TROUBLED AFRICA
AFRICA is providing the world with a full quota of problems. There is Tunis, there is Egypt, there is Bechuanaland, there is the Union of South Africa, there is Central African Federation. Some of the problems are the direct concern of this country and some are not. Of those that are the question of the permanent exclusion of Seretse Khama from the chieftainship of the Bamangwato tribe appears to be settled so far as this Government is con- cerned—it is always open to a succeeding administration to reach a different decision—by the announcement made by the Secretary for Commonwealth Relations in the House of Lords on Tuesday. Lord Salisbury's decision is to be regretted. He very rightly revoked his previous refusal to see the deputa- tion that has come from the Bamangwato territory to plead for Seretse's return. They admittedly represent a majority of the tribe. It is known that so able and wise a counsellor as Tshekedi Khama is in favour of his nephew's recognition, despite his marriage to a white woman. But Lord Salisbury is not persuaded. Fortified by the advice of officials in the Commonwealth Office and white officials in Bechuanaland, he has taken his decision in what he believes to be the interests of the tribe. The sincerity of his belief is not in question. It may possibly be well-founded. But it is based on the very questionable assumption that, with Seretse definitely and finally out of the way, the Bamangwato will quietly elect another chief and settle down peacefully. The delegation now in London have told him unequivocally that that is not so. Keaboka has said that the tribe will not accept Rasebolai, who is next in succession, and that he, Keaboka, who is next in succession after that, will not accept an office of which he considers Seretse the rightful holder. In that case there will have to be indefinite and altogether undesirable continuance of administration by white officials. Lord Salisbury cannot, of course, ignore the violence of opinion in the Union of South Africa on the subject of mixed marriages, and the -economic ruin the Union has it in its power to inflict on Bechuanaland; he would be neglecting his duty grossly if he did. But when all is said the balance both of justice and of political wisdom tilts in favour of the restoration of Seretse despite the risk.
How great that risk might be is indicated by the daily rise in the temperature of public opinion in the Union in connection with the Bill establishing what is in effect a political rather than a judicial tribunal to pronounce on any conflict between a legislative act and the established constitution. A constitution, in the United States, in France, in Germany, in the many countries which, unlike Great Britain, live under a written constitution, exists to assure different classes of the population, particularly minorities, various political or social rights, and it is an essential provision that it shall not be overridden by any narrow or chance majority of the legislature. Dr. Malan is determined that it shall. For the two-thirds majority in the two Houses sitting jointly he purposes to substitute a bare majority, knowing that on the current issue, the alteration of the franchise of Coloured voters, a two-thirds majority is unobtainable. A challenged Act will still go to the Supreme Court, but if the Prime Minister does not like the verdict a simple majority of the two Houses will in the last resort render the Act valid. If this does not follow the precise method of Nazism it unquestionably reflects the spirit of Nazism, and not all South Africans, it is to be hoped not a majority of South Africans, are prepared to give a welcome to that. But since Dr. Malan's majority in the House of Assembly cannot be shaken the danger of extra-Parliamentary action as the only expedient open to public opinion is extremely grave. South Africa is a Dominion, and must go its own way for good or ill; the British Government has no authority over it. It is quite otherwise with the three territories, North and South Rhodesia and Nyasaland, whose future is being discussed in London this week. Southern Rhodesia is some way advanced towards Dominion status, but the other two territories are Protectorates, and so far as their African inhabitants are concerned desire nothing better than to remain so. They oppose the federation now under discussion because, while they trust the Colonial Office, they fear the- domination of Southern Rhodesia, much stronger politically and economically, in any federation confined to the three territories; that fact may win support for a project now securing increasing attention— a much larger federation, including the three East African territories of Kenya, Tanganyika and Uganda. Much more will be heard of this; it was announced on Wednesday that Sir Godfrey Huggins, Prime Minister of Southern Rhodesia, Mr. Welensky, Chairman of the North Rhodesian Legislative Council, and various members of the Kenya and Tanganyika Legislative Councils had signed a declaration favouring in principle the creation of this larger unit. On the vital question of what African support the project commands little informa- tion is as yet available. Meanwhile the immediate question is the London Conference, which the African delegates from Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland have declined to attend. The debate on the subject in the House of Commons on Tuesday may, as the Colonial Secretary said, have been embarrassing at a moment when the conference is still deliberating, but in fact it elicited some useful explanations and reassurances from Mr. Lyttelton—who incidentally had no difficulty of disposing of the quite untenable suggestion that it was a breach of faith for the Government to hold the con- ference at all in the absence of the Northern Rhodesian and Nyasaland Africans. The Colonial Secretary did all in his power to persuade them to attend, which they unwisely refused to do, and they cannot be invested with a Soviet veto.
On several points Mr. Lyttelton did a good deal to dispel various misgivings. In the first place he apparently accepted Mr. Griffiths' suggestion that the abstaining Africans should be encouraged to stay on in London till the end of the conference, and have its results, which will take the form of a draft con- stitution for the proposed federation, explained to and dis- cussed with them. It is quite true that this could be done by the Governors of thel two territories after their return, but talks with officials, and the Minister, in London would impress and reassure the delegation more. Secondly, Mr. Lyttelton made it clear that there will be nothing final about whatever document emerges from the present conference. It will, if agreement is reached, represent the considered views of the British, Northern and Southern and Nyasaland delegates, and will be published for opinion in Britain and Africa to play on, but it will be perfectly open to emendation in the light of criticism and suggestion. It will be adopted in its final form, if adopted at all, at a further conference which it was intended to hold in July. But it is now clear that it will not be possible to hold the conference till considerably later than July, if only because the committee laying a financial basis for the federation will not be ready with its report. That, on the \whole, is not to be regretted. It is common ground among both political parties in this country that, both economic- ally and politically, federation will be an advantage for all the territories concerned. But it is plain that the great majority of Africans affected are not convinced of that. They are indeed convinced of the exact opposite, seeing as they da, among other things, that the franchise in Southern Rhodesia is restricted, for blacks as well as whites, to persons with a property qualification of at least £250, and with educational qualifications which few Africans yet possess. Federation, whatever its merits, ought not to be rushed. Mr. Lyttelton enunciated a fundamentally sound principle when he said on Tuesday that "there is no future in self- government by Africans alone or in self-government by Europeans alone; the solution will lie in partnership." That is profoundly true, but it must be a freely-accepted partnership. It must not be imposed on the Africans by Whitehall, even if Whitehall is sincerely convinced that it is in their interests. They must be educated and persuaded into it. Meanwhile the demand for much more African self-government, both local and provincial, in Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland deserves full and sympathetic consideration. It is satisfactory that either the Colonial Secretary himself or the Minister of State is to visit the territories concerned in the near future. That should do much good, whether it advances the prospects of federation or not.
Previous page
