have There are two modes of dealing with such eases: first, to wait till they cons-

ma crime, then bring them to justice, and either transport them or confine them in gaol; the other is, to take a preventive course, and anticipate the gaoler and the hangman by a system of wholesome discipline. He distrusted prison dieci- pline altogether as a preventive, or as a mode of reforming individuals. Could honourable Members fail to observe bow prison discipline has increased in severity of late years, and yet crime has not decreased in proportion? Lord Ashley reviewed the various causes of juvenile crime. The first and greatest is the example of parents: a frequent cease is the exposure of articlw, especially articles of food, in unprotected shop-fronts; another, the excitement of cheap theatres: but a more fertile source than almost any, is the casual ward of the workhouse; out of 152 thieves he once questioned, 42 attributed their first crimes to the corrupting influence of a workhouse casual ward. In some cases the commission of crime might be attributed to an inherent spirit of wantonness; in others it was referable to want of education; in others again, to want of em- ployment; in many instances to a combination of causes. In a few cases, the commencement of a criminal career might be traced to oppression on the part of employers. In a multitude of cases it is the result of absolute want. He showed by illustrations how impossible it is for these branded outcasts to obtain a position in society; and relatel what passed at the meeting of thieves which was formerly described. By way of contrast to the results of the Reformatory system, Lord Ashley gavo some of the results of his Preventive scheme; under which as much permanent good had flowed from the 1,5001 granted by the House last session as would have been derived from the system at Parkhurst and Pentonville at an expenditure of 150,0001. or 200,0001. His evidence consisted of extracts from letters written by young persons of both sexes, who, in reward of their perseverance in good conduct at Ragged Schools, have been sent out as emigrants. The letters were numerous, and uniformly written in a tone of cheerful gratitude and hopeful morality: one specimen will orifice, written by a girl from Ipswich, Moreton Bay- " I found the country better than I expected it was. I like the place very much. Ail I wish is, that my sister Susan had come out with me My dear teacher, I am happy I have got a good place, for my mistress is more like a mother to me. Though I am thousands of miles from you and all my friends, yet you are always in my mind, and the old wall of the poor school." A testimony in favour of the schools was received from a remarkable quarter. One of the greatest thieves of the Metropolis visited the school, and asked to be shown over it: after seeing it he said, " I approve of this very highly, and I shall subscribe a guinea a year." The answer was, " How can you do so? we know what you are." To which he replied, " It is perfectly true; I know what I am: but if such institutions as this had existed when I was a boy, I never should have come to my present disgraceful state." It was impossible to think of the workhouse system as a refuge for these chil- dren. The number of children in the unions in England and Wales already amounted to 50,000; and if they added this 30,000 to that number, they would fail in the object they had in view, and throw an intolerable burden on the ratepayers. But suppose they did that, was a workhouse system of education such as would give them more confidence in the success of their improvement? The molt of the education at the workhouse, when the children have quitted the unions, has hitherto been most calamitous. Out of 326 situations obtained in 1848 in the Marylebone Workhouse for girls above twenty years old, no fewer than 89 are now leading abandoned lives; [the whole number above sixteen was but 90;3 20 have illegitimate children, and 10 are receiving relief. Only 47 have married or emigrated; and 45 more "are supposed" to be in service. Of 99 nothing cer- tain is known: the few remaining are dead, or gone to their friends. So again, from among 137 boys between fifteen and eighteen years old, who engaged them- selves as sailors, 83 have returned and become chargeable to the workhouse. Now what is the system of the Ragged Schools? They receive the children in the evening, in their rags, and at their own hours. They address themselves to their habits, feelings, and propensities, and attend to them until they bend those evil habits to better feelings; and these are the conditions required of every candidate for emigration from the Government grant, or from any fund under the control of the Chairman of the Ragged School Union—" Sound health; regular attendance for at least six mouths in a Ragged School; the ability to write a single sentence from dictation; to work the fear single roles of arithmetic ; to read fluently; to repeat the Lord's Prayer and Ten Command- ments, showing a comprehension of their meaning, and answer a few simple ques- tions on the life of our Saviour. To these must be added a certificate of regular attendance in some industrial class for at least four months, or a competent knowledge of some handicraft or practical occupation, which would serve as an equivalent for such industrial training." Revile the system as they would, it was the only means whereby religious instruction and secular knowledge had been con- veyed to thousands who were some fathoms deep in destitution and ignorance. They made a grant of 100,0001. every year for education. The children who at- tend the Ragged Schools are excluded from the benefit of that grant by their con- dition. Now, the Ragged School Union had set up 82 schools, with 8,000 chil- dren, 124 paid teachers, and 929 voluntary teachers, of whom he could not speak with adequate gratitude for their unwearied and patient working amongst scenes the most disgusting: they surrender themselves body and soul to the furtherance of this great cause ; and he had hoped to excite the same feelings in other kin- dred spirits, but in that he grieved to say they are not supported. The sympathy for this cause is lamentably small, especially amongst those who ought to be the foremost in every work of religion. They cannot intrust these wretched persons to the aid of private benevolence, which has the power, but, unhappily, has not the will to help them. To the House of Commons, then, the friends of this class direct their attention, hoping that the Legislature will perform that duty which individuals seem to neglect. The House lies under an obligation to consider the case of these poor children, who, wretched as they are, are creatures possessing immortal spirits. He committed the issue to the Representatives of England; trusting that they would not gainsay by their actions what they profess every Sunday to pray for—namely, that "it would please God to defend and provide for the fatherless children and widows, and all who are desolate and oppressed." (Cheers.) Sir GEORGE GREY observed, that Lord Ashley was not so well ac- quainted with the Prison system as with the system of the Ragged Schools.

