THE TIMES AND THE BALLOT.
IN the Times last week, there appeared, "from a correspondent," (the technical mode of circulating a plan on which, however much approved, a newspaper does not choose to risk its character) a long and laboured, and, as a whole, a very plausible defence of the open system of voting. The correspondent was evidently a man of talent, who had looked to the ballot controversy with some attention. His argument, though as unsound as all the rest—for there can be no sound argument against the truth—was better put, with more appearance, if not more reality of logic, than any that we have lately seen on the subject. Our acute contemporary, the Examiner, noticed it last week, but, we think, too slightly. It is easy to say that a paper is frivolous—and the observation may suffice for those that think as we think ; but the gainsayers of a plan which has many enemies, as well as many friends, are not to be met by so sweeping a criticism. We have thought it more useful to take the several arguments of the Times paper in their order, and to reply to. them one by one. By placing thrpro the con in juxtaposition, our readers can readily choose for them- selves that which carries most weight.
greater number of these evil conse- quences have arisen out of the custom of open voting ; hence they argue strongly in favour of the plan of voting -secretly, or by ballot."
the only security for good voting."
against bad voting." stead of their masters.
him who is their constant friend and be- nefactor, and elect a candidate who would bring them no worldly advantage ?"
5. "The inefficacy of the ballot may also be seen with regard to another and a very different class of examples.— namely, such as the town of Liverpool is one instance of As the object of such corrupt voters [as those of Liverpool] is not the good of their country, but the possession of a sum of money, they would as certainly sell their vote to the highest briber under the ballot as when voting openly. All the difference in the two cases is this—under the plan of open voting, the corrupt candidate must pay first, and rest upon the promise of the corrupt voter; while under the ballot, the corrupt voter must give his vote first, and trust to the promise of the corrupt candidate ; and surely the corrupt candi- date is as likely to keep faith as the cor- rupt voter. In such a.case, there is also a great and manifest disadvantage against the ballot—that of concealment, which would render the counteracting and the exterminating such an evil, a matter of Increased difficulty."
Ste aces in the thing promised ; for, at the moment when the voter makes hia solemn promise, he does not, even at that moment, intend to perform it. This act must be followed by a train of evil con- sequences. The first of these is the con- stant hypocrisy and fear of detection which the man who has committed such
an act must practise and live under, even in his intercourse with every one of his own family, is order that he may not be- tray to them the base act of which he has been guilty." 7. "Then the manner in which this 7. This is no more than saying that Be- set is to be dine. Instead of performing cret voting is very much to be deprecated, this great natural right openly, manfully, because it is secret. The uprightness and in the face of day, encouraged by a and honour here talked of have nothing self-consciousness of right, the voter to do with voting: it is an act of simple insist he compelled to do it secretly and and impartial justice. aVhy do not the slily. The utmost precaution must be opponents of ballot call on grand and taken that no eye may be a witness to petit juries to deliver their opinions in the deed, just as much as though it were open court How happens the national of the most disgraceful nature. All this character to have borne uphnder their se-
is so much at variance with that open- cret deliberations 1 Why should not the nese and candour of manner which ought Crown, or a wealthy defendant, have the to accompany every upright and honour- power of connectingthe honest discharge able action, us cannot fail to render it a of ajnryman's duty, as well as a voter's, great evil, sooner or later, highly detri- with a little wholesome temporal suf- mental to the national character." fering ?
count of his greater talent or capacity against the admission of the Duke of for performing his duty, is no degrade- Newcastle to White's, might not be in- Bon to the personal character of the can- vited in future to the Duke's parties : didate who is not the favourite. Besides, the Newark voter who gives his voice out of a number of two or three, or per- against Mr. Sadler, is turned out of his baps more, preference does not imply house, and ruined in his business. Does rejection, and cannot be taken in the the probable discontinuance of an ac.
meaning of a personal affront. In the quaintance between two rich men re-
case of using the ballot for electing mem- quire the intervention of the ballot, and bees in clubs, and other institutions, does the certain ejectment and cause-
there is not generally any choice of call- quent destruction of a poor man not call
didates offered. All which the candidate for it equally ? To speak of quarrels, is In these cases makes pretension to is, nonsensical—no quarrel between sane that he is a fit person to be admitted into persons was ever grounded on such an private society ; and a rejection under injury ; but if it were, why should the such circumstances can only be given on cowardice of the rich be protected, and the score of private character, which, if the happiness and comfort of the poor stated openly, must necessarily and ha- be exposed ? Mediately lead to a personal quarrel."
9. "The argument derived from the 9. If every plan for the improvement experience of other countries is equally of social government must be tested in
unfounded. The real and lasting utility such a way, governments will remain un- Of any plan which may have been adopted reformed to Doomsday. The ballot, how- *, an, imiettiust. national purpose cane Mr, is not recoetunended haesime it ha 1. "The evil consequences of the pre. 1. Marty are of opinion, that were the sent system of representation have been voting secret, some of these evils would so often discussed, and so generally ad- be removed; but the ballot is called for, Milled, that it is needless to enumerate not so much to menda bad, as to perfect them. Many are of opinion, that the a good system.
2. "They who advocate this measure 2. Those who advocate this measure affirm with truth, that the object desired affirm with truth, that the object desired is a just representation of the interests is ajast representation of the wishes of awl wishes of the people. They then as- the people. They assert that voting by sert, that the voting by ballot will insure ballot is the only security for free the attainment of this end, because it is voting.
3. " In opposition to this opinion, it is 3. The object of the "ballot is not to proposed to show, in the first place, that secure good votes, but real votes—to ea- the voting by ballot is not a security able the voters to please themselves in- 4. "Let it be supposed that a man 4. This argument takes for granted that from the most populous unrepresented rotten boroughs must form a part of a part of the country were to proceed to balloted Parliament — that nominating one of these places [the small boroughs peers are the friends and benefactors of In Cornwall and Wilts], and to be intro- nominee boroughs. Both positions are educed to the notice of the voters in such equally false ; but if both were equally a manner as for them to be persuaded true, the ballot would give the voters the that, in point both of talent and integrity, power to choose men of talent and in- he was the most fit man in the kingdom tegrity if they liked. Its object is not to have a seat hi Parliament. It is pro- to compel men to choose this or that beide, that even under the all-protecting person, but to du away with a system cloak of the ballot, they would reject that does so compel them.
6. "The evil consequences that are 6. If the promise were freely made, it likely to arise out of the plan of voting would be equally kept under the ballot by ballot may now be considered. That as at present. He who asserts that not which first arrests the attention and ex- to keep an extorted promise is one of the bites an abhorrence of the plan is, that basest acts of which human nature is its professed object (leaving out of con- capable, does not deserve an answer. sideration the attainment of the end The constant hypocrisy and fear of de. which will be answered presently) is to tection, is thefudge argument. No can- enable a man to perform, without injury didate, ander ballot, wouldbe so idiotical to his temporal interests, one of the as to ask for a promise; because he must basest acts of which his nature is capa- be aware that he had no power of corn- ble,—that of solemnly promising one pelling the voter, if he did not so incline, thing and doing another, this act not to give him his vote, and if he did so in- being palliated by any change of circum- cline, the promise was unnecessary.
7. "Then the manner in which this 7. This is no more than saying that Be- set is to be dine. Instead of performing cret voting is very much to be deprecated, this great natural right openly, manfully, because it is secret. The uprightness and in the face of day, encouraged by a and honour here talked of have nothing self-consciousness of right, the voter to do with voting: it is an act of simple insist he compelled to do it secretly and and impartial justice. aVhy do not the slily. The utmost precaution must be opponents of ballot call on grand and taken that no eye may be a witness to petit juries to deliver their opinions in the deed, just as much as though it were open court How happens the national of the most disgraceful nature. All this character to have borne uphnder their se-
is so much at variance with that open- cret deliberations 1 Why should not the nese and candour of manner which ought Crown, or a wealthy defendant, have the to accompany every upright and honour- power of connectingthe honest discharge able action, us cannot fail to render it a of ajnryman's duty, as well as a voter's, great evil, sooner or later, highly detri- with a little wholesome temporal suf-
S. "The preferring one man on ac- 8. The nobleman who voted openly
count of his greater talent or capacity against the admission of the Duke of for performing his duty, is no degrade- Newcastle to White's, might not be in- Bon to the personal character of the can- vited in future to the Duke's parties : didate who is not the favourite. Besides, the Newark voter who gives his voice out of a number of two or three, or per- against Mr. Sadler, is turned out of his baps more, preference does not imply house, and ruined in his business. Does rejection, and cannot be taken in the the probable discontinuance of an ac.