He seemed to think that by the Pentonville and Parkhurst system the prisoners are thrown loose on English society; that because they do not go to the Colonies, they necessarily relapse into crime. But no person is sent to those prisons, or to Wakefield, who is not under sentence of transporta- tion.

He must caution the House against the sanguine views of Lord Ashley, that by any large system of emigration they would anticipate the slow process of ame-

lioration which, it is to be trusted, is now going on. As to the letters read, he

could put in volumes of letters equally gratifying from prisoners: but the perma- nent results of Lord Ashley's system are not yet capable of comparison with thee* of the Pentonville and Parkhurst system ; for they have yet to be ascertained. The House must not overlook the danger there is of establishing a premium on crime. To make an annual provision for them, would confer an immense boon on these

classes as distinguished from all others. But while gratuitous education is not

extended to the children of the working classes, it would be objectionable to make a grant in favour of parents who throw aside their own children. He thought

these schools, and all concerned in their support, are entitled to the greatest cre- dit: he believed that their value is becoming so well known that there would be no difficulty in obtaining the funds requisite for their support. If Parliament in- terfered, it won d rather deter persons from coming forward with voluntary con. tributious. He was very much mistaken if assistance had not been offered to these Ragged Schools for the purchase of apparatus and purposes connected with the industrial occupations of the schools ; and if they could be brought within the rules for the application of the money, he could assure the noble Lord there was DO indisposition to give far more. Not long ago he had a representation from the Grand Jury of York, with reference to the persons imprisoned last year for sedi- tion and crimes connected with the state of the country, representing that they were convinced of the errors they committed, and that they dreaded being thrown back OS the same society from which they came; and asking Government to sup- ply foods for the emigration of all these persons on the expiration of their sen- tences. He should have been glad to do so; but he had to consider whether it was fit to make the committal of a crime a stepping-stone to the greatest boon. The funds for emigration are insufficient to meet the demands of honest people, whose emigration, it is to be hoped, will raise the Colonies to the condition in which we wish to see them.

Mr. Paws WOOD referred to Lord Ashley's complaint that the Ragged Schools do not meet with general encouragement. One reason of this is, that the schools are described as giving the children no sense of right or wrong. One school was described as breaking up at a certain hour because the people were coming from the chapels,—meaning, of course, that they were going to pick their pockets; and yet he did not understand that any rebuke was given to these persons. In an article in the Quarterly Review it was stated, as a matter of great praise, that when the master came into the school none of the boys paid the least regard, and a stranger would not have known whether he was the master. He would consent to a slight amount of encourage- ment from the State to these schools; but the moment we exceeded that, we should paralyze all efforts of individual charity. _ Lord ASHLEY replied briefly. After the very general feeling that had been expressed against his motion, it would be indecorous in him to press it on the House; and therefore he begged leave to withdraw it.

Motion withdrawn.

PROTECTION OF WOMEN.

The „first stage of the Protection of Women Bill did not pass without op- position. Mr. RORB1JCEL first attempted resistance, by aiming at the clauses for defraying the expenses of prosecution. Mr. ANSTEY then moved that the bill be read a third time that day three months; which was negatived by 65 to 22; and, with a protest from Mr. Husix—who said it would be better if the right reverend Bishops and others would teach morality by example rather than acts of Parliament—the bill passed.

PROHIBITED MARRIAGES.

On Saturday, Mr. Goursurone made a declaration, that if the Marriages Bill were persevered in by Mr. Stuart Wortley, he should avail himself of the forms of the House to prevent its going any further this session: but he would not object to its being considered as amended, in order that it should be put in such form as it was ultimately intended to take. On Monday, Mr. STUART Woramtr declared that he found it hopeless to think -of carrying the third reading this session. However, unless the subject should be taken up by some of the heads of the Church in another House, or by some Member in the House of Commons better qualified than he was to undertake the task, he should feel it to be his duty to renew the motion at the earliest possible period next session. The bill was considered as amended; and the third reading was ordered to be on "this day three months."