meaning of a personal affront. In the quaintance between two rich men re-
case of using the ballot for electing mem- quire the intervention of the ballot, and bees in clubs, and other institutions, does the certain ejectment and cause-
there is not generally any choice of call- quent destruction of a poor man not call
5. The causes of corruption in Liver- pool are and always have been—first, the number of days consumed in polling ; second, the system of tallies ; third, the limitation of the franchise. The ativo• cates for ballot call for district polls, election in one day, and extension of the franchise. Under the open system. the corrupt candidate knows whether the voter keeps his word ; under the ballot he must pay men, whether they have voted for him or not. If he win, he may pay his honest friends, and so ever after forfeit their support; if he lose, he may pay his dishonest enemies, and so bribe them for having opposed him. When it is asserted that human motives will con- tinue to influence voters under the ballot, it is forgotten that they will influence candidates also. Under the open system, bribery is easily concealed, for it is be- tween Individuals: under the ballot, it would be impossible to conceal it, for the whole community must be bribed, or bribery would be useless.
not, in the nature of things, be ascer- tained until- after the lapse of a great number of years."
10. " Ballot is uncalled for, because— under the altered [i. e. extended] state of the elective right, the means supplied by unjust private influence, threat, or cor- ruption of any kind, will hardly ever be resorted to ; for as the spirit which will animate the candidate for popular favour will be more disinterested and pure, so the consciences end judgments of the voters will be left more free ; for it is re- marked in human nature, that the more upright and honourable a man's motives
are, the more generous and liberal such a man is towards the disinterested motives
of others. Thus we see that the incentive to corrupt influence, if not totally de- stroyed, will be in a great degree dimi- nished."
11. " In the next place may be ranked that powerful destroyer of all social af- fection and intercourse—suspicion. If a voter has not only advocated with Zeal the cause of the candidate whom, in his judgment, he approves, but has also given his vote conscientiously, yet it will be in the power of an envious neigh. boar, a false friend, or an open enemy, to insinuate a suspicion that his vote has not been given as he professes it has been ; nor will it be difficult either to adduce or to invent triiii ng circumstances in his conduct, to strengthen such a sus- picion; and as the vote has been given secretly by the ballot, there are no means by which; a man can prove to a certainty, that this foul stigma is not justly cast."
12. "Another objection against the ballot is, that it has a tendency to dimi- nish national independence 'and virtue. There is no action that calls forth more admiration than when a man performs his duty to his country unawed by the risk of injuring his temporal interests. Every person of candour must admit that such examples [of independence in voters] frequently occur; and when they do occur, they not only elevate and im- prove the whole character of him who performs such an action, but they also serve to encourage other men to do the same. Now the ballot oilers a tempta- tion directly opposed to the exercise of this virtue. It tempts him who would avow his intention of giving his vote fear- lessly and honourably, not to do so, but to adopt and to keep up falsehood and deceit, lest by expressing his intention openly he may injure hi private inte- rests; and whets such a custom shall have become common, many men will be tempted to take shelter under it, even where they have only the slightest ground for apprehending injury to their private interests, and which apprehen- sion they at present overcome by help of their own reason, and by discussion with other persons, and would still con- tinue to overcome if they could not so easily obtain such protection. Thus the country would be deprived of a powerful and most valuable incentive to the prac- tice of upright and disinterested action, and would have, in its place, a method that would inculcate and continually extend the practice of falsehood and deceit."
13. "Every unprejudiced man must see that this majority may be secured fully by means of an improved and ex- tended franchise, and without receiving any aid from the ballot; because, as the representative body, however corrupt many of its members may be at present, has, nevertheless, by a recent popular vote, enabled the Crown and the people to emancipate themselves from the effects of its own corruption, so, when a still further addition of popular independence shall have been added to it, the stability of the Crown and thejust interests of the people will be placed beyond the reach of further danger."
14. "The arguments which have been advanced make it appear clear that there
is only one class of persons who can re- ceive any protection from the ballot. This class comprehends those who would
reject a bribe, and who wish to give a vote according to the dictates of their consciences, but would be deterred from doing so by unjust private influence, by threat, by apprehension of worldly injury happening to themselves and to their families. The representative body will answer the wishes and interests of the people without their aid; and, under the plan of an improved and extended franchise, the hardships under which they have heretofore suffered, if not totally taken off, will be very mate- rially diminished. It is better that the standard of right should be as high as it ought to be be, that thereby men be en- couraged to rise to it,than that the law of any country should lower the standard of right in order to suit the wrong-doing of any man or class of men."
15. "To this [the saving of expense by ballot] it may be answered, that a great part of the expense will be got rid of by the plan of extended franchise ; because as the object to be gained will cease to be a matter of so much per- sonal advantage and profit, so the means of obtaining it must cease to be of a nature so bad and worldly. That is, as money or property of any kind is no longer to be gained, money will not be so profusely expended.".
suitable to French or American, but to human nature. France and America offer examples of such suitableness.
10. That is—open is to be preferred to secret voting, because a great deal of the improper influence to which the former gives rise may be got rid of by an extension of the franchise. Why should not alt improper influence be got rid of, rather than a great deal ? But though the entire mass of the voters be augmented, the parts will still be small: the lord can still drive his tenants, the master his servants, the banker can still influence the shopkeeper, the shopkeeper the mechanic. The extension, without the ballot, will only take away one great oppressor, to put twenty small ones in his place.
11. By hypothesis, the accuser cannot know any thi ng of the vote of the accus- ed, which the candidate and every other man in the kingdom does not ; his accu- sation therefore leaves the evidence of double-dealing exactly where it found it. The ballot offers no means of affixing, any more than of removing, a stigma. But if the accused were to sutler in such circumstances, this would only be giving to the ballot a small portion of the ad- vantages of the open vote—suffering for conscience's sake. The argument is of the pig- i n.water kind—its power is wholly expended in cutting its own throat.
12. The honest man who suffers in his temporal interests for the discharge of his duty, must suffer by the wrong doing of a scoundrel. The argument therefore is, "Keep up a system by which a scout'. drel has power to do wrong, because it is a mighty interesting affair to see an honest man suffer." We hang rogues for an example to rogues, but it is a new doctrine to hang the virtuous for an ex- ample to the vile. He must be a sorry political moralist who would expect to insure good conduct by setting oil con- tingent applause against certain damage. The most obvious lesson which suffering patriotism affords to the million, is to eschew a virtue which costs so dear. Even on the writer's own showing, the utmost effect of such an example is the encouragement it affords to independent, conduct; the ballot gives the highest possible encouragement to independence by enabling voters to be independent without injury or risk.
13. If it be desirable for the stability of the Crown and the just interests of the people, that a further addition of popular independence be made to the House of Commons, none but a preju- diced man will object to any means by which the people can be enabled to vote independently.
14. The one class comprehends about nine-tenths of the voters of Englandunder the present limited franchise, and must necessarily be extended by its extension. The way to encourage men to rise to the standard of right is to smooth the ascent as much as possible. In addition to the narrowness and ruggedness of the path, the anti-ballot mongers would place a great man witha club orapurse atevery turning. The wrong-doer, in the eyes of common sense, is the man who demands, not the man who evades the performance of an extorted promise. The ballot takes from the rich the powerof inflicting, and from the poor the necessity of submitting to, undeserved outrage ; and this is called a wilting of wrong-doers!
15.Without the ballot, the expensemnder the extended franchise, will be greater than at present. The greatest expenses at present are incurred in popular elec- tions; the extravagant bribers are not those who go into Parliament to gain money, but to gain or secure power, or to flatter vanity.
16. "Any man who has watched the progress of a contested election cannot but have remarked with how much zeal and interest the poorer orders of the people enter into the cause of their fa- vourite candidate. He would imagine, by the speeches which are addressed to them, by the intense interest that they show in the cause of their favourite, and by the devotedness with which they serve it, that with them rested the chief power of electing. Now, in almost all cases, this class of the people has nothing whatever to do with the reality of the election—that is, the voting. Neverthe- less, the gratification they have expe- rienced by venting their dislike or be- stowing their applause, renders them quite as contented as though they them- selves were the electors. This agitation of all the most powerful elements of their nature causes them to think and feel that they have exercised the right of freemen." 16. If the poor are only to be kept indue subordination by being permitted the free exercise of their septennial privilege of hallooing, breaking of heads, throwing of dead eats, rolling in the kennel, an d other similar agitations of the physical elements of their nature, they will still have ample opportunity of such rational indulgences at the nomination of the candidates. But if there be any truth in this theory of non-representative con- tentedness, whence springs theirs who never see or hear of an election ? The election mob of London occupies one- third of the Guildhall ; that of West- minster one-twentieth of the area of Covent Garden. What produces quiet and content among the tens of thou- Aar ds of the Tower Hamlets—of Illaryle- bone, Pancras, Lambeth ? The only sure ties between the people and the Gover n- ment are good laws impartially admi- nistered. Good laws ask honest legisl a- tors, honest legislators free voters, free voters the ballot.
